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Shaykh Google as Ḥāfiẓ al-Aṣr: The Internet, Traditional ʿUlamā’, and Self Learning (2020)* Shaykh Google as Ḥāfiẓ al-Aṣr:互联网、传统ʿUlamā' 和自学 (2020)*
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3419
Emad Hamdeh
More than any other period, the last hundred years have witnesseda rise in the accessibility of information through books, media,and the internet. This introduced new ways of learning and sharingIslamic knowledge. In this article, I consider how traditionalIslamic knowledge and pedagogical techniques are challenged bythe growing number of lay Muslims participating in religious discussionsthrough print and the internet. I explain why the ʿulamā’perceive self-learning as a threat not only to the ostensibly properunderstanding of religion but also to the redefinition and reinventionof their authority. I observe how print and digital mediacaused a shift away from the necessity of the teacher and facilitatedautodidactic learning and claims to authority. Despite their criticismof self-learning, Traditionalists have embraced the internet inorder to remain relevant and to compete with non-experts.Writing is inferior to speech. For it is like a picture, which can giveno answer to a question, and has only a deceitful likeness of a livingcreature. It has no power of adaptation, but uses the same words forall. It is not a legitimate son of knowledge, but a bastard, and whenan attack is made upon this bastard neither parent nor anyone elseis there to defend it.                                                                                                 —Plato*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islam and Society 37, no. 1-2 (2020):67-101
与其他任何时期相比,过去的一百年见证了通过书籍、媒体和互联网获取信息的速度加快。这引入了学习和分享伊斯兰知识的新方式。在这篇文章中,我探讨了越来越多的非穆斯林通过印刷品和互联网参与宗教讨论,传统的伊斯兰知识和教学技巧是如何受到挑战的。我解释了为什么ʿulamā'认为自学不仅是对表面上正确理解宗教的威胁,也是对重新定义和重塑其权威的威胁。我观察到印刷媒体和数字媒体是如何使人们不再认为教师是必要的,并促进了自学和对权威的诉求。尽管传统主义者批评自学,但他们还是拥抱了互联网,以保持与时俱进,并与非专家竞争。因为它就像一幅图画,无法回答问题,只能骗人地模仿活物。它没有变通的能力,只能用同样的词来表达一切。它不是知识的合法儿子,而是私生子,当这个私生子受到攻击时,无论是父母还是其他人都无法保护它。 -柏拉图*本文首次发表于《美国伊斯兰与社会杂志》第 37 卷第 1-2 期(2020 年):67-101。
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引用次数: 0
Islam, Slavery, and Racism: The Use of Strategy in the Pursuit of Human Rights (1987)* 伊斯兰教、奴隶制和种族主义:伊斯兰教、奴隶制和种族主义:追求人权的策略运用》(1987 年)* 。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3423
Fadel Abdallah
Slavery is one of the most controversial and arresting topics in humanhistory. The question of Islam in relation to slavery has been an issue ofconcern among scholars for a long time. It became a question in which manyOrientalists found a convenient gap to pass through in their attacks againstthe system of governance and justice in Islam. This self-righteous criticismagainst the attitude of Islam towards slavery is part of a long Western traditionof scholarship based on stereotyping, overstating, and selectivity of Islamin particular and the Orient in general. Most of the time, the statements ofthese scholars are presented in a sugar-coated style of language that is moredangerous than if they were presented in a critical, open, and direct language.Thomas Carlyle, Renan, Goldziher, Macdonald, von Grunebaum, Gibb andBernard Lewis are good examples and representatives of this tradition.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (1987): 31-50
奴隶制是人类历史上最具争议性和最吸引人的话题之一。伊斯兰教与奴隶制的关系问题长期以来一直是学者们关注的问题。在这个问题上,许多东方学者找到了一个方便的缺口,借以攻击伊斯兰教的管理和正义制度。这种自以为是地批评伊斯兰教对奴隶制的态度,是西方悠久的学术传统的一部分,其基础是对伊斯兰教和整个东方的刻板印象、夸大其词和选择性。Thomas Carlyle、Renan、Goldziher、Macdonald、von Grunebaum、Gibb 和 Bernard Lewis 就是这一传统的典范和代表:31-50
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引用次数: 0
AJIS 40th Anniversary Editorial 日本青年信息协会 40 周年社论
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3415
Katherine Bullock
For forty years, AJIS has been a trusted plat­form for researchers, scholars, and practitioners, serving as a conduit for the exchange of ideas, the dissemination of cutting-edge research, and the cultivation of intellectual dialogue. Many of us found this journal a space for ruminating, discussing, and developing our own narratives on our Islamic heritage and what it means in the contemporary world. Especially compared to anti-Islamic biases in other corners of academia, AJIS is a coming “home.”One constant throughout the past four decades is the journal’s commit­ment to scholarship that documents and explores Islam’s rich religious, intellectual, legal, philosophical, and social heritages. The assumption is that these various perspectives have meaningful things to say about the human condition and our place in the world. Debate, discussion, and disagreement all appear in these pages, but always grounded in an underlying steadfastness that Islam is a faith tradition that is not obso­lete; that Muslims can contribute positively to humanity’s betterment. That said, the journal is not a place of religious homilies. This is an academic journal, with a double-blind peer review process. Articles that are published thus pass muster in the discipline in which they conduct their research. Let us thank the authors who have entrusted us with their groundbreaking research, pushing the boundaries of knowledge and enriching our understanding of critical issues in our disciplines.  Let us thank the journal’s editors, editorial boards, diligent reviewers, and committed staff members who have meticulously upheld the journal’s reputation for excellence, contributing to its sustained success.
四十年来,《AJIS》一直是研究人员、学者和从业人员值得信赖的平台,是交流思想、传播前沿研究成果和促进知识对话的渠道。我们中的许多人都发现,这份期刊是一个反思、讨论和发展我们自己对伊斯兰遗产及其在当代世界的意义的叙述的空间。尤其是与学术界其他角落的反伊斯兰偏见相比,《伊斯兰青年学者》就像回到了 "家"。"在过去的四十年中,本刊始终如一地致力于学术研究,记录和探索伊斯兰丰富的宗教、知识、法律、哲学和社会遗产。我们的假设是,这些不同的观点对人类的状况和我们在世界上的地位都有意义。争论、讨论和分歧都会出现在这些页面上,但始终基于一个基本的坚定信念,即伊斯兰教是一个不会过时的信仰传统;穆斯林可以为人类的进步做出积极贡献。尽管如此,这本杂志并不是宗教说教的场所。这是一份学术期刊,采用双盲同行评审程序。因此,发表的文章必须通过其研究学科的审核。让我们感谢那些委托我们进行开创性研究的作者,他们的研究突破了知识的界限,丰富了我们对学科关键问题的理解。 让我们感谢期刊的编辑、编委会、勤奋的审稿人和尽职尽责的工作人员,他们一丝不苟地维护了期刊的卓越声誉,为期刊的持续成功做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation (2002)* 穆斯林妇女与代表权政治》(2002 年)* 。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3422
Jasmin Zine
This paper examines the politics of knowledge production as it relates to Muslim women in western literary traditions and contemporary feminist writing, with a view to understanding the political, ideological, and economic mediations that have historically framed these representations. The meta-narrative of the Muslim woman has shifted from the bold queens of medieval literature to colonial images of the seraglio’s veiled, secluded, and oppressed women. Contemporary feminist writing and popular culture have reproduced the colonial motifs of Muslim women, and these have regained currency in the aftermath of 9/11.Drawing upon the work of Mohja Kahf, this paper begins by mapping the evolution of the Muslim woman archetype in western literary traditions. The paper then examines how some contemporary feminist literature has reproduced in new ways the discursive tropes that have had historical currency in Muslim women’s textual representation. The analysis is attentive to the ways in which the cultural production of knowledge about Muslim women has been implicated historically by the relations of power between the Muslim world and the West.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 19, no. 4 (2002): 1-22
本文探讨了西方文学传统和当代女权主义写作中与穆斯林妇女相关的知识生产政治,以期了解历史上构成这些表述的政治、意识形态和经济中介。穆斯林妇女的元叙事已从中世纪文学中大胆的女王形象转变为蒙面、隐居和受压迫的殖民地妇女形象。当代女权主义写作和流行文化再现了穆斯林妇女的殖民主题,这些主题在 9/11 事件后重新流行起来。本文借鉴莫哈-卡夫(Mohja Kahf)的研究成果,首先描绘了穆斯林妇女原型在西方文学传统中的演变过程。然后,本文探讨了一些当代女权主义文学如何以新的方式再现了穆斯林妇女文本表述中历史上流行的话语套路。本文分析了穆斯林世界与西方之间的权力关系在历史上如何影响了穆斯林妇女知识的文化生产。4 (2002):1-22
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引用次数: 0
The Islamic Secular (2017)* 伊斯兰世俗》(2017 年)*
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3424
Sherman A. Jackson
It is common to assume an inherent conflict between the substanceof the category “religion” and the category “secular.” Givenits putative rejection of the separation between the sacred andthe profane, this conflict is presumed to be all the more solid inIslam. But even assuming Islam’s rejection of the sacred/profanedichotomy, there may be other ways of defining the secular inIslam and of thinking about its relationship with the religion.This is what the present essay sets out to do. By taking Sharia asits point of departure, it looks at the latter’s self-imposed limitsas the boundary between a mode of assessing human acts thatis grounded in concrete revelational sources (and/or their extension)and modes of assessing human acts that are independent ofsuch sources, yet not necessarily outside God’s adjudicative gaze.This non-shar`ī realm, it is argued, is the realm of the “Islamic secular.”It is “secular” inasmuch as it is differentiated from Sharia asthe basis for assessing human acts. It remains “Islamic,” however,and thus “religious,” in its rejection of the notion of proceeding“as if God did not exist.” As I will show, this distinction betweenthe shar`ī and the nonshar`ī has a long pedigree in the Islamiclegal (and theological) tradition. As such, the notion of the Islamicsecular is more of an excavation than an innovation.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 34, no. 2 (2017): 1-31
人们普遍认为 "宗教 "与 "世俗 "这两个范畴之间存在着内在冲突。鉴于伊斯兰教拒绝神圣与世俗的分离,这种冲突在伊斯兰教中被假定为更加牢固。但即使假定伊斯兰教拒绝神圣与亵渎的二分法,也可能有其他方法来定义伊斯兰教中的世俗,并思考其与宗教的关系。本文以伊斯兰教法为出发点,探讨了伊斯兰教法的自我限制,即以具体启示来源(和/或其延伸)为基础的人类行为评估模式与独立于这些来源、但不一定在真主裁决视线之外的人类行为评估模式之间的界限。然而,它仍然是 "伊斯兰的",因此也是 "宗教的",因为它反对 "仿佛真主不存在 "的行为。正如我将要说明的那样,伊斯兰教法(和神学)传统中伊斯兰教法与非伊斯兰教法之间的这种区别由来已久。因此,伊斯兰世俗的概念与其说是一种创新,不如说是一种挖掘。*本文首次发表于《美国伊斯兰社会科学杂志》第 34 卷第 2 期(2017 年):1-31
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引用次数: 0
Toward a New Framework of Islamic Economic Analysis (2020)* 建立新的伊斯兰经济分析框架(2020 年)*
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3418
A. Susamto
Despite a profusion of literature, efforts to develop Islamic economicsas a discipline have not brought about anticipated results.This paper argues that it is the absence of clarity on what wouldmake economics “Islamic” which impedes the development ofIslamic economics. To fill that absence, this paper proposes threeconditions under which an economics can be considered “Islamic”,and then defines the scope of Islamic economics and its methods.Finally, this paper suggests three implications which, takentogether, entail that developing Islamic economics and buildingits body of knowledge is less complicated than was feared.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islam and Society 37, no. 1-2 (2020):103-122
尽管有大量的文献,但发展伊斯兰经济学作为一门学科的努力并没有带来预期的结果。本文认为,正是由于没有明确什么是 "伊斯兰 "经济学,才阻碍了伊斯兰经济学的发展。为了弥补这一缺失,本文提出了一种经济学可被视为 "伊斯兰 "经济学的三个条件,然后界定了伊斯兰经济学的范围及其方法。最后,本文提出了三点启示,总之,发展伊斯兰经济学并建立其知识体系没有人们担心的那么复杂。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Islamic Education in Facing the Challenges of the Twenty-first Century (2005)* 面对二十一世纪的挑战反思伊斯兰教育》(2005 年)* 。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3426
Rosnani Hashim
The Muslim ummah, as a world community, faces many challenges at the threshold of the new century. The fateful event of 9/11 has revealed yet another facet of the problems plaguing Muslim society: the existence of radical, or what some media have labeled “militant,” Muslim groups. Despite the Muslim world’s condemnation of the 9/11 terrorist attack, the United States considered itself the victim and thus launched its “war against terrorism” against the alleged perpetrators: the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Iraq, which was alleged to be building weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and assisting al-Qaeda, became the second target. Iran would have become the immediate third target if the international community had supported the Bush administration’s unilateral declaration of war against Iraq. But it did not, for the allegations could not be proven.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Societies 22, no. 4 (2005): 133-145
穆斯林世界作为一个世界共同体,在新世纪来临之际面临着许多挑战。9/11 这一致命事件揭示了困扰穆斯林社会问题的另一个方面:激进穆斯林团体的存在,或一些媒体所称的 "激进 "穆斯林团体。尽管穆斯林世界谴责 9/11 恐怖袭击,但美国却认为自己是受害者,因此对塔利班和基地组织这两个所谓的肇事者发动了 "反恐战争"。据称正在制造大规模杀伤性武器并协助基地组织的伊拉克成为第二个目标。如果国际社会支持布什政府单方面对伊拉克宣战,伊朗本会立即成为第三个目标。但国际社会没有这样做,因为这些指控无法得到证实。4 (2005):133-145
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引用次数: 0
Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation (2002)* 穆斯林妇女与代表权政治》(2002 年)* 。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3422
Jasmin Zine
This paper examines the politics of knowledge production as it relates to Muslim women in western literary traditions and contemporary feminist writing, with a view to understanding the political, ideological, and economic mediations that have historically framed these representations. The meta-narrative of the Muslim woman has shifted from the bold queens of medieval literature to colonial images of the seraglio’s veiled, secluded, and oppressed women. Contemporary feminist writing and popular culture have reproduced the colonial motifs of Muslim women, and these have regained currency in the aftermath of 9/11.Drawing upon the work of Mohja Kahf, this paper begins by mapping the evolution of the Muslim woman archetype in western literary traditions. The paper then examines how some contemporary feminist literature has reproduced in new ways the discursive tropes that have had historical currency in Muslim women’s textual representation. The analysis is attentive to the ways in which the cultural production of knowledge about Muslim women has been implicated historically by the relations of power between the Muslim world and the West.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 19, no. 4 (2002): 1-22
本文探讨了西方文学传统和当代女权主义写作中与穆斯林妇女相关的知识生产政治,以期了解历史上构成这些表述的政治、意识形态和经济中介。穆斯林妇女的元叙事已从中世纪文学中大胆的女王形象转变为蒙面、隐居和受压迫的殖民地妇女形象。当代女权主义写作和流行文化再现了穆斯林妇女的殖民主题,这些主题在 9/11 事件后重新流行起来。本文借鉴莫哈-卡夫(Mohja Kahf)的研究成果,首先描绘了穆斯林妇女原型在西方文学传统中的演变过程。然后,本文探讨了一些当代女权主义文学如何以新的方式再现了穆斯林妇女文本表述中历史上流行的话语套路。本文分析了穆斯林世界与西方之间的权力关系在历史上如何影响了穆斯林妇女知识的文化生产。4 (2002):1-22
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引用次数: 0
Popular Sovereignty, Islam, and Democracy (2003)* 人民主权、伊斯兰教和民主》(2003 年)*
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3421
Glenn E. Perry
This article examines the idea that Islam’s rejection of popularsovereignty makes it incompatible with democracy. I showinstead that sovereignty (“absolute despotic power,” popular orotherwise) is a sterile, pedantic, abstruse, formalistic, and legalisticconcept, and that democracy should be seen as involving“popular control” rather than “popular sovereignty.” Divinesovereignty would be inconsistent with democracy only if thatmeant unlike in Islam rule by persons claiming to be God orHis infallible representatives. A body of divine law that humanscannot change would be incompatible with democracy only if itwere so comprehensive as to leave no room for political decisions.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 20, no. 3&4(2003): 125-139
本文探讨了伊斯兰教拒绝人民主权,因此与民主不相容的观点。相反,我认为主权("绝对专制的权力",不论是人民主权还是其他主权)是一个无趣、迂腐、深奥、形式主义和法律主义的概念,民主应被视为涉及 "人民控制 "而非 "人民主权"。只有当神权与伊斯兰教中自称是真主或真主无误代表的人的统治不同时,神权才会与民主相矛盾。人类无法改变的神法体系只有在其全面性使政治决策没有任何余地的情况下才与民主不相容。3&4(2003):125-139
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引用次数: 0
Islam, Slavery, and Racism: The Use of Strategy in the Pursuit of Human Rights (1987)* 伊斯兰教、奴隶制和种族主义:伊斯兰教、奴隶制和种族主义:追求人权的策略运用》(1987 年)* 。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.35632/ajis.v41i1.3423
Fadel Abdallah
Slavery is one of the most controversial and arresting topics in humanhistory. The question of Islam in relation to slavery has been an issue ofconcern among scholars for a long time. It became a question in which manyOrientalists found a convenient gap to pass through in their attacks againstthe system of governance and justice in Islam. This self-righteous criticismagainst the attitude of Islam towards slavery is part of a long Western traditionof scholarship based on stereotyping, overstating, and selectivity of Islamin particular and the Orient in general. Most of the time, the statements ofthese scholars are presented in a sugar-coated style of language that is moredangerous than if they were presented in a critical, open, and direct language.Thomas Carlyle, Renan, Goldziher, Macdonald, von Grunebaum, Gibb andBernard Lewis are good examples and representatives of this tradition.*This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (1987): 31-50
奴隶制是人类历史上最具争议性和最吸引人的话题之一。伊斯兰教与奴隶制的关系问题长期以来一直是学者们关注的问题。在这个问题上,许多东方学者找到了一个方便的缺口,借以攻击伊斯兰教的管理和正义制度。这种自以为是地批评伊斯兰教对奴隶制的态度,是西方悠久的学术传统的一部分,其基础是对伊斯兰教和整个东方的刻板印象、夸大其词和选择性。Thomas Carlyle、Renan、Goldziher、Macdonald、von Grunebaum、Gibb 和 Bernard Lewis 就是这一传统的典范和代表:31-50
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引用次数: 0
期刊
American Journal of Islam and Society
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