The paper analyzes the principle of territorial integrity in the context of the dispute over the final status of Kosovo and Metohija. Without taking a position on the legal disputes, the authors provide an overview of the theoretical debate on territorial integrity and define the political consequences for Serbia's territorial integrity since Kosovo's* unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. Despite the constant mention of integrity as inseparable from sovereignty, the paper highlights the political practice in which Serbia's "territorial integrity" has been turned into an appeal to other states to respect the principle of inviolability of borders. Support for Kosovo's independence by leading Western countries conditioned Serbia to engage in a dialogue with temporary and then permanent administrative institutions in Pristina. The paper concludes that territorial integrity has been reduced to a declarative dimension, as the political demand for the protection of the Serbian community's rights in Kosovo and Metohija has obligated Belgrade to make many concessions, including recognizing the sovereign rights of Pristina's institutions.
{"title":"Principle of territorial integrity: Political consequences of the search for the final status of Kosovo and Metohija","authors":"Stefan Surlić, Andrijana Lazarević","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44429","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes the principle of territorial integrity in the context of the dispute over the final status of Kosovo and Metohija. Without taking a position on the legal disputes, the authors provide an overview of the theoretical debate on territorial integrity and define the political consequences for Serbia's territorial integrity since Kosovo's* unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. Despite the constant mention of integrity as inseparable from sovereignty, the paper highlights the political practice in which Serbia's \"territorial integrity\" has been turned into an appeal to other states to respect the principle of inviolability of borders. Support for Kosovo's independence by leading Western countries conditioned Serbia to engage in a dialogue with temporary and then permanent administrative institutions in Pristina. The paper concludes that territorial integrity has been reduced to a declarative dimension, as the political demand for the protection of the Serbian community's rights in Kosovo and Metohija has obligated Belgrade to make many concessions, including recognizing the sovereign rights of Pristina's institutions.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Biopower is a form of power that regulates social life from its interior, following it, interpreting it, absorbing it, and rearticulating it. Power can achieve an effective command over the entire life of the population only when it becomes an integral, vital function that every individual embraces and reactivates of his or her own accord. Biopower points out the moment when human life explicitly became part of the political calculations. Beyond the regime of sovereignty, oriented by a logic of repression, emerges a new regime, oriented by a logic of production and control, that is, a power "to make live" or "to let die". For Negri and Hardt biopower constitutes social relations, inserting individuals and populations in a circuit of value, obedience, and utility. In cognitive capitalism capital presents itself as biopower. The point is that capitalism is not only an economic mode of production, but also a mode of life production, a mode of subjectivation. Therefore, it is not only about the reproduction of capital, but also about the reproduction of subjects, the effective producers of economic value. We are facing with the tendency of capital's invasion of bios, the becomingof-capital-biopower, to introduce the concept of biocapitalism. However, it is in this context that biopower and biopolitics must be seen as working together with other technologies of power - repressive and disciplinary power - which operate more directly on the body and on subjectivity. To the new forms of conflict are linked with new forms of power: from cognitive warfare to sharp power. Through cognitive conflict and sharp power strategies, we are witnessing an epochal change, an IT revolution that brings political conflict into a digital dimension, which acts on the ground of public opinion, politics and economics, control and conditioning of knowledge, of our world view and of facts. Zuboff introduces the concept of surveillance-based capitalism implemented via sophisticated algorithms of BigTech companies (Google, Apple, Amazon, Meta, and others). Digital networks do not only collect data on users, but they "cluster" these users with the help of algorithms and encourage specific desired behaviors. Then, the patterns of these behaviors are stored (as raw material of a kind) in Big Data and sold further as commodity (behavioral surplus) on the market. A persons "digital behavior" thus becomes a market subject in various ways. It is ubiquitous, sensate, computational, and global and it is designed so that all human activity, from the most banal to the boldest, can be monitored, measured, and modified for the purposes of surveillance capitalism This capacity to "shape human behavior", gives rise to what Zuboff calls "instrumentarian power" This is not dissimilar to forms of governmentality described by Foucault, because its goal is not just the "conduct of conduct" rather it is to turn people themselves into highly predictable instruments of political or material consumpti
{"title":"Control over biopower in cognitive and surveillance capitalism","authors":"Vesna Stanković-Pejnović","doi":"10.5937/spm80-43934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-43934","url":null,"abstract":"Biopower is a form of power that regulates social life from its interior, following it, interpreting it, absorbing it, and rearticulating it. Power can achieve an effective command over the entire life of the population only when it becomes an integral, vital function that every individual embraces and reactivates of his or her own accord. Biopower points out the moment when human life explicitly became part of the political calculations. Beyond the regime of sovereignty, oriented by a logic of repression, emerges a new regime, oriented by a logic of production and control, that is, a power \"to make live\" or \"to let die\". For Negri and Hardt biopower constitutes social relations, inserting individuals and populations in a circuit of value, obedience, and utility. In cognitive capitalism capital presents itself as biopower. The point is that capitalism is not only an economic mode of production, but also a mode of life production, a mode of subjectivation. Therefore, it is not only about the reproduction of capital, but also about the reproduction of subjects, the effective producers of economic value. We are facing with the tendency of capital's invasion of bios, the becomingof-capital-biopower, to introduce the concept of biocapitalism. However, it is in this context that biopower and biopolitics must be seen as working together with other technologies of power - repressive and disciplinary power - which operate more directly on the body and on subjectivity. To the new forms of conflict are linked with new forms of power: from cognitive warfare to sharp power. Through cognitive conflict and sharp power strategies, we are witnessing an epochal change, an IT revolution that brings political conflict into a digital dimension, which acts on the ground of public opinion, politics and economics, control and conditioning of knowledge, of our world view and of facts. Zuboff introduces the concept of surveillance-based capitalism implemented via sophisticated algorithms of BigTech companies (Google, Apple, Amazon, Meta, and others). Digital networks do not only collect data on users, but they \"cluster\" these users with the help of algorithms and encourage specific desired behaviors. Then, the patterns of these behaviors are stored (as raw material of a kind) in Big Data and sold further as commodity (behavioral surplus) on the market. A persons \"digital behavior\" thus becomes a market subject in various ways. It is ubiquitous, sensate, computational, and global and it is designed so that all human activity, from the most banal to the boldest, can be monitored, measured, and modified for the purposes of surveillance capitalism This capacity to \"shape human behavior\", gives rise to what Zuboff calls \"instrumentarian power\" This is not dissimilar to forms of governmentality described by Foucault, because its goal is not just the \"conduct of conduct\" rather it is to turn people themselves into highly predictable instruments of political or material consumpti","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Miona Gajić, Jasna Hrnčić, Marija Vučinić-Jovanović
The daycare service for children with behavioral problems is one of the services in social care that are based on an ecosystem approach and user participation, and that develop cooperation between all actors and systems in the community and pluralism of services. Ten years ago, there were several active day care centers for children and youth with behavioral problems (in Novi Sad, Kragujevac, Knjazevac, Pozarevac) that had clearly articulated work programs, while according to data for 2022, there are only two licensed ones in the Republic of Serbia provider of this daycare service (in Bor and Kragujevac). A survey was conducted among daycare service providers in both licensed daycare centers. Based on the respondents' answers, we can conclude that the daycare service has multiple positive effects on both users and their families, as well as on the local community. The existence of this type of service contributes to respecting the basic principles of social protection, respecting the recommendations of international instruments and implementing the provisions of domestic legislation. Day care provides opportunities to apply such methods aimed at supporting and empowering young people, gaining insight into the problem, correcting behavior and increasing personal responsibility. A special advantage is the formation of a more intensive relationship between the professional worker and the user as well as his family. Time commitment and a wide range of activities that can be realized in immediate work, but also in the community together with the user, give positive results. The results of the research indicate the importance of children and young people with behavioral problems remaining in the natural environment, that is, their families and communities with the aim of preventing institutionalization. The results of questionnaires and interviews with service providers, on the other hand, point to the need for further improvement of this service in the context of developing mechanisms for the sustainability of its quality and efficiency. Funding, availability and cross-sector networking continue to be a challenge in the implementation and functioning of day care. As one of the results of the research, the importance of adequate training of experts, the need for external supervision and the fight against prejudices that are common in smaller local communities emerges. The lack of this type of service as well as other incidental services of a preventive nature in the community increases the risk of continued antisocial behavior of this group of children and youth, stigmatization and institutionalization.
{"title":"Community services for children and youth with behavioral problems and in conflict with the law: The idea and realization of a day care center","authors":"Miona Gajić, Jasna Hrnčić, Marija Vučinić-Jovanović","doi":"10.5937/spm81-44880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-44880","url":null,"abstract":"The daycare service for children with behavioral problems is one of the services in social care that are based on an ecosystem approach and user participation, and that develop cooperation between all actors and systems in the community and pluralism of services. Ten years ago, there were several active day care centers for children and youth with behavioral problems (in Novi Sad, Kragujevac, Knjazevac, Pozarevac) that had clearly articulated work programs, while according to data for 2022, there are only two licensed ones in the Republic of Serbia provider of this daycare service (in Bor and Kragujevac). A survey was conducted among daycare service providers in both licensed daycare centers. Based on the respondents' answers, we can conclude that the daycare service has multiple positive effects on both users and their families, as well as on the local community. The existence of this type of service contributes to respecting the basic principles of social protection, respecting the recommendations of international instruments and implementing the provisions of domestic legislation. Day care provides opportunities to apply such methods aimed at supporting and empowering young people, gaining insight into the problem, correcting behavior and increasing personal responsibility. A special advantage is the formation of a more intensive relationship between the professional worker and the user as well as his family. Time commitment and a wide range of activities that can be realized in immediate work, but also in the community together with the user, give positive results. The results of the research indicate the importance of children and young people with behavioral problems remaining in the natural environment, that is, their families and communities with the aim of preventing institutionalization. The results of questionnaires and interviews with service providers, on the other hand, point to the need for further improvement of this service in the context of developing mechanisms for the sustainability of its quality and efficiency. Funding, availability and cross-sector networking continue to be a challenge in the implementation and functioning of day care. As one of the results of the research, the importance of adequate training of experts, the need for external supervision and the fight against prejudices that are common in smaller local communities emerges. The lack of this type of service as well as other incidental services of a preventive nature in the community increases the risk of continued antisocial behavior of this group of children and youth, stigmatization and institutionalization.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135838258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By relying on realistic theories of international relations, using the methods of content analysis, synthesis and comparison, it is possible to monitor and prove the phenomenon of establishing a balance of power in contemporary international relations. One of the key factors in that process is certainly the Russian Federation. The aspiration to redefine the post-Cold War international order and to shape a new one - multipolar and polycentric, is noticeable in Russia's strategies, as well as in the appearances of officials and concrete actions. Undoubtedly, Russia is positioning itself as one of the independent poles in the changing structure of the world political system, which is why it is necessary to consider the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia in that context. The paper consists of five parts. The introductory part is dedicated to the presentation of the framework - methodological and theoretical, as well as key concepts. The second part explains the structure of the world political system and the phenomenon of balance of power, while the third part specifically shows this through the current (foreign policy) positioning of Russia (influence on the transformation of the world political system and balance of power). The fourth part analyzes Russian - Serbian relations, their quality and content, while the fifth part discusses the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia. The time frame of the research is limited to the period from 2008 and the beginning of the global financial-economic crisis until today. For the purposes of the research, contemporary political science, security, economic, legal and historiographical literature was used, as well as primary sources related to decisions of international organizations, institutions of Russia and Serbia, as well as statements of officials relevant to this paper.
{"title":"Russia's position in the multipolar world and Serbia's strategic options","authors":"Dušan Proroković","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42705","url":null,"abstract":"By relying on realistic theories of international relations, using the methods of content analysis, synthesis and comparison, it is possible to monitor and prove the phenomenon of establishing a balance of power in contemporary international relations. One of the key factors in that process is certainly the Russian Federation. The aspiration to redefine the post-Cold War international order and to shape a new one - multipolar and polycentric, is noticeable in Russia's strategies, as well as in the appearances of officials and concrete actions. Undoubtedly, Russia is positioning itself as one of the independent poles in the changing structure of the world political system, which is why it is necessary to consider the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia in that context. The paper consists of five parts. The introductory part is dedicated to the presentation of the framework - methodological and theoretical, as well as key concepts. The second part explains the structure of the world political system and the phenomenon of balance of power, while the third part specifically shows this through the current (foreign policy) positioning of Russia (influence on the transformation of the world political system and balance of power). The fourth part analyzes Russian - Serbian relations, their quality and content, while the fifth part discusses the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia. The time frame of the research is limited to the period from 2008 and the beginning of the global financial-economic crisis until today. For the purposes of the research, contemporary political science, security, economic, legal and historiographical literature was used, as well as primary sources related to decisions of international organizations, institutions of Russia and Serbia, as well as statements of officials relevant to this paper.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, the author will examine the influence of the electoral system at the local level and the party system with a hegemonic or (pre)dominant party on the development of local political leadership. The main point is that Serbia is going through a crisis in the development of local leadership (and local democracy) as a consequence of centralization of political decisions and merging local elections with national ones, as well as a PR electoral system with one electoral unit. This kind of electoral system, according to its inherent characteristics, produces a lack of communication between the elected representatives and the electorate, thereby losing an important step necessary in building leadership. The author analyses how the combination of high centralization in decision-making process and weak internal democracy within political parties and the electoral system in the long term encourages the negative selection of political elites at the local level. A logic incentive for local leaders and local democratic processes is to increase their political rating by communicating with voters. In practice, the reverse process takes place at the local level: politicians understand that their rating depends less on electorate and more on intra-party practices, and in Serbia, they are overwhelmingly of an undemocratic nature. The author will analyse the party leadership of the relevant political parties/organizations in Serbia, internal party elections and the mobility of local leaders in the party hierarchy. Through secondary sources and document analysis, the derogation of local leadership and democracy and their exchange (trade off) for the stability of political processes at the national level are analysed. Also, 15 case studies of successful local leaders after 2004 and the outcomes of their political careers are discussed.
{"title":"The crisis of local leadership: A passing trend or a systematic problem?","authors":"Bojan Klačar","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45550","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45550","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, the author will examine the influence of the electoral system at the local level and the party system with a hegemonic or (pre)dominant party on the development of local political leadership. The main point is that Serbia is going through a crisis in the development of local leadership (and local democracy) as a consequence of centralization of political decisions and merging local elections with national ones, as well as a PR electoral system with one electoral unit. This kind of electoral system, according to its inherent characteristics, produces a lack of communication between the elected representatives and the electorate, thereby losing an important step necessary in building leadership. The author analyses how the combination of high centralization in decision-making process and weak internal democracy within political parties and the electoral system in the long term encourages the negative selection of political elites at the local level. A logic incentive for local leaders and local democratic processes is to increase their political rating by communicating with voters. In practice, the reverse process takes place at the local level: politicians understand that their rating depends less on electorate and more on intra-party practices, and in Serbia, they are overwhelmingly of an undemocratic nature. The author will analyse the party leadership of the relevant political parties/organizations in Serbia, internal party elections and the mobility of local leaders in the party hierarchy. Through secondary sources and document analysis, the derogation of local leadership and democracy and their exchange (trade off) for the stability of political processes at the national level are analysed. Also, 15 case studies of successful local leaders after 2004 and the outcomes of their political careers are discussed.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the last few decades, the reluctance to take significant steps in the reform of territorial organization and local self-government system in Serbia had an adverse effect on both small and underdeveloped, as well as large and economically more developed municipalities and towns. In this paper, the author's intention is to show that the constitutional and legal position of the City of Belgrade, within the framework of a single-level and uniform system of local self-government, among other issues, prevents the implementation of various mechanisms of local democracy, as regulated by Serbian laws. Trapped in such a system, Belgrade and its authorities remain completely distant from citizens. The inadequacy of formal mechanisms of local democracy which are incorporated into the legal solutions on the system of local self-government is primarily shown here on the example of the organization of city municipalities, which during the last twenty years have been completely devoid of self-governing characteristics, as well as the specific form of optionality in the establishment of local community units (mesne zajednice) at the level of Belgrade, as the country's capital. Solutions could be sought in comprehensive reforms to territorial organization and the system of local self-government, which, apparently, would require changes to the Constitution, and which would enable the capital city to (at least) have the position of the second tier of local self-government. Belgrade's aptness to be more than a first-level unit of local self-government can be confirmed by a simple analysis of tasks delegated to the City in certain areas of competence, in which it already has the position of a second-tier administrative authority (e.g. urban planning and construction, legalization of immovable property or citizens registers).
{"title":"Constitutional and normative position of Belgrade as an obstacle in the exercise of local democracy","authors":"Jelena Jerinić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45787","url":null,"abstract":"During the last few decades, the reluctance to take significant steps in the reform of territorial organization and local self-government system in Serbia had an adverse effect on both small and underdeveloped, as well as large and economically more developed municipalities and towns. In this paper, the author's intention is to show that the constitutional and legal position of the City of Belgrade, within the framework of a single-level and uniform system of local self-government, among other issues, prevents the implementation of various mechanisms of local democracy, as regulated by Serbian laws. Trapped in such a system, Belgrade and its authorities remain completely distant from citizens. The inadequacy of formal mechanisms of local democracy which are incorporated into the legal solutions on the system of local self-government is primarily shown here on the example of the organization of city municipalities, which during the last twenty years have been completely devoid of self-governing characteristics, as well as the specific form of optionality in the establishment of local community units (mesne zajednice) at the level of Belgrade, as the country's capital. Solutions could be sought in comprehensive reforms to territorial organization and the system of local self-government, which, apparently, would require changes to the Constitution, and which would enable the capital city to (at least) have the position of the second tier of local self-government. Belgrade's aptness to be more than a first-level unit of local self-government can be confirmed by a simple analysis of tasks delegated to the City in certain areas of competence, in which it already has the position of a second-tier administrative authority (e.g. urban planning and construction, legalization of immovable property or citizens registers).","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fear is one of the basic human emotions that is due to the safety need and preservation of life. The phenomenon of fear is closely related to the social structure and significantly influences the behavior of actors. The paper shows the instrumentalization of fear as a mechanism of social control. Fear is a multidimensional phenomenon (biological, psychological, cultural and social dimensions of fear) and its interpretation requires the application of the multidisciplinary approach. In the paper is applied the method of content analysis of professional literature and sociological discourse, on which the terms of fear and its theoretical propositions were conceptualized. The paper aims to start a debate on the mentioned topic.
{"title":"Sociocultural conceptualization of fear","authors":"Ivana Luknar","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42727","url":null,"abstract":"Fear is one of the basic human emotions that is due to the safety need and preservation of life. The phenomenon of fear is closely related to the social structure and significantly influences the behavior of actors. The paper shows the instrumentalization of fear as a mechanism of social control. Fear is a multidimensional phenomenon (biological, psychological, cultural and social dimensions of fear) and its interpretation requires the application of the multidisciplinary approach. In the paper is applied the method of content analysis of professional literature and sociological discourse, on which the terms of fear and its theoretical propositions were conceptualized. The paper aims to start a debate on the mentioned topic.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"109 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article the author, firstly, considers different aspects of contemporary neoliberalism as biopolitics, especially reflecting the issue of cryptodemocracy in the end of 20th as well as in the first decades of 21st century. Or, more precisely, beginning from Foucault's articulation of biopolitics as both regulation and control of population, the issue of multiple forms of "liberal democracy" in neoliberalism and poststructualism is critically addressed. In this light, divergent forms of "liberal democracy" as procedural i.e., formal democracy which appears as the primary condition of possibility for biopolitical neototalitarianism are analyzed. This neototalitarianism of the West i.e., of Pax Americana, which simultaneously includes the project of the EU, is primarily manifested through numerous contemporary phenomena of biopolitics - from "humanitarian interventionism" to "wars against terrorism" and measures taken against COVID 19. The common ground for all phenomena is traced back to the "friend-enemy" distinction, as well as to politization of the body as the conditions which enabled de(con)struction of both homo politicus and democracy. It is emphasized that the structural binary opposition is one between East and West and that, moreover, biopolitical neototalitarianism targets precisely the otherness of the East which it perceives as unbearable. In the second part of the article, it is argued that reaffirmation of polis requires a theory and practice of "true democracy" - as "democracy of content" - which is conceptually different from any form of "formal democracy". Furthermore, true democracy is, first and foremost, articulated as politics of the local i.e., as both politics of place and politics of time. Therefore, in opposition to "neoliberal presentism" and "the end of history" a return to democracy falls in one with rebirth of history. Transcendence of time and immanence of space constitute the framework for comprehending knowledge as remembrance which, in the next step, enables the foundation of a new paideia for the 21st century. Or, in other words, special relevance of education for true democracy - as well as for the structural relation between the political and the normative element - is emphasized. In such a way, the author at the same time reflects upon the necessity of culture for true democracy and formation of the polis because culture - which always comes in plural - is the sine qua non not only for politics and ethics but for the possibility of civilization. The potential for realization of political subjectivity and sovereignty is then presented in the form of true democracy as self-determination of the people. In conclusion, this process is also marked by forming of specific Sittlickeit i.e., "democracy of content" is manifested through multiplicity of forms of "lifeworld" which come forth from history, tradition, and high culture. In such a way, the life of the people as democratic life par excellence, with all it
{"title":"After biopolitics: True democracy as 21st century \"lifeworld\"","authors":"Bogdana Koljević-Griffith","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42798","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42798","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author, firstly, considers different aspects of contemporary neoliberalism as biopolitics, especially reflecting the issue of cryptodemocracy in the end of 20th as well as in the first decades of 21st century. Or, more precisely, beginning from Foucault's articulation of biopolitics as both regulation and control of population, the issue of multiple forms of \"liberal democracy\" in neoliberalism and poststructualism is critically addressed. In this light, divergent forms of \"liberal democracy\" as procedural i.e., formal democracy which appears as the primary condition of possibility for biopolitical neototalitarianism are analyzed. This neototalitarianism of the West i.e., of Pax Americana, which simultaneously includes the project of the EU, is primarily manifested through numerous contemporary phenomena of biopolitics - from \"humanitarian interventionism\" to \"wars against terrorism\" and measures taken against COVID 19. The common ground for all phenomena is traced back to the \"friend-enemy\" distinction, as well as to politization of the body as the conditions which enabled de(con)struction of both homo politicus and democracy. It is emphasized that the structural binary opposition is one between East and West and that, moreover, biopolitical neototalitarianism targets precisely the otherness of the East which it perceives as unbearable. In the second part of the article, it is argued that reaffirmation of polis requires a theory and practice of \"true democracy\" - as \"democracy of content\" - which is conceptually different from any form of \"formal democracy\". Furthermore, true democracy is, first and foremost, articulated as politics of the local i.e., as both politics of place and politics of time. Therefore, in opposition to \"neoliberal presentism\" and \"the end of history\" a return to democracy falls in one with rebirth of history. Transcendence of time and immanence of space constitute the framework for comprehending knowledge as remembrance which, in the next step, enables the foundation of a new paideia for the 21st century. Or, in other words, special relevance of education for true democracy - as well as for the structural relation between the political and the normative element - is emphasized. In such a way, the author at the same time reflects upon the necessity of culture for true democracy and formation of the polis because culture - which always comes in plural - is the sine qua non not only for politics and ethics but for the possibility of civilization. The potential for realization of political subjectivity and sovereignty is then presented in the form of true democracy as self-determination of the people. In conclusion, this process is also marked by forming of specific Sittlickeit i.e., \"democracy of content\" is manifested through multiplicity of forms of \"lifeworld\" which come forth from history, tradition, and high culture. In such a way, the life of the people as democratic life par excellence, with all it","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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