{"title":"Partije na postjugoslovenskom prostoru - garant ili prepreka demokratskom razvoju? - Kovačević Despot: Partije i partijski sistemi na postjugoslovenskom prostoru, Albion Books, Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2023","authors":"Dušan Čorbić","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44268","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regulisanje javnog interesa u kulturi i kreiranju kulturnih politika - Vladimir Kolarić: Javni interesi u kulturi - teorijske osnove i polazni kriterijumi vrednovanja, Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvvitka, Beograd, 2023","authors":"Aleksandra Kolaković","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45494","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
European experiences indicate numerous forms of inter-municipal cooperation, ranging from simpler forms aimed at more efficient and rational management (such as joint local public enterprises or shared administrations) to integrative forms where inter-municipal unions are formed, possessing legal subjectivity and their own governance structure (union assembly, president, budget, etc.). The main purpose of such cooperation models is the collective decision-making on public policies and jointly management of territorial development encompassing multiple municipalities. This can serve as an alternative to formal regionalization and regional self-governance, particularly in cases where the regional level of governance is underdeveloped. These experiences can be valuable for Serbia, considering that formal decentralization has not been embraced as an option by the authorities thus far, despite the need for regional governance, especially in the context of European integration, balanced regional development, and further democratization. The legislator in Serbia has not yet anticipated this kind of complex or integrative inter-municipal cooperation. However, in recent years, there has been a promotion of the idea of inter-municipal cooperation (in simpler forms), which is reflected in the current Law on Local Self-Government, as well as in the initial financial incentives. The paper initially presents the challenges of modern governance and reform directions, as well as the significance and practical scope of inter-municipal cooperation in European countries. Subsequently, the formal-legal possibilities for municipalities in Serbia to cooperate are examined, followed by practical implications and possibilities (based on European practices) that can be developed in the future.
{"title":"Inter-municipal cooperation in Serbia: Opportunities and practical scope","authors":"Veran Stančetić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45527","url":null,"abstract":"European experiences indicate numerous forms of inter-municipal cooperation, ranging from simpler forms aimed at more efficient and rational management (such as joint local public enterprises or shared administrations) to integrative forms where inter-municipal unions are formed, possessing legal subjectivity and their own governance structure (union assembly, president, budget, etc.). The main purpose of such cooperation models is the collective decision-making on public policies and jointly management of territorial development encompassing multiple municipalities. This can serve as an alternative to formal regionalization and regional self-governance, particularly in cases where the regional level of governance is underdeveloped. These experiences can be valuable for Serbia, considering that formal decentralization has not been embraced as an option by the authorities thus far, despite the need for regional governance, especially in the context of European integration, balanced regional development, and further democratization. The legislator in Serbia has not yet anticipated this kind of complex or integrative inter-municipal cooperation. However, in recent years, there has been a promotion of the idea of inter-municipal cooperation (in simpler forms), which is reflected in the current Law on Local Self-Government, as well as in the initial financial incentives. The paper initially presents the challenges of modern governance and reform directions, as well as the significance and practical scope of inter-municipal cooperation in European countries. Subsequently, the formal-legal possibilities for municipalities in Serbia to cooperate are examined, followed by practical implications and possibilities (based on European practices) that can be developed in the future.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Numerous wars and armed conflicts have been waged for the last hundred years worldwide. They have resulted in the deaths and injuries of the civilian population, as well as the destruction of cities, villages, settlements, economic facilities and other infrastructure. Unfortunately, wars and armed conflicts continue in various parts of the world, and more and more people are killed which are primarily civilian population. It is necessary that the role of the international community in general, as well as the largest international organizations like OUN, should have more active roles in the terms of the application of all legal frameworks worldwide. That is related to the control of weapons in general and weapons of mass destruction and therefore the protection of all persons protected according to the Geneva Conventions from 1949. Those are primarily the civilian population, wounded, sick, prisoners of war, shipwrecked as well as property, etc. From a global perspective, the international community needs to be more active to try on diplomatic and political level to minimize as much as possible occurrence of war, arm conflict and any kind of armed crisis. In that way the idea of usage of weapons in general and weapon for mass destructions will not be current and civilian population will be more protected.
{"title":"The influence of weapons development throughout history and the protection of the civilian population: Issues of application of international conventions","authors":"Jelena Lopičić-Jančić, Ljubica Vasić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45593","url":null,"abstract":"Numerous wars and armed conflicts have been waged for the last hundred years worldwide. They have resulted in the deaths and injuries of the civilian population, as well as the destruction of cities, villages, settlements, economic facilities and other infrastructure. Unfortunately, wars and armed conflicts continue in various parts of the world, and more and more people are killed which are primarily civilian population. It is necessary that the role of the international community in general, as well as the largest international organizations like OUN, should have more active roles in the terms of the application of all legal frameworks worldwide. That is related to the control of weapons in general and weapons of mass destruction and therefore the protection of all persons protected according to the Geneva Conventions from 1949. Those are primarily the civilian population, wounded, sick, prisoners of war, shipwrecked as well as property, etc. From a global perspective, the international community needs to be more active to try on diplomatic and political level to minimize as much as possible occurrence of war, arm conflict and any kind of armed crisis. In that way the idea of usage of weapons in general and weapon for mass destructions will not be current and civilian population will be more protected.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to develop an analysis of how the Covid-19 pandemic influenced populist trends in the Western Balkan countries. Covid-19 pandemic impacted many sectors within the states themselves including health, economy, education, etc. and it produced even greater challenges at an international level. By focusing in the Western Balkans area, the paper focuses on the political system, and more specifically on how the political leadership through specific decision-making processes during the pandemic affected the presence or increase of populistic trends. Thus, by focusing into specific decision-making dynamics of the political leadership in the Western Balkan countries, through the use of qualitative and secondary quantitative data, the paper develops an in-depth elaboration on the presence of populism in this area. What is more, the paper addresses the general Covid-19 situation in these countries along with how the political leadership has dealt with the pandemic by further shedding light on the presence of populism and how the handling of the pandemic through specific political decisions emphasized these populistic trends.
{"title":"POPULISM DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC IN THE WESTERN BALKANS","authors":"Viorela Agolli","doi":"10.22182/spm.7842022.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to develop an analysis of how the Covid-19 pandemic influenced populist trends in the Western Balkan countries. Covid-19 pandemic impacted many sectors within the states themselves including health, economy, education, etc. and it produced even greater challenges at an international level. By focusing in the Western Balkans area, the paper focuses on the political system, and more specifically on how the political leadership through specific decision-making processes during the pandemic affected the presence or increase of populistic trends. Thus, by focusing into specific decision-making dynamics of the political leadership in the Western Balkan countries, through the use of qualitative and secondary quantitative data, the paper develops an in-depth elaboration on the presence of populism in this area. What is more, the paper addresses the general Covid-19 situation in these countries along with how the political leadership has dealt with the pandemic by further shedding light on the presence of populism and how the handling of the pandemic through specific political decisions emphasized these populistic trends.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68278635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relation between science and populism has already been investigated by relevant sociopolitical literature. However, the Covid-19 pandemic has produced remarkable changes in how politics, science, and society relate to each other. Therefore, there is a need to explore further what science is to populists and how populist parties have dealt with science in times of pandemic. How much has science-related communication by populist parties changed after the outbreak of Coronavirus? What topics have populist science-related messages been about? Are there differences in the science-related communication of ideologically different populist parties, and between populist parties in government and in opposition? The research tries to answer these questions through a thematic analysis of populist communication on Twitter. The empirical investigation is carried out through topic modelling on a dataset of 1.133 science-related populist tweets. The focus is on a pertinent single case study, Italy. Here there are three different populist parties in terms of ideology, which have been both in government and in opposition during the pandemic. Findings highlight that different populist parties have resorted to different science-related rhetoric and that the two Italian populist parties on the radical right, the League and FdI, have engaged in “counter-science” and “anti-science” communication.
{"title":"CORONAVIRUS AND SCIENCE-RELATED COMMUNICATION BY POPULIST PARTIES","authors":"Mirko Crulli","doi":"10.22182/spm.7842022.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.3","url":null,"abstract":"The relation between science and populism has already been investigated by relevant sociopolitical literature. However, the Covid-19 pandemic has produced remarkable changes in how politics, science, and society relate to each other. Therefore, there is a need to explore further what science is to populists and how populist parties have dealt with science in times of pandemic. How much has science-related communication by populist parties changed after the outbreak of Coronavirus? What topics have populist science-related messages been about? Are there differences in the science-related communication of ideologically different populist parties, and between populist parties in government and in opposition? The research tries to answer these questions through a thematic analysis of populist communication on Twitter. The empirical investigation is carried out through topic modelling on a dataset of 1.133 science-related populist tweets. The focus is on a pertinent single case study, Italy. Here there are three different populist parties in terms of ideology, which have been both in government and in opposition during the pandemic. Findings highlight that different populist parties have resorted to different science-related rhetoric and that the two Italian populist parties on the radical right, the League and FdI, have engaged in “counter-science” and “anti-science” communication.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49532118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When COVID-19 pandemic was announced in March 2020, North Macedonia was in the middle of the electoral process, with a dissolved Parliament and a few days before the start of the electoral campaign. The elections were postponed because the threats of the virus were unpredictable and the strategy to handle it was unknown. Instead of April 2020, the elections were held in July 2020. The changes of the Electoral Code were adopted in order to introduce procedures for voting that would be safe for voters and electoral boards. Also changes of the rules for electoral campaign were made in order to adapt the forms of campaigning to the “new COVID-19 reality”. This article analyzes the effects of Covid-19 on the parliamentary elections in North Macedonia in 2020, focusing on the changes on the electoral rules and the electoral campaigning because of COVID-19, as well as the influence of COVID-19 on the turnout of voters. The context of the postponement of the elections, institutional setting and legal solutions are analyzed in the first part of the article. The changes of the rules regarding campaigning and adaptation of political actors to new rules are analyzed in the second part of the article. The third part focuses on the changes of voting procedures and adaptation of electoral management bodies. The last part of the article points to the changes of other rules, mostly on financing and misuse of state resources.
{"title":"COVID-19 AND ELECTIONS IN NORTH MACEDONIA","authors":"Renata Treneska Deskoska","doi":"10.22182/spm.7842022.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.6","url":null,"abstract":"When COVID-19 pandemic was announced in March 2020, North Macedonia was in the middle of the electoral process, with a dissolved Parliament and a few days before the start of the electoral campaign. The elections were postponed because the threats of the virus were unpredictable and the strategy to handle it was unknown. Instead of April 2020, the elections were held in July 2020. The changes of the Electoral Code were adopted in order to introduce procedures for voting that would be safe for voters and electoral boards. Also changes of the rules for electoral campaign were made in order to adapt the forms of campaigning to the “new COVID-19 reality”. This article analyzes the effects of Covid-19 on the parliamentary elections in North Macedonia in 2020, focusing on the changes on the electoral rules and the electoral campaigning because of COVID-19, as well as the influence of COVID-19 on the turnout of voters. The context of the postponement of the elections, institutional setting and legal solutions are analyzed in the first part of the article. The changes of the rules regarding campaigning and adaptation of political actors to new rules are analyzed in the second part of the article. The third part focuses on the changes of voting procedures and adaptation of electoral management bodies. The last part of the article points to the changes of other rules, mostly on financing and misuse of state resources.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68278679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.15
Nemanja Nenadic
U svom prilogu autor predstavlja ključne aspekte finansiranja izborne kampanje za predsedničke, parlamentarne i beogradske gradske izbore iz aprila 2022. Ukratko su predstavljene izmene propisa od značaja za finansiranje kampanje koje su preduzete radi realizacije dva međustranačka sporazuma, ranijih preporuka ODIHR/OEBS i revidiranog Akcionog plana za Poglavlje 23, uz kritički osvrt autora na te izmene i na propuštenu priliku da se u ovoj oblasti otklone slabosti koje su prepoznate od ranije. U tom smislu, u radu se analiziraju odredbe „novog“ Zakona o finansiranju političkih aktivnosti, odnosno njegove ključne razlike u odnosu na prethodni akt istog naziva (2011). Predmet analize su naročito: 1) izmene pravila koje se odnose na distribuciju budžetskih sredstava za finansiranje izborne kampanje i efekti tih izmena; 2) uvođenje obaveze podnošenja preliminarnih izveštaja o finansiranju kampanje, kao vida obezbeđivanja transparentnosti kampanje dok ona traje i efekti te mere u praksi; 3) glavni izvori finansiranja kampanje i glavni troškovi na aprilskim izborima i ključne razlike u odnosu na dosadašnje izbore; 4) praćenje poštovanja pravila od strane Agencije za sprečavanje korupcije i prioriteti za dalju kontrolu na osnovu uočenih slabosti u izveštajima o troškovima kampanje i monitoringu koji je sprovela organizacija Transparentnost Srbija.
{"title":"PRAVILA ZA FINANSIRANJE KAMPANJE I NJIHOVA PRIMENA","authors":"Nemanja Nenadic","doi":"10.22182/spm.specijal42022.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.15","url":null,"abstract":"U svom prilogu autor predstavlja ključne aspekte finansiranja izborne kampanje za predsedničke, parlamentarne i beogradske gradske izbore iz aprila 2022. Ukratko su predstavljene izmene propisa od značaja za finansiranje kampanje koje su preduzete radi realizacije dva međustranačka sporazuma, ranijih preporuka ODIHR/OEBS i revidiranog Akcionog plana za Poglavlje 23, uz kritički osvrt autora na te izmene i na propuštenu priliku da se u ovoj oblasti otklone slabosti koje su prepoznate od ranije. U tom smislu, u radu se analiziraju odredbe „novog“ Zakona o finansiranju političkih aktivnosti, odnosno njegove ključne razlike u odnosu na prethodni akt istog naziva (2011). Predmet analize su naročito: 1) izmene pravila koje se odnose na distribuciju budžetskih sredstava za finansiranje izborne kampanje i efekti tih izmena; 2) uvođenje obaveze podnošenja preliminarnih izveštaja o finansiranju kampanje, kao vida obezbeđivanja transparentnosti kampanje dok ona traje i efekti te mere u praksi; 3) glavni izvori finansiranja kampanje i glavni troškovi na aprilskim izborima i ključne razlike u odnosu na dosadašnje izbore; 4) praćenje poštovanja pravila od strane Agencije za sprečavanje korupcije i prioriteti za dalju kontrolu na osnovu uočenih slabosti u izveštajima o troškovima kampanje i monitoringu koji je sprovela organizacija Transparentnost Srbija.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68278996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.7
Slobodan Antonić
U prvom delu članka opisuju se političke prilike i stranačke konstelacije uoči predsedničkih izbora u Srbiji 2022. godine. Opozicija nije mogla da se dogovori oko zajedničkog kandidata, koji bi mogao da parira favoritu Aleksandru Vučiću. Na kraju su prozapadna i suverenistička opozicija izašle s više kandidata. Deo prozapadne opozicije je procenjivao da Zdravko Ponoš ima šanse da se nađe u drugom krugu, protiv Vučića. U drugom delu članka opisuju se predsedničke kampanje kandidata, iznose se rezultati izbora i reakcije u javnosti na njih. Vučić je ubedljivo pobedio već u prvom krugu, osvojivši dvesta hiljada glasova više nego 2017. godine (2.224.914 naspram 2.012.788). To je izazvalo konsternaciju dela prozapadne javnosti i napade na srpske birače da su autoritarci i nacionalisti. U završnom delu članka raspravlja se o stabilnosti Vučićeve vlasti. Ona se nalazi u procepu između većinskog proruskog raspoloženja birača, i antiruske politike SAD i EU. Samo velikom političkom veštinom Vučić može da izbegne da propadne u taj procep.
{"title":"PREDSEDNIČKI IZBORI U SRBIJI 2022: UBEDLjIVA POBEDA – NEIZVESNA BUDUĆNOST","authors":"Slobodan Antonić","doi":"10.22182/spm.specijal42022.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal42022.7","url":null,"abstract":"U prvom delu članka opisuju se političke prilike i stranačke konstelacije uoči predsedničkih izbora u Srbiji 2022. godine. Opozicija nije mogla da se dogovori oko zajedničkog kandidata, koji bi mogao da parira favoritu Aleksandru Vučiću. Na kraju su prozapadna i suverenistička opozicija izašle s više kandidata. Deo prozapadne opozicije je procenjivao da Zdravko Ponoš ima šanse da se nađe u drugom krugu, protiv Vučića. U drugom delu članka opisuju se predsedničke kampanje kandidata, iznose se rezultati izbora i reakcije u javnosti na njih. Vučić je ubedljivo pobedio već u prvom krugu, osvojivši dvesta hiljada glasova više nego 2017. godine (2.224.914 naspram 2.012.788). To je izazvalo konsternaciju dela prozapadne javnosti i napade na srpske birače da su autoritarci i nacionalisti. U završnom delu članka raspravlja se o stabilnosti Vučićeve vlasti. Ona se nalazi u procepu između većinskog proruskog raspoloženja birača, i antiruske politike SAD i EU. Samo velikom političkom veštinom Vučić može da izbegne da propadne u taj procep.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68279185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.22182/spm.specijal42022.12
Despot Kovačević
Ostvarivanje slobodnih i poštenih izbora u Srbiji nailazi na niz problema, a jedan od identifikovanih u dužem periodu je funkcionerska kampanja. Ovaj vid kampanje ogleda se u (zlo)upotrebi javnih funkcija u svrhu izborne kampanje. Iako zloupotreba javnih funkcija može biti i izvan izborne kampanje, pod funkcionerskom kampanjom podrazumevam samo period od raspisivanja izbora do kraja izbornog dana. Navedeni vid kampanje deo je sveukupnog problema demokratskih izbora u Srbiji. U prvom delu rada analiziram zakonski okvir za sprečavanje funkcionerske kampanje, uz analizu šireg konteksta koji je doveo do „normalizacije“ ovakvog delovanja. Drugi deo rada se bavi iskustvima Srbije sa funkcionerskom kampanjom i efikasnošću postojećih rešenja. Funkcionerska kampanja postala je deo analiza mnogih organizacija koje se bave praćenjem kampanja i veoma su dragocene u objašnjenju fenomena. Ipak, funkcionerska kampanja u Srbiji ima široke razmere i veliki je opseg delovanja funkcionera, što onemogućava davanje potpuno preciznih podataka, tako da će sve istraživačke baze podataka poslužiti objašnjenju i razumevanju problema.
塞尔维亚的自由和公平选举面临着一系列问题，其中一个长期确定的问题是功能性竞选。这种镜像运动的观点是为了竞选而利用公共职能。虽然滥用公共职能也可能发生在竞选活动之外，但我指的只是从选举结束开始的这段时间。Navedeni vid kampanje deo je sveukup nog problema demokratskih izbora u Srbiji。在我工作的第一部分，我分析了防止功能性运动的法律框架，通过对导致“正常”的更广泛背景的分析塞尔维亚在职能运动和现有解决方案的效率方面的经验的第二部分已成为参与监督运动的许多组织分析的一部分，在解释这一现象方面非常有价值。然而，塞尔维亚的职能运动具有广泛的层面和广泛的职能行动，这是不允许的。完全精确的数据，因此所有的研究数据库都将用于解释和理解问题。
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