The following article discusses ethnopolitical processes (politicization of ethnicity and ethnopolitical mobilization of national and ethnic minorities) in Eastern European countries. The author analyses social and political activity of national and ethnic minorities, as well as their representation in state authorities of the Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, and concludes that those processes affect the national security of the countries that make up the sub-region. Particular threat to national security is posed by organized separatist actions. In case of the Republic of Belarus, the problem is not observed, but in the Republic of Moldova (Gagauzia, Transnistria) and Ukraine (Donbas, Carpathian Ruthenia) it is a very serious issue. Separatist tendencies of various ethnic groups have a significant impact on the national security policy. They also call for intervention by state authorities, not only in connection with security issues, but also in relation to appropriate management of ethnopolitical processes within the country.
{"title":"Ethnopolitical processes as determinants of ethnopolitical management in Eastern European countries in the context of sub-regional security","authors":"M. Karolak-Michalska","doi":"10.14746/RIE.2020.14.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/RIE.2020.14.20","url":null,"abstract":"The following article discusses ethnopolitical processes (politicization of ethnicity and ethnopolitical mobilization of national and ethnic minorities) in Eastern European countries. The author analyses social and political activity of national and ethnic minorities, as well as their representation in state authorities of the Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, and concludes that those processes affect the national security of the countries that make up the sub-region. Particular threat to national security is posed by organized separatist actions. In case of the Republic of Belarus, the problem is not observed, but in the Republic of Moldova (Gagauzia, Transnistria) and Ukraine (Donbas, Carpathian Ruthenia) it is a very serious issue. Separatist tendencies of various ethnic groups have a significant impact on the national security policy. They also call for intervention by state authorities, not only in connection with security issues, but also in relation to appropriate management of ethnopolitical processes within the country.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45848675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Artykuł skupia się na roli Rady Europejskiej w ramach instytucjonalnych Unii Europejskiej, zgodnie z zapisami traktatu lizbońskiego. W tekście wskazano na jej rosnący wpływ, wykraczający poza sformułowania zawarte w Traktacie, oraz na narastającą krytykę, którą stymuluje ta ewolucja. Dokonując przeglądu krytycznych punktów widzenia odnoszących się do roli, jaką sprawuje, w tekście dokonano analizy czynników warunkujących zmiany formuły funkcjonowania urzędu przewodniczącego Rady Europejskiej. Przedstawione zostały istniejące struktury powiązań międzyinstytucjonalnych warunkujące pełnienie przez niego funkcji. W artykule oparto się na założeniu, iż dotychczasowa zasada korelacji zadań oparta na uzupełnianiu kompetencji uległa modyfikacji. Narastanie sytuacji kryzysowej wpłynęło na zaburzenie dotychczasowej równowagi instytucjonalnej, a jednocześnie zbiegło się z procesem zmian kompetencyjnych.
{"title":"Funkcja przewodniczącego Rady Europejskiej – kompetencje formalne i nieformalne w świetle postanowień traktatu lizbońskiego i praktyki działań","authors":"Beata Przybylska-Maszner","doi":"10.14746/RIE.2020.14.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/RIE.2020.14.24","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł skupia się na roli Rady Europejskiej w ramach instytucjonalnych Unii Europejskiej, zgodnie z zapisami traktatu lizbońskiego. W tekście wskazano na jej rosnący wpływ, wykraczający poza sformułowania zawarte w Traktacie, oraz na narastającą krytykę, którą stymuluje ta ewolucja. Dokonując przeglądu krytycznych punktów widzenia odnoszących się do roli, jaką sprawuje, w tekście dokonano analizy czynników warunkujących zmiany formuły funkcjonowania urzędu przewodniczącego Rady Europejskiej. Przedstawione zostały istniejące struktury powiązań międzyinstytucjonalnych warunkujące pełnienie przez niego funkcji. W artykule oparto się na założeniu, iż dotychczasowa zasada korelacji zadań oparta na uzupełnianiu kompetencji uległa modyfikacji. Narastanie sytuacji kryzysowej wpłynęło na zaburzenie dotychczasowej równowagi instytucjonalnej, a jednocześnie zbiegło się z procesem zmian kompetencyjnych.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47409238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Migration issues have been at the forefront of international discussions since 2015. They have been considered from the perspective of both human rights and the interests of individual states. The latter seem to have prevailed, leading to a kind of offensive against admittance of third-country nationals. Restrictive regulations introduced into national legislations, combined with reluctance towards international legal initiatives promoting concerted efforts to assist and protect migrants and eliminate the underlying causes of migrations, have resulted in adoption of zero-tolerance immigration policies. In this paper, the author sets out to assess the immigration policy of the Republic of China on Taiwan. Having recognized that its labor shortages cannot be compensated for by internal migration, the country has significantly remodeled its approach to immigration. The answer to the question about the relevance and efficiency of the proposed legal solutions will be used to indicate possible solutions for EU Member States planning to reform the common migration and asylum policies. The analysis uses methods commonly applied in social studies in general, and legal and political studies in particular. While legal analysis and systems analysis are the key research methods, comparative analysis has been used as well.
{"title":"When Immigration Becomes a Necessity. ROC Immigration Policy – Lessons for Europe","authors":"A. Potyrała","doi":"10.14746/RIE.2020.14.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/RIE.2020.14.10","url":null,"abstract":"Migration issues have been at the forefront of international discussions since 2015. They have been considered from the perspective of both human rights and the interests of individual states. The latter seem to have prevailed, leading to a kind of offensive against admittance of third-country nationals. Restrictive regulations introduced into national legislations, combined with reluctance towards international legal initiatives promoting concerted efforts to assist and protect migrants and eliminate the underlying causes of migrations, have resulted in adoption of zero-tolerance immigration policies. In this paper, the author sets out to assess the immigration policy of the Republic of China on Taiwan. Having recognized that its labor shortages cannot be compensated for by internal migration, the country has significantly remodeled its approach to immigration. The answer to the question about the relevance and efficiency of the proposed legal solutions will be used to indicate possible solutions for EU Member States planning to reform the common migration and asylum policies. The analysis uses methods commonly applied in social studies in general, and legal and political studies in particular. While legal analysis and systems analysis are the key research methods, comparative analysis has been used as well.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44941692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main aim of the article is to present political consequences of the failure of the Cyprus talks 2015–2017 for the European Union. Although its institutions and representatives were engaged in the negotiation process there, the issue seems to be more complex when it comes to defining what their role was. One can find the answer to such a question analysing the course and the final outcome of the negotiation process in Cyprus. The main research question are as follows: What was the course of bicommunal negotiations? What brought the negotiations to a halt in 2017? How did the European Union engage in the process? What are political consequences of the talks failure for the European Union? The selected method is sources analysis and the technique is qualitative content analysis. On this basis one can study, for example, selected speeches, declarations as well as official documents. As regards the main sources, these are selected EU and UN documents, monographs, and academic articles.
{"title":"The Cyprus Talks 2015–2017: Their Course, the Outcome, and Consequences for the European Union","authors":"Przemysław Osiewicz","doi":"10.14746/rie.2020.14.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.9","url":null,"abstract":"The main aim of the article is to present political consequences of the failure of the Cyprus talks 2015–2017 for the European Union. Although its institutions and representatives were engaged in the negotiation process there, the issue seems to be more complex when it comes to defining what their role was. One can find the answer to such a question analysing the course and the final outcome of the negotiation process in Cyprus. \u0000The main research question are as follows: What was the course of bicommunal negotiations? What brought the negotiations to a halt in 2017? How did the European Union engage in the process? What are political consequences of the talks failure for the European Union? The selected method is sources analysis and the technique is qualitative content analysis. On this basis one can study, for example, selected speeches, declarations as well as official documents. As regards the main sources, these are selected EU and UN documents, monographs, and academic articles.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46638710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie deficytów związanych z obroną interesów przez aktorów niepaństwowych związanych z polską racją stanu. Ponadto artykuł przedstawia wyartykułowane i promowane interesy Polski na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł koncentruje się także na podmiotach niepaństwowych zaangażowanych w lobbing na poziomie europejskim i krajowym. W artykule podjęto również próbę ustalenia miejsca podmiotów niepaństwowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej w kontekście wzrostu promowania polskiej racji. Oprócz wymiarów teoretycznych, artykuł ten oferuje praktyczny wgląd w funkcjonowanie polskich podmiotów niepaństwowych na poziomie europejskim, który rozwijał się w ostatnich latach.
{"title":"Reprezentacja aktorów niepaństwowych w Unii Europejskiej a polska racja stanu","authors":"Jarosław Filip Czub","doi":"10.14746/rie.2020.14.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.5","url":null,"abstract":"Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie deficytów związanych z obroną interesów przez aktorów niepaństwowych związanych z polską racją stanu. Ponadto artykuł przedstawia wyartykułowane i promowane interesy Polski na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł koncentruje się także na podmiotach niepaństwowych zaangażowanych w lobbing na poziomie europejskim i krajowym. W artykule podjęto również próbę ustalenia miejsca podmiotów niepaństwowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej w kontekście wzrostu promowania polskiej racji. Oprócz wymiarów teoretycznych, artykuł ten oferuje praktyczny wgląd w funkcjonowanie polskich podmiotów niepaństwowych na poziomie europejskim, który rozwijał się w ostatnich latach.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46453409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Polexit is a concept that emerged in the political science discourse when the United Kingdom held a referendum on its continued membership of the European Union on June 26, 2016. The article analyzes the reasons which facilitate a discussion on the withdrawal of Poland from the European Union. On the one hand, this results from disputes on the direction of the evolution of the European project between ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states. On the other, its intensity is affected by the dynamics of the dispute between the Polish government and the European Commission on the state of the rule of law in Poland. For supporters of a change in relations between European institutions and member states, the European parliamentary elections offered an opportunity of starting a discussion on the change of treaties. However, due to the fact that proponents of treaty changes failed to win the appropriate number of seats, the vision of an EU of ‘two speeds’ is becoming realistic. This may mark the beginning of a sequence of events concluded with a referendum on the withdrawal of Poland from the European Union.
{"title":"Conditions for Initiating the Procedure of Poland’s Withdrawal from the European Union","authors":"Cezary Trosiak","doi":"10.14746/rie.2020.14.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.14","url":null,"abstract":"Polexit is a concept that emerged in the political science discourse when the United Kingdom held a referendum on its continued membership of the European Union on June 26, 2016. The article analyzes the reasons which facilitate a discussion on the withdrawal of Poland from the European Union. On the one hand, this results from disputes on the direction of the evolution of the European project between ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states. On the other, its intensity is affected by the dynamics of the dispute between the Polish government and the European Commission on the state of the rule of law in Poland. For supporters of a change in relations between European institutions and member states, the European parliamentary elections offered an opportunity of starting a discussion on the change of treaties. However, due to the fact that proponents of treaty changes failed to win the appropriate number of seats, the vision of an EU of ‘two speeds’ is becoming realistic. This may mark the beginning of a sequence of events concluded with a referendum on the withdrawal of Poland from the European Union.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48048939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article is to show the condition of Polish democracy on the example of two elections held in 2019 and 2020. The elections brought about a positive phenomenon for democ racy, which is an increase in voter turnout. On the other hand, negative phenomena appeared, in particular the violent political polarization within the political community. The example of the Polish elections was then confronted with the perception of democracy among Polish society in a comparative approach, i.e. against the perception of other European nations. Against this background, the assessment of Polish democracy by Poles is exceptionally positive. Later in the article, an attempt was made to consider to what extent the integration processes may be responsible for weakening democracy in the Member States, as well as for the decline in trust in democratic institutions in the west and southern part of the continent.
{"title":"Perception of Polish Democracy in a Comparative Approach in Relation to the European Integration Processes","authors":"T. Grosse","doi":"10.14746/rie.2020.14.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.1","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to show the condition of Polish democracy on the example of two elections held in 2019 and 2020. The elections brought about a positive phenomenon for democ racy, which is an increase in voter turnout. On the other hand, negative phenomena appeared, in particular the violent political polarization within the political community. The example of the Polish elections was then confronted with the perception of democracy among Polish society in a comparative approach, i.e. against the perception of other European nations. Against this background, the assessment of Polish democracy by Poles is exceptionally positive. Later in the article, an attempt was made to consider to what extent the integration processes may be responsible for weakening democracy in the Member States, as well as for the decline in trust in democratic institutions in the west and southern part of the continent.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66619316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the article is to analyze ESP in the context of different modes of governance. Assuming that ESP is a unique and multidimensional product of dynamic political, technological, and social processes and ideas coordinated by the EU, its member states as well as non-member ones and implemented in an international environment, there are some research questions to be answered. First, is there any particular mode of governance that should be applied to the analysis of ESP implementation? Second, in what way the EU introduced space policy and space assets to the European agenda? Third, how ESP can be framed within the overall process of European integration? A qualitative research approach has been applied as well as theoretic apparatus embedded in European integration studies and political science. The main finding of the article is that the most promising way of governance within ESP is experimentalist governance. The originality of the article results from the application of the newly established experimentalist governance theory to an analysis of the increasingly important segment of EU activity.
{"title":"Governance within European Space Policy","authors":"Irma Słomczyńska","doi":"10.14746/rie.2020.14.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.18","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to analyze ESP in the context of different modes of governance. Assuming that ESP is a unique and multidimensional product of dynamic political, technological, and social processes and ideas coordinated by the EU, its member states as well as non-member ones and implemented in an international environment, there are some research questions to be answered. First, is there any particular mode of governance that should be applied to the analysis of ESP implementation? Second, in what way the EU introduced space policy and space assets to the European agenda? Third, how ESP can be framed within the overall process of European integration? A qualitative research approach has been applied as well as theoretic apparatus embedded in European integration studies and political science. The main finding of the article is that the most promising way of governance within ESP is experimentalist governance. The originality of the article results from the application of the newly established experimentalist governance theory to an analysis of the increasingly important segment of EU activity.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66619327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Artykuł przedstawia model badawczy, który może być zastosowany do analizy roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa (Wysoki Przedstawiciel) w procesie decyzyjnym. Punktem wyjścia do modelu jest dominujący pogląd odzwierciedlony w literaturze, według którego Wysoki Przedstawiciel jest wyłącznie ograniczonym agentem (constrained agent) państw członkowskich pełniących rolę zbiorowego pryncypała (collective principal). Kluczowym ograniczeniem roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela wydaje się być pozostawiona w rękach państw członkowskich kompetencja decyzyjna. Proponowany model wprowadza kategorię politycznego przedsiębiorcy i bada, na ile poprzez działanie w charakterze takiego przedsiębiorcy Wysoki Przedstawiciel może zwiększyć swoje pole manewru w relacjach ze zbiorowym zleceniodawcą.
{"title":"Wysoki Przedstawiciel Unii Europejskiej do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa jako przedsiębiorca polityczny. Propozycja podejścia badawczego","authors":"Monika Sus","doi":"10.14746/rie.2019.13.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2019.13.4","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł przedstawia model badawczy, który może być zastosowany do analizy roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa (Wysoki Przedstawiciel) w procesie decyzyjnym. Punktem wyjścia do modelu jest dominujący pogląd odzwierciedlony w literaturze, według którego Wysoki Przedstawiciel jest wyłącznie ograniczonym agentem (constrained agent) państw członkowskich pełniących rolę zbiorowego pryncypała (collective principal). Kluczowym ograniczeniem roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela wydaje się być pozostawiona w rękach państw członkowskich kompetencja decyzyjna. Proponowany model wprowadza kategorię politycznego przedsiębiorcy i bada, na ile poprzez działanie w charakterze takiego przedsiębiorcy Wysoki Przedstawiciel może zwiększyć swoje pole manewru w relacjach ze zbiorowym zleceniodawcą.","PeriodicalId":34804,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48405181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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