Resume Diplomacy represents the first line of promotion and defense of national interests and one of the sources of power, alongside with military, economic, information and other forms of power. The importance and complexity of diplomacy for Serbia in the contemporary international relations are perhaps most evident in terms of deterrence when a major war is being waged on European soil, which will certainly have long-term consequences for the international system. In addition to these factors, the persistent unresolved issues stemming from the Yugoslav heritage, notably the contentious matter of Kosovo and Metohija's status, underscore the imperative for Serbia to consistently harness its full national potential to establish a robust and comprehensive deterrence strategy under the constraints of a policy of military neutrality. This policy, in turn, further compounds the complexity of the challenges at hand. The effectiveness of diplomacy is one of the key prerequisites for successful deterrence, but its synergy with other instruments of foreign policy cannot be reliably realized without the concept of strategic communication. The goal of this paper is, relying on a realistic theoretical foundation, to provide an analysis of diplomatic functions and examine its significance for effective deterrence and the necessity of synchronized action with other foreign policy instruments; instruments that were primarily developed for deterrence but can be utilized differently if diplomacy fails to navigate the security dilemma's failings.
{"title":"Serbian diplomacy in deterrence","authors":"Veljko Blagojević","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45308","url":null,"abstract":"Resume Diplomacy represents the first line of promotion and defense of national interests and one of the sources of power, alongside with military, economic, information and other forms of power. The importance and complexity of diplomacy for Serbia in the contemporary international relations are perhaps most evident in terms of deterrence when a major war is being waged on European soil, which will certainly have long-term consequences for the international system. In addition to these factors, the persistent unresolved issues stemming from the Yugoslav heritage, notably the contentious matter of Kosovo and Metohija's status, underscore the imperative for Serbia to consistently harness its full national potential to establish a robust and comprehensive deterrence strategy under the constraints of a policy of military neutrality. This policy, in turn, further compounds the complexity of the challenges at hand. The effectiveness of diplomacy is one of the key prerequisites for successful deterrence, but its synergy with other instruments of foreign policy cannot be reliably realized without the concept of strategic communication. The goal of this paper is, relying on a realistic theoretical foundation, to provide an analysis of diplomatic functions and examine its significance for effective deterrence and the necessity of synchronized action with other foreign policy instruments; instruments that were primarily developed for deterrence but can be utilized differently if diplomacy fails to navigate the security dilemma's failings.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"284 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of this paper is the institutions of direct democracy at the local level in Serbia, with the aim of analyzing valid solutions (de lege lata) and improving the legal framework (de lege ferenda). The author starts from the thesis that local democracy is an ambiguous and imprecise term. In a broader sense, it represents the right of citizens to participate in government at the local level. In a narrower sense, this term is used as a synonym for local self-government (decentralization) and direct participation of citizens in government. On the other hand, tradition, socio-economic assumptions, legal (normative) framework and political environment are factors that influence local democracy. Apart from the election of local government representatives (representative local democracy), the basic institutional channels of local democracy are forms of direct citizen participation of citizens in decision-making, such as referendum and people's initiative. The application of institutions of direct democracy can be one of the indicators of the level of development of local self-government and local democracy. In the Republic of Serbia, institutional mechanisms for direct citizen participation in local self-government have been created, such as referendums, citizens' initiatives, and assembly of citizens (zbor). In addition, citizens have the right to petition and publicly criticize the authorities, the right to be heard on the authorities' intentions and the right to be informed about and monitor the work of the authorities. The local referendum is enshrined in the Constitution and other institutions are regulated by legal provisions. The quality of these regulations improved after the adoption of the new Law on Referendums and People's Initiative (2021). However, in local self-government units, the scope of these institutions of direct democracy is very limited low. The practice of direct local democracy is very poor, although there is a long tradition of struggle for local self-government in the 19th century. Such a situation is a consequence of the party state that multiplies the centralized way of decision-making, which is manifested in limited participation of citizens in political processes, increasing distrust in political institutions and ineffective control of the authorities in local self-government units. The crisis of democracy also manifests itself in the fact that citizens are less and less interested in public policy. Based on empirical data, comparative experiences and legal standards, the author believes that the solution lies in reviving the application of direct democracy at the local level.
本文的主题是塞尔维亚地方一级的直接民主机构，目的是分析有效的解决方案(de lege lata)和改进法律框架(de lege ferenda)。作者从“地方民主是一个模糊的、不精确的术语”这一论点出发。在更广泛的意义上，它代表了公民在地方一级参与政府的权利。在狭义上，这个词被用作地方自治(分权)和公民直接参与政府的同义词。另一方面，传统、社会经济假设、法律(规范)框架和政治环境是影响地方民主的因素。除了地方政府代表的选举(代议制地方民主)外，地方民主的基本制度渠道是公民直接参与决策的形式，如公民投票、人民倡议等。直接民主制度的运用可以作为地方自治和地方民主发展水平的指标之一。在塞尔维亚共和国，建立了公民直接参与地方自治的体制机制，如公民投票、公民倡议和公民大会(zbor)。此外，公民有权向当局请愿和公开批评，有权就当局的意图发表意见，有权了解和监督当局的工作。地方公民投票被写入宪法，其他机构由法律规定。在通过新的《公民投票和人民倡议法》(2021年)后，这些条例的质量有所提高。然而，在地方自治单位中，这些直接民主机构的范围非常有限。尽管在19世纪有争取地方自治的悠久传统，但地方直接民主的实践非常贫乏。这种情况是党国主义国家扩大集中决策方式的结果，其表现为公民对政治进程的参与有限，对政治机构的不信任日益增加，对地方自治单位当局的控制无效。民主危机还表现为公民对公共政策越来越不感兴趣。根据实证数据、比较经验和法律标准，作者认为解决办法在于在地方一级恢复直接民主的应用。
{"title":"Local democracy and forms of direct citizen participation in governance: Case study Serbia","authors":"Mijodrag Radojević","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45784","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this paper is the institutions of direct democracy at the local level in Serbia, with the aim of analyzing valid solutions (de lege lata) and improving the legal framework (de lege ferenda). The author starts from the thesis that local democracy is an ambiguous and imprecise term. In a broader sense, it represents the right of citizens to participate in government at the local level. In a narrower sense, this term is used as a synonym for local self-government (decentralization) and direct participation of citizens in government. On the other hand, tradition, socio-economic assumptions, legal (normative) framework and political environment are factors that influence local democracy. Apart from the election of local government representatives (representative local democracy), the basic institutional channels of local democracy are forms of direct citizen participation of citizens in decision-making, such as referendum and people's initiative. The application of institutions of direct democracy can be one of the indicators of the level of development of local self-government and local democracy. In the Republic of Serbia, institutional mechanisms for direct citizen participation in local self-government have been created, such as referendums, citizens' initiatives, and assembly of citizens (zbor). In addition, citizens have the right to petition and publicly criticize the authorities, the right to be heard on the authorities' intentions and the right to be informed about and monitor the work of the authorities. The local referendum is enshrined in the Constitution and other institutions are regulated by legal provisions. The quality of these regulations improved after the adoption of the new Law on Referendums and People's Initiative (2021). However, in local self-government units, the scope of these institutions of direct democracy is very limited low. The practice of direct local democracy is very poor, although there is a long tradition of struggle for local self-government in the 19th century. Such a situation is a consequence of the party state that multiplies the centralized way of decision-making, which is manifested in limited participation of citizens in political processes, increasing distrust in political institutions and ineffective control of the authorities in local self-government units. The crisis of democracy also manifests itself in the fact that citizens are less and less interested in public policy. Based on empirical data, comparative experiences and legal standards, the author believes that the solution lies in reviving the application of direct democracy at the local level.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper examines the political consequences of the change in electoral legislation through a comparative analysis of election results at the local level in 2016 and 2020. In addition to the analysis of the election results themselves, and bearing in mind the boycott of the majority of the opposition in the 2020 elections, the paper will also show a simulation of the election results of 2016 with a reduced electoral threshold of 3% in order to better understand the effect of lowering the electoral threshold, considering that at that time all relevant political parties participated in local elections. The electoral results from cities that are the seat of administrative districts (24) in the Republic of Serbia, excluding the city of Belgrade and Kosovo and Metohija, are used as a sample for the analysis. The main findings of the research show that the lowering of the electoral threshold did not increase representativeness. More precisely, the number of lists represented in local parliaments did not increase, neither in absolute nor in effective numbers. However, the impact of the boycott of the opposition parties in the 2020 election process should be taken into account. On the other hand, the analysis shows that a larger number of lists would have crossed the electoral threshold if the three-percent electoral threshold had been applied in 2016. In addition, in 2020, a smaller number of so-called "wasted votes" was observed. Lastly, lowering the electoral threshold did not help the citizens groups to achieve better election results in 2020.
{"title":"Local elections in the Republic of Serbia 2016 and 2020: Political consequences of lowering the electoral threshold","authors":"Nikola Perišić, Boris Kaličanin","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42701","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the political consequences of the change in electoral legislation through a comparative analysis of election results at the local level in 2016 and 2020. In addition to the analysis of the election results themselves, and bearing in mind the boycott of the majority of the opposition in the 2020 elections, the paper will also show a simulation of the election results of 2016 with a reduced electoral threshold of 3% in order to better understand the effect of lowering the electoral threshold, considering that at that time all relevant political parties participated in local elections. The electoral results from cities that are the seat of administrative districts (24) in the Republic of Serbia, excluding the city of Belgrade and Kosovo and Metohija, are used as a sample for the analysis. The main findings of the research show that the lowering of the electoral threshold did not increase representativeness. More precisely, the number of lists represented in local parliaments did not increase, neither in absolute nor in effective numbers. However, the impact of the boycott of the opposition parties in the 2020 election process should be taken into account. On the other hand, the analysis shows that a larger number of lists would have crossed the electoral threshold if the three-percent electoral threshold had been applied in 2016. In addition, in 2020, a smaller number of so-called \"wasted votes\" was observed. Lastly, lowering the electoral threshold did not help the citizens groups to achieve better election results in 2020.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The research goal of this paper is to determine the circumstances in which the strategy of deterrence is the "right thingˮ for the security of the state. In the pursuit of realizing their own interests - from minimum survival to maximum hegemony, states (in theory) have a wide range of possible ideal-type strategies. However, this does not mean that all possible strategies will be equally effective for achieving national interests. This paper strives to determine which conditions should be met in order for the implementation of deterrence to be the most effective strategy, that is, the "right thingˮ for the security of the state. For this purpose, the work is organized in three parts. In the first unit, the concept of strategic effectiveness is elaborated. In the second part, the author provides a brief overview of deterrence as a strategy, presenting the key theoretical-conceptual elements of this strategy. The third part of the paper presents the conditions that must be met in order for the deterrence strategy to be effective, i.e. the "right thingˮ for realizing national interests. Finally, in the final segment of the paper, the author looks at the case of the Republic of Serbia, considering whether deterrence is an effective solution in modern circumstances.
{"title":"Effective deterrence: When is deterrence the \"right\" strategy for achieving national interests?","authors":"Mihajlo Kopanja","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44241","url":null,"abstract":"The research goal of this paper is to determine the circumstances in which the strategy of deterrence is the \"right thingˮ for the security of the state. In the pursuit of realizing their own interests - from minimum survival to maximum hegemony, states (in theory) have a wide range of possible ideal-type strategies. However, this does not mean that all possible strategies will be equally effective for achieving national interests. This paper strives to determine which conditions should be met in order for the implementation of deterrence to be the most effective strategy, that is, the \"right thingˮ for the security of the state. For this purpose, the work is organized in three parts. In the first unit, the concept of strategic effectiveness is elaborated. In the second part, the author provides a brief overview of deterrence as a strategy, presenting the key theoretical-conceptual elements of this strategy. The third part of the paper presents the conditions that must be met in order for the deterrence strategy to be effective, i.e. the \"right thingˮ for realizing national interests. Finally, in the final segment of the paper, the author looks at the case of the Republic of Serbia, considering whether deterrence is an effective solution in modern circumstances.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The topic of this scientific work is placed in the domain of social anomie. The effects of the action of informal forms of social anomie cause social entropy and indicate the permanent topicality of the topic. Social anomie destroys social processes, devalues institutions and devastates the fundamental values on which the community rests, so the social significance of research is unquestionable. Scientific justification is contained in the need to shed light on phenomena and processes from the domain of social pathology. The aim of the research is to define, classify, sistematize the observed phenomena and to offer optimal solutions to overcome them. The work for the Subject of reserch has: discovering the forms of social anomie, pointing out the harmful effects of these informal forms of social behavior, as well as proposing solutions to overcome the resulting situation in order to remove the harmful effects. In their work, the authors start from: the observation method, the development method, the comparative approach, the cross-cultural method, and the numerous methods of legal sciences. The subject framework of the research moves in the area of: sociology, social pathology, political and legal sciences. We have explained the logic of various forms of institutional action that cause social anomie and violate the basic rules of behavior on which a community rests. Anomic conditions point to illegal activity and violation of basic legal acts. And yet, social anomie goes beyond legal frameworks, pointing to the lack of social rules in regulating social relations that escape legal sanctions. Therefore, it is important to have a collective consciousness, which, among other things, distinguishes the value and moral elements of a community. Public opinion, public pressure, sense of responsibility, institutional procedures, as well as the rule of law, direct actors-in-situation towards those behaviors that significantly reduce anomic conditions.
{"title":"Informal shapes of social anomie","authors":"Vlada Stanković, Tijana Perić-Diligenski","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44054","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of this scientific work is placed in the domain of social anomie. The effects of the action of informal forms of social anomie cause social entropy and indicate the permanent topicality of the topic. Social anomie destroys social processes, devalues institutions and devastates the fundamental values on which the community rests, so the social significance of research is unquestionable. Scientific justification is contained in the need to shed light on phenomena and processes from the domain of social pathology. The aim of the research is to define, classify, sistematize the observed phenomena and to offer optimal solutions to overcome them. The work for the Subject of reserch has: discovering the forms of social anomie, pointing out the harmful effects of these informal forms of social behavior, as well as proposing solutions to overcome the resulting situation in order to remove the harmful effects. In their work, the authors start from: the observation method, the development method, the comparative approach, the cross-cultural method, and the numerous methods of legal sciences. The subject framework of the research moves in the area of: sociology, social pathology, political and legal sciences. We have explained the logic of various forms of institutional action that cause social anomie and violate the basic rules of behavior on which a community rests. Anomic conditions point to illegal activity and violation of basic legal acts. And yet, social anomie goes beyond legal frameworks, pointing to the lack of social rules in regulating social relations that escape legal sanctions. Therefore, it is important to have a collective consciousness, which, among other things, distinguishes the value and moral elements of a community. Public opinion, public pressure, sense of responsibility, institutional procedures, as well as the rule of law, direct actors-in-situation towards those behaviors that significantly reduce anomic conditions.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Balkan insights: A grassroots approach to peace and security - Džuverović Nemanja, Stojarová Věra: Peace and Security in the Western Balkans: A Local Perspective, Routledge, London, 2023","authors":"Ljiljana Kolarski","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44099","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of this article refers to the examination of the convenience of the concept of total defense as a basis for designing a defense system in the function of strategic deterrence of the Republic of Serbia. The existing defense system was supposed to be based on the concept of total defense, which has not been defined, verified and generally accepted since the Republic of Serbia was founded. In accordance with the above, the question arises: whether the existing way of organizing and functioning of the defense system corresponds to the requirements of strategic deterrence. The starting point in this paper is the position that the defense system, without a previously defined and generally accepted concept of total defense, may not be fully efficient and effective in creating a credible and persuasive threat in the function of strategic deterrence. The results of the research indicate that in order to develop the necessary defenece forces capabilities and their use for strategic deterrence, it is necessary to first develop the concept of total defense. Through the development process, it is possible to achieve full agreement of all forces on their tasks, methods of engagement and associated risks. Also, with the concept of total defense, it is possible to determine measures and recommendations on changes in the existing defense system that should increase the effectiveness and efficiency of strategic deterrence. The theoretical-methodological approach used a theoretical analysis and comparison of total defense concepts in different historical and geopolitical conditions, as well as a method concept development that can meet the requirements of strategic deterrence in the conditions of a modern multidimensional strategic environment.
{"title":"The concept of total defense in the deterrence strategy of the Republic of Serbia","authors":"Vangel Milkovski, Sandra Božić","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44249","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this article refers to the examination of the convenience of the concept of total defense as a basis for designing a defense system in the function of strategic deterrence of the Republic of Serbia. The existing defense system was supposed to be based on the concept of total defense, which has not been defined, verified and generally accepted since the Republic of Serbia was founded. In accordance with the above, the question arises: whether the existing way of organizing and functioning of the defense system corresponds to the requirements of strategic deterrence. The starting point in this paper is the position that the defense system, without a previously defined and generally accepted concept of total defense, may not be fully efficient and effective in creating a credible and persuasive threat in the function of strategic deterrence. The results of the research indicate that in order to develop the necessary defenece forces capabilities and their use for strategic deterrence, it is necessary to first develop the concept of total defense. Through the development process, it is possible to achieve full agreement of all forces on their tasks, methods of engagement and associated risks. Also, with the concept of total defense, it is possible to determine measures and recommendations on changes in the existing defense system that should increase the effectiveness and efficiency of strategic deterrence. The theoretical-methodological approach used a theoretical analysis and comparison of total defense concepts in different historical and geopolitical conditions, as well as a method concept development that can meet the requirements of strategic deterrence in the conditions of a modern multidimensional strategic environment.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of research is the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violent extremism and organized crime in the Republic of Serbia. The authors used the method of document content analysis and quantitative methods (surveys) for research purposes. The time of the research included the most intense period of the pandemic, and the authors investigated the situation in the Republic of Serbia from March 2020, when the virus was first registered, to mid-2021. The initial hypothesis in the research is that violent extremism and organized crime adapt very quickly to new social changes, which makes them resilient to many social crises. Serbia has a long history of fighting etno-separatist extremism (e.g. the KLA terrorist organization), but the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the growth of other forms of extremism, such as religious, left-wing, while special attention is focused on right-wing extremism. Namely, the authors determined that in addition to the old generators (what is the post-conflict legacy), we also have two new crucial generators of the extreme right - the COVID-19 pandemic and the migrant crisis. All the fundamental issues on which the extreme right-wingers built their ideology (such as Kosovo and Metohija, the friend-enemy dichotomy) were pushed aside during the pandemic, in order to actualize the problems concerning the "infestation of migrants", conspiracy theories, vaccinations, 5G networks and of panic fear for the survival of the nation. Organized crime also found a way to adapt to the pandemic, and some new areas appeared that criminals quickly prioritized, such as the trade-in of deficient medical equipment, falsification of PCR tests, etc. Drug trafficking was particularly intense, and the Customs Administration seized during the pandemic from 01.03.2020 to 01.08.2021 5630.53 grams of cocaine, which is 60 percent more than in 2019; 2063 grams of heroin, which is a drop to only 5 percent of the total seizure in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are "tough phenomena" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are "tough phenomena" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized,
{"title":"Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violent extremism and organized crime in the Republic of Serbia","authors":"Marija Đorić, Ilija Životić","doi":"10.5937/spm79-43080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-43080","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of research is the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violent extremism and organized crime in the Republic of Serbia. The authors used the method of document content analysis and quantitative methods (surveys) for research purposes. The time of the research included the most intense period of the pandemic, and the authors investigated the situation in the Republic of Serbia from March 2020, when the virus was first registered, to mid-2021. The initial hypothesis in the research is that violent extremism and organized crime adapt very quickly to new social changes, which makes them resilient to many social crises. Serbia has a long history of fighting etno-separatist extremism (e.g. the KLA terrorist organization), but the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the growth of other forms of extremism, such as religious, left-wing, while special attention is focused on right-wing extremism. Namely, the authors determined that in addition to the old generators (what is the post-conflict legacy), we also have two new crucial generators of the extreme right - the COVID-19 pandemic and the migrant crisis. All the fundamental issues on which the extreme right-wingers built their ideology (such as Kosovo and Metohija, the friend-enemy dichotomy) were pushed aside during the pandemic, in order to actualize the problems concerning the \"infestation of migrants\", conspiracy theories, vaccinations, 5G networks and of panic fear for the survival of the nation. Organized crime also found a way to adapt to the pandemic, and some new areas appeared that criminals quickly prioritized, such as the trade-in of deficient medical equipment, falsification of PCR tests, etc. Drug trafficking was particularly intense, and the Customs Administration seized during the pandemic from 01.03.2020 to 01.08.2021 5630.53 grams of cocaine, which is 60 percent more than in 2019; 2063 grams of heroin, which is a drop to only 5 percent of the total seizure in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are \"tough phenomena\" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are \"tough phenomena\" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, ","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the paper is to research the influence of political environment factors on the inflow of foreign investments in Serbia. Keeping in mind that many countries in Southeast Europe find themselves in a situation where foreign investments are a necessity and a need for whole economic development, this research focused on Serbia owing to its results in foreign investment attraction during a transition period. Primary data collected using a survey technique on 88 foreign companies that invested in Serbia from 2001 to 2019 were analysed using a quantitative methodology (ANOVA and t-test). The results indicate that the stability of the government and the rule of law are the most important conditions for foreign investors in Serbia. This research's originality is reflected in the primary data and research results obtained.
{"title":"Political environment as a factor of foreign investment in Serbia","authors":"Ivana S. Domazet, Darko Marjanović, M. Lazić","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42699","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to research the influence of political environment factors on the inflow of foreign investments in Serbia. Keeping in mind that many countries in Southeast Europe find themselves in a situation where foreign investments are a necessity and a need for whole economic development, this research focused on Serbia owing to its results in foreign investment attraction during a transition period. Primary data collected using a survey technique on 88 foreign companies that invested in Serbia from 2001 to 2019 were analysed using a quantitative methodology (ANOVA and t-test). The results indicate that the stability of the government and the rule of law are the most important conditions for foreign investors in Serbia. This research's originality is reflected in the primary data and research results obtained.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71079982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The text is an attempt to re-test certain authorial hypotheses regarding the character of the administrative dispute in the first Yugoslav state, by using descriptive and evaluation methods. In the first part of the paper, the readers are briefly reminded of the basic theoretical assumptions concerning the concept, subject and classification of administrative dispute. The second part of the paper presents a review of the normative framework and accepted legal solutions in the analyzed period. In the third part of the paper, the author addresses the more significant doctrinal dilemmas on this issue. In the last part, instead of concluding, a simplified assessment of the character and legal nature of the administrative dispute in the mentioned period is offered. It is concluded that the system of administrative court control of the administration belonged to the group of European-continental ones, that the subject of the administrative dispute was determined by a combination of the general clause method and the negative enumeration method, and the dispute was defined as a subjective dispute about the legality of the administrative act. A particular emphasis is placed on the existence of an objective administrative dispute and the views on the existence of a form of full jurisdiction in the law of the first Yugoslav state are accepted.
{"title":"General view of the character of the administrative dispute in the first Yugoslav state","authors":"Vojislav Bačanin","doi":"10.5937/spm79-42720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42720","url":null,"abstract":"The text is an attempt to re-test certain authorial hypotheses regarding the character of the administrative dispute in the first Yugoslav state, by using descriptive and evaluation methods. In the first part of the paper, the readers are briefly reminded of the basic theoretical assumptions concerning the concept, subject and classification of administrative dispute. The second part of the paper presents a review of the normative framework and accepted legal solutions in the analyzed period. In the third part of the paper, the author addresses the more significant doctrinal dilemmas on this issue. In the last part, instead of concluding, a simplified assessment of the character and legal nature of the administrative dispute in the mentioned period is offered. It is concluded that the system of administrative court control of the administration belonged to the group of European-continental ones, that the subject of the administrative dispute was determined by a combination of the general clause method and the negative enumeration method, and the dispute was defined as a subjective dispute about the legality of the administrative act. A particular emphasis is placed on the existence of an objective administrative dispute and the views on the existence of a form of full jurisdiction in the law of the first Yugoslav state are accepted.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：