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A study of the effect of wearing face masks in preventing COVID-19 transmission in the United States of America 戴口罩在美国预防COVID-19传播效果的研究
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1108/pap-08-2021-0046
Kazuyuki Suzuki, T. Hasegawa, N. Kano, Y. Okamoto
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to intelligibly demonstrate the effectiveness of face mask wearing as a means to prevent COVID-19 transmission. Through understanding the benefits of wearing masks, it is hoped to facilitate the change of societal behavior and more people are willing to wear face mask.Design/methodology/approachThe paper investigates the 50 states in the United States of America (U.S.) and Washington, D.C. that implemented the mask mandates before September 30, 2020, which are divided into four groups: (1) those implemented the statewide mask mandates before June 5, 2020 when World Health Organization (WHO) recommended mask wearing; (2) those implemented statewide mask mandates after June 5, 2020; (3) those implemented partial mandates affecting 30 percent or more of the state’s population; and (4) those implemented partial mandates affecting less than 30 percent. Simple descriptive statistics are analyzed.FindingsFor the 50 U.S. states and Washington, D.C., the higher the mask wearing rate, the lower the number of COVID-19 cases (correlation coefficient: −0.69 (p<0.001)). For the 23 states with mobility reduction of less than 15 percent, the higher the proportion of population required to wear masks, the lower the number of cases. This can be seen from the difference in the number of cases among the four groups by ANOVA (p = 0.013).OriginalityThe positive effect of wearing masks is shown based on simple descriptive statistics for intuitive and intelligible understanding, which may lead people to comprehend the importance of wearing masks, and break through their custom, culture, and norms, and wear masks.
目的本文旨在清楚地证明戴口罩作为预防新冠肺炎传播的有效性。通过了解戴口罩的好处,希望能促进社会行为的改变,让更多的人愿意戴口罩。设计/方法/方法本文调查了美国和华盛顿特区在2020年9月30日之前实施口罩强制令的50个州,分为四组:(1)在2020年6月5日之前实施全州口罩强制令,当时世界卫生组织(世界卫生组织)建议佩戴口罩;(2) 2020年6月5日之后在全州范围内实施口罩强制令的人;(3) 那些实施了影响该州30%或以上人口的部分命令的人;以及(4)执行的部分任务影响不到30%。分析了简单的描述性统计。调查结果对于美国50个州和华盛顿特区,戴口罩率越高,新冠肺炎病例数越低(相关系数:-0.69(p<0.001))。对于23个流动性下降低于15%的州,要求戴口罩的人口比例越高,病例数越少。这可以通过方差分析从四组病例数的差异中看出(p=0.013)。独创性戴口罩的积极影响是基于简单的描述性统计数据来显示的,以便于直观和易懂的理解,这可能会引导人们理解戴口罩的重要性,并突破他们的习俗、文化和规范,戴口罩。
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引用次数: 7
Quality healthcare services under National Health Insurance Scheme in Ghana: perspectives from health policy implementers and beneficiaries 加纳国家健康保险计划下的优质保健服务:卫生政策执行者和受益者的观点
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1108/pap-08-2021-0047
Daniel Dramani Kipo-Sunyehzi
PurposeThis paper aims to examine the factors that affect the quality of healthcare services in the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) at the local level in Ghana from the perspectives of health policy implementers and beneficiaries in public-private organisations.Design/methodology/approachThis paper has adopted a mixed research method with both qualitative and quantitative data, with in-depth interviews, document analysis and focus groups discussions. A total of 107 participants took part in the interviews and the questionnaire survey.FindingsThe study found that these factors greatly affect the quality of healthcare services from the implementers’ perspectives — referrals, effectiveness in monitoring, timeliness, efficiency, reimbursement, compliance with standard guidelines of Ghana Health Service (GHS) and accreditation process. For the beneficiaries, three healthcare services factors are important, including medical consultations, diagnostic services and the supply of drugs and medicines. Some other factors are found to be the least prioritized healthcare services, namely the issuance of prescription forms, verification of identification (ID) cards and staff attitude. However, the study found that implementers and beneficiaries exhibited a mixed reaction (perspectives) on accessing some healthcare services. In some healthcare services where the implementers perceived that beneficiaries have more access to such services, the beneficiaries think otherwise, an irony in the perspectives of the two actors.Originality/valueThis paper adds to the extant literature on the perspectives of policy implementers and beneficiaries on factors that affect the quality of healthcare services in general and specifically on the implementation of NHIS in Ghana with the public-private dimension.
目的本文旨在从公共和私营组织的卫生政策实施者和受益人的角度,研究加纳地方一级实施国家健康保险计划(NHIS)过程中影响医疗服务质量的因素。设计/方法论/方法本文采用了定性和定量数据相结合的混合研究方法,包括深入访谈、文献分析和焦点小组讨论。共有107名参与者参加了访谈和问卷调查。研究发现,从实施者的角度来看,这些因素极大地影响了医疗服务的质量——转诊、监测的有效性、及时性、效率、报销、遵守加纳卫生服务(GHS)标准指南和认证流程。对受益人来说,三个医疗服务因素很重要,包括医疗咨询、诊断服务以及药品供应。其他一些因素被发现是最不优先的医疗服务,即处方表的发放、身份证的验证和工作人员的态度。然而,研究发现,实施者和受益人在获得一些医疗服务方面表现出混合反应(观点)。在一些医疗服务中,实施者认为受益人有更多机会获得此类服务,而受益人却不以为然,这在两个参与者的角度来看是一种讽刺。独创性/价值本文补充了现有文献中关于政策实施者和受益人对影响医疗服务质量的因素的看法,特别是关于加纳国家健康信息系统的公私层面的实施。
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引用次数: 2
Impact of an economic revitalization programme on export and employment generation: a case study of One District One Product Programme in Uttar Pradesh, India 经济振兴方案对出口和创造就业的影响:印度北方邦一区一产品方案的个案研究
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1108/pap-03-2021-0018
A. Tripathi, Noopur Agrawal
PurposeThe aim of this paper is to discuss the role of the economic revitalization programme, One District One Product (ODOP) implemented in the state of Uttar Pradesh of India in 2018, examine its strategy, and analyze its impact on employment generation, export promotion and economic growth of the state from 2018 to 2020.Design/methodology/approachAlong with extensive literature, this paper uses case study approach for discussion. Arguments and facts are based on secondary data comprising of research by scholars, international agencies, government publications, websites, news reports, etc.FindingsThis paper presents positive impact of the systematically crafted ODOP programme. Nevertheless, for desired success, it signifies the inevitability of active participation and engagement of public that has always been a precarious subject in the literature of public administration and governance.OriginalityThis paper offers a guiding live example for other states/countries to successfully implement ODOP programme which is a transformational step for realizing the true potential of each district. Strategies like ODOP may serve as an agent of change and be of immense help to governments in solving the problems of economic inequalities and regional imbalances.
目的本文旨在讨论2018年在印度北方邦实施的经济振兴计划“一区一品”(ODOP)的作用,审查其战略,并分析其对2018年至2020年该邦创造就业、促进出口和经济增长的影响,本文采用案例研究的方法进行讨论。争论和事实基于二级数据,包括学者、国际机构、政府出版物、网站、新闻报道等的研究。然而,为了取得预期的成功,它意味着公众积极参与和参与的必然性,这在公共行政和治理文献中一直是一个不稳定的主题。原创性本文为其他州/国家成功实施ODOP计划提供了一个指导性的实例,这是实现每个地区真正潜力的转型步骤。ODOP等战略可能会成为变革的推动者,对政府解决经济不平等和地区失衡问题有巨大帮助。
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引用次数: 1
The National Security Law: political and social effects on the governance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 《国家安全法》:对香港特别行政区治理的政治和社会影响
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-15 DOI: 10.1108/pap-08-2021-0050
S. Lau
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify the major political and social effects of the Hong Kong National Security Law on Hong Kong. It is argued that the enactment of this Law allows Hong Kong not only to end its protracted political turmoil since its return to China in 1997, but also will generate the favorable conditions for long-term stability and effective governance in the territory.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the author’s close observation of what had happened in Hong Kong in the year since the Hong Kong National Security Law came into effect on 1 July 2020.FindingsThe Hong Kong National Security Law has brought about significant changes in the political psychology of Hongkongers, the balance of power among different political forces, the ability of external forces to interfere in Hong Kong politics, the way Hong Kong is governed, the relationship between the government and the legislature, the activities in the educational and cultural sectors, and the behavior of the judiciary.Originality/valueThis paper would be of interest to scholars and people who are interested in the implementation of “One Country, Two Systems” in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) as well as Beijing’s new policy towards Hong Kong in the aftermath of Hong Kong’s unprecedented riots and violence.
本文的目的是确定《香港国家安全法》对香港的主要政治和社会影响。有人认为,《香港基本法》的制定,不仅可以结束香港自1997年回归中国以来长期动荡的政治局面,也将为香港的长期稳定和有效治理创造有利条件。本文基于作者对《香港国家安全法》于2020年7月1日生效以来一年中香港发生的事情的密切观察。《香港国家安全法》在香港人的政治心理、不同政治力量之间的权力平衡、外部势力干预香港政治的能力、香港的治理方式、政府与立法机关的关系、教育和文化部门的活动以及司法部门的行为等方面带来了重大变化。原创性/价值本文将对学者和对“一国两制”在香港特别行政区(SAR)的实施以及北京在香港前所未有的骚乱和暴力事件后对香港的新政策感兴趣的人感兴趣。
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引用次数: 5
Upholding parental responsibility by family mediation: revisiting the role of the law for children in divorce in Hong Kong 以家事调解维护父母的责任:检讨香港法律对离婚子女的角色
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-15 DOI: 10.1108/pap-08-2021-0045
S. Law
PurposeThis paper aims to analyse the different requirements of Practice Direction 15.10 (which governs the process of family mediation in Hong Kong) and Practice Direction 31 (which governs the process of general mediation in Hong Kong), and to highlight the need to incorporate the spirit of family mediation into legislation to better protect children’s interest in a family dispute.Design/Methodology/approachThe paper reviews and compares the content on Practice Direction 15.10 and Practice Direction 31 issued by Chief Justice of the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal, and adopts interpretative and analytical approaches to evaluate their impact.FindingsIn an effort to promote parental responsibility-based negotiation in divorce proceeding, a missed opportunity in enacting the Children Proceedings (Parental Responsibility) Bill in 2015 might be a blessing in disguise as it offers another chance for policy makers to consider how to direct parties to negotiate and communicate, to seek and benefit from professional guidance on a continuous basis, and to seek alternative channels to resolve disputes other than the court room. The policy and the law advocating a switch from a “rights-based” to “responsibility-based” approach in handling children’s matters should be revisited by incorporating the spirit of family mediation into legislation.Originality/valueAnalyses are conducted through direct contextual review and documentary research. This paper conducts literal analysis of court guidance and unveils policy implications for the general public. It would be of interest to judicial officers, scholars and government officials concerning children’s rights and parental responsibility in divorce proceedings.
目的分析《香港家庭调解实务指引15.10》(规管家庭调解程序)与《香港一般调解实务指引31》(规控一般调解程序)的不同要求,并强调有需要将家庭调解精神纳入法例,以更好地保障儿童在家庭纠纷中的权益。设计/方法/方法本文回顾和比较了香港终审法院首席法官发布的《实务指示15.10》和《实务指示31》的内容,并采用解释和分析的方法来评估其影响。发现为了在离婚程序中促进基于父母责任的谈判,错过了2015年颁布《儿童诉讼(父母责任)法案》的机会可能是因祸得福,因为它为决策者提供了另一个机会,让他们考虑如何指导各方进行谈判和沟通,持续寻求专业指导并从中受益,并寻求除法庭之外的其他解决纠纷的渠道。应通过将家庭调解的精神纳入立法,重新审视倡导在处理儿童事务时从“基于权利”转向“基于责任”的政策和法律。原创性/价值分析是通过直接的上下文回顾和文献研究进行的。本文对法院指导进行了文字分析,并揭示了对公众的政策含义。司法官员、学者和政府官员对离婚诉讼中的儿童权利和父母责任感兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Governance 治理
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1163/9781684170937_004
Saeed Siyal, Denisha Hobbs
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引用次数: 0
Evaluation of generic competencies among secondary school leavers from the new academic structure for senior secondary education in Hong Kong 香港高中教育新学制下中学离校生的一般能力评估
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1108/pap-07-2020-0033
K. O. Chan, Maggie Ng, J. So, V. Chan
PurposeA new academic structure for senior secondary and higher education was introduced to Hong Kong in 2009/2010. This paper aims to: (1) compare the cohort from the old academic structure (Cohort 2010) and the cohort from the new academic structure (Cohort 2015) on the 14 categories of generic competencies; and (2) compare these attributes among students from different divisions in a tertiary institution in Hong Kong.Design/methodology/approachSelf-Assessment of All-Round Development (SAARD) questionnaires were distributed to students who took the two-year sub-degree programmes offered by the College of Professional and Continuing Education, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University in 2010 and 2015 on a self-administered basis. A total of 4,424 students have returned the questionnaires. Data were analyzed with t-test to compare between the two cohorts.FindingsWhen comparing Cohort 2015 with Cohort 2010, significantly higher scores were observed on five areas such as global outlook and healthy lifestyle (p<0.05). Significantly lower scores were observed on the other five areas such as problem solving, critical thinking and leadership (p<0.05). Students from all divisions unanimously showed higher perceived rating on social and national responsibility but lower perceived rating on leadership (p<0.05).Originality/ValueThe elimination of one public examination, the newly included components such as Other Learning Experiences (OLE) and the compulsory Liberal Studies were believed to contribute partially to the diverse responses of the two cohorts. The dramatic change of the curriculum has not changed the examination culture in Hong Kong which may hinder the development of generic skills among students.
目的香港于2009/2010年引入新的高中及高等教育学术架构。本文旨在:(1)比较旧学术结构的队列(2010年队列)和新学术结构的群组(2015年队列)的14类通用能力;(2)比较香港高等院校不同院系学生的这些特质。向参加专业及继续教育学院两年制亚学位课程的学生发放设计/方法/方法全面发展自我评估(SAARD)问卷,香港理工大学于2010年和2015年自行管理。共有4424名学生返回了问卷。数据采用t检验进行分析,以比较两个队列。研究结果2015年与2010年相比,在全球观和健康生活方式等五个领域的得分显著较高(p<0.05)。在解决问题、,批判性思维和领导力(p<0.05)。来自所有部门的学生在社会和国家责任方面一致表现出较高的感知评分,但在领导力方面表现出较低的感知评分(p<0.05),新纳入的组成部分,如其他学习经历(OLE)和必修通识教育,被认为在一定程度上有助于这两个群体的不同反应。课程的急剧变化并没有改变香港的考试文化,这可能会阻碍学生通用技能的发展。
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引用次数: 2
Editorial 编辑
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1108/pap-09-2021-060
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引用次数: 0
The challenges facing the next Chief Executive of Hong Kong in 2022: managing growth, conflict, change and continuity 2022年香港下任行政长官面临的挑战:管理增长、冲突、变革和连续性
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-08-10 DOI: 10.1108/pap-07-2021-0037
R. Lau
PurposeThis article outlines the challenges faced by the next Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) in 2022 – the need to address economic problems resulting from Hong Kong’s slow growth; its inability to restructure its economy to broaden job opportunities and improve upward mobility for young people; and the government’s belated attempt to deploy innovation and technology.Design/methodology/approachThis article is based on the author’s in-depth analysis of the current situation and insights on the challenges faced by the next Chief Executive.FindingsTensions are inherent in the concept of “One Country, Two Systems”. Back in November 2012, Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Office Zhang Xiaoming already reminded Hong Kong of the need to manage well three sets of relationships: (1) maintaining the “One Country” principle while preserving the SARs’ “separate systems”; (2) upholding Central Authority while preserving the SARs’ “high degree of autonomy”; and (3) unleashing the economic potential of mainland China while raising the competitiveness of the SARs. These three sets of relationships represent three fundamental difficulties in implementing “One Country, Two Systems”. However, Hong Kong kept ignoring Beijing’s advice and failed to resolve the tension between the mainland and Hong Kong SAR, culminating in the riotous events of 2019, which morphed into a dangerous, anti-China insurgency.Originality/valueThe next Chief Executive needs to mediate between the constitutional requirements of the Central Authority while preserving Hong Kong SAR’s “high degree of autonomy”, its unique character and lifestyle. He or she also needs to deal with continuity and change. Hong Kong cannot stand still, and should not allow itself to be lulled by the “50 years no change” mantra into overlooking the need to move with the times. Much reform needs to be implemented by the next Chief Executive to give people hope, faith in “One Country, Two Systems” and true love of the country.
目的本文概述了香港特别行政区下一任行政长官在2022年面临的挑战——需要解决香港经济增长缓慢带来的经济问题;无法调整经济结构以扩大就业机会和提高年轻人的向上流动性;以及政府部署创新和技术的迟来尝试。设计/方法论/方法本文基于作者对当前形势的深入分析和对下一任行政长官面临的挑战的见解。早在2012年11月,香港港澳办副主任张晓明就已经提醒香港要处理好三套关系:(一)坚持“一国”原则,维护特区“两制”;(2) 维护中央权力,同时维护特区的“高度自治”;(3)释放中国内地的经济潜力,同时提高特区的竞争力。这三种关系是落实“一国两制”的三大根本困难。然而,香港一直无视北京的建议,未能解决大陆与香港特别行政区之间的紧张关系,最终导致2019年的暴乱事件,演变成一场危险的反华叛乱。创意/价值下一任行政长官需要在维护香港特别行政区“高度自治”、其独特性质和生活方式的同时,在中央的宪制要求之间进行调解。他或她还需要处理连续性和变化。香港不能固步自封,也不应听任“50年不变”的口号所左右,忽视与时俱进的必要性。下一任行政长官需要进行许多改革,让人们对“一国两制”充满希望、充满信心、热爱祖国。
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引用次数: 0
Breaking the cycle of failure in combating corruption in Asian countries 打破亚洲国家打击腐败失败的恶性循环
IF 1.4 4区 法学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.1108/pap-05-2021-0034
Jon T. S. Quah
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify the five mistakes made by political leaders in Asian countries in combating corruption. These mistakes constitute the cycle of failure which must be broken for Asian countries to succeed in fighting corruption.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the comparative evaluation of the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures adopted by various Asian countries.FindingsThe cycle of failure in combating corruption in Asian countries arises from their governments’ reliance on corrupt political leaders and the police, and multiple anti-corruption agencies as attack dogs or paper tigers.Originality/valueThis paper would be of interest to those policymakers, anti-corruption practitioners, and scholars, who are concerned with enhancing the effectiveness of anti-corruption strategies in their countries by breaking the cycle of failure.
目的本文旨在找出亚洲国家政治领导人在反腐败斗争中所犯的五个错误。这些错误构成了失败的循环,亚洲国家要想成功打击腐败,就必须打破这种循环。设计/方法/途径本文基于对亚洲各国反腐败措施有效性的比较评估。调查结果亚洲国家打击腐败的失败循环源于其政府依赖腐败的政治领导人和警察,以及多个反腐败机构作为攻击犬或纸老虎。原创性/价值这篇论文将引起那些关注通过打破失败循环来提高本国反腐败战略有效性的决策者、反腐败从业者和学者的兴趣。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Public Administration and Policy-An Asia-Pacific Journal
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