Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2021.2017636
J. Schaefer
ABSTRACT This paper examines the spatial distribution of rock art sites in the eastern Arkansas Ozarks in order to identify the types of environments that were preferred by those who made the art. With few exceptions, Ozark rock art tends to appear inside of bluff shelters. Statistical hypothesis testing is therefore used to compare the spatial distribution of rock art sites with that of bluff shelters lacking any rock art, thus revealing which types of settings were specifically preferred for creating rock art. Results indicate that rock art site locations were carefully selected based on desired characteristics, which generally include southern- to southeastern-facing aspects, distance from streams and rivers, and occasionally large viewsheds. These patterns are consistent with ethnohistorical accounts of the Caddo and Osage and suggest that cosmology played an important role in selecting locations for rock art creation.
{"title":"A comparison of rock art and bluff shelter spatial distributions in the eastern Arkansas Ozarks","authors":"J. Schaefer","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2021.2017636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.2017636","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines the spatial distribution of rock art sites in the eastern Arkansas Ozarks in order to identify the types of environments that were preferred by those who made the art. With few exceptions, Ozark rock art tends to appear inside of bluff shelters. Statistical hypothesis testing is therefore used to compare the spatial distribution of rock art sites with that of bluff shelters lacking any rock art, thus revealing which types of settings were specifically preferred for creating rock art. Results indicate that rock art site locations were carefully selected based on desired characteristics, which generally include southern- to southeastern-facing aspects, distance from streams and rivers, and occasionally large viewsheds. These patterns are consistent with ethnohistorical accounts of the Caddo and Osage and suggest that cosmology played an important role in selecting locations for rock art creation.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"41 1","pages":"1 - 15"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49349564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030012
T. Emerson
plantation owners. Elijah was seduced by the ease of money and privilege. Per the letters presented, Elijah had a strained relationship with his parents and siblings as he tried to convince them that his new lifestyle was acceptable. He sought, but never achieved, much acceptance or approval from them. After the death of his father-in-law, he inherited and inheritance of the estate, legal documents, newspaper articles, and personal letters demonstrated that Fletcher became increasingly greedy, aggressive, and nearly fanatic about his holdings, especially as related to human property. Another turn of perspective provides accounts stating that Fletcher kept some families together, purchased an enslaved woman who wrote to him asking to be removed from the abusive household she was in, not pursuing a runway child that wanted to work with another family, providing Christmas presents, and other actions that overall make Elijah an enigmatic character. Elijah Fletcher died in 1858, just a few years before the Civil War. Indiana inherited a portion of the estate and later bought out her sister for the rest. Indiana did not free the enslaved peoples until she was forced to, and then retained many of them as staff at Sweet Briar with only marginal improvement of their situations. The death of her daughter Daisy resulted in increasingly worse treatment of the now staff despite their decades of service to the family. Daisy’s untimely death was also the impetus for Indiana starting Sweet Briar college. Letters, journals, and interviews of living people demonstrated a romanticized history concerning Sweet Briar. For example, Rainville recounts how Daisy was popularly assumed to have had friendly relationships with many of the enslaved people at Sweet Briar because she spent her summers on the plantation away from her parents. A closer look at Daisy’s journals suggests a passive relationship with the staff at Sweet Briar, rarely using their names. An account from one of Daisy’s most frequent caretakers documents him stating that Daisy was a spoiled child and that all work was dropped to accommodate her every whim. The sentimentalized history continued for over a century as promoted through campus tours, literature, websites, and annual events. Rainville recounts how Indiana required multiple rituals to be performed, sometimes daily, in remembrance Daisy’s death. One of the rituals is still practiced at Sweet Briar. It was the disconnect of the endearing history and the physical evidence of enslaved individuals that motivated Rainville to pursue this project. She had arrived at Sweet Briar in 2001 to teach anthropology and archaeology and endeavored to incorporate local history and landscapes into her teaching. She quickly became aware of the complicated history of the place. Further investigation found that approximately 30 percent of Sweet Briar’s current staff were the descendants of individuals that had been enslaved on the plantation, participating in the 20
{"title":"A History of Platform Mound Ceremonialism: Finding Meaning on Higher Ground","authors":"T. Emerson","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030012","url":null,"abstract":"plantation owners. Elijah was seduced by the ease of money and privilege. Per the letters presented, Elijah had a strained relationship with his parents and siblings as he tried to convince them that his new lifestyle was acceptable. He sought, but never achieved, much acceptance or approval from them. After the death of his father-in-law, he inherited and inheritance of the estate, legal documents, newspaper articles, and personal letters demonstrated that Fletcher became increasingly greedy, aggressive, and nearly fanatic about his holdings, especially as related to human property. Another turn of perspective provides accounts stating that Fletcher kept some families together, purchased an enslaved woman who wrote to him asking to be removed from the abusive household she was in, not pursuing a runway child that wanted to work with another family, providing Christmas presents, and other actions that overall make Elijah an enigmatic character. Elijah Fletcher died in 1858, just a few years before the Civil War. Indiana inherited a portion of the estate and later bought out her sister for the rest. Indiana did not free the enslaved peoples until she was forced to, and then retained many of them as staff at Sweet Briar with only marginal improvement of their situations. The death of her daughter Daisy resulted in increasingly worse treatment of the now staff despite their decades of service to the family. Daisy’s untimely death was also the impetus for Indiana starting Sweet Briar college. Letters, journals, and interviews of living people demonstrated a romanticized history concerning Sweet Briar. For example, Rainville recounts how Daisy was popularly assumed to have had friendly relationships with many of the enslaved people at Sweet Briar because she spent her summers on the plantation away from her parents. A closer look at Daisy’s journals suggests a passive relationship with the staff at Sweet Briar, rarely using their names. An account from one of Daisy’s most frequent caretakers documents him stating that Daisy was a spoiled child and that all work was dropped to accommodate her every whim. The sentimentalized history continued for over a century as promoted through campus tours, literature, websites, and annual events. Rainville recounts how Indiana required multiple rituals to be performed, sometimes daily, in remembrance Daisy’s death. One of the rituals is still practiced at Sweet Briar. It was the disconnect of the endearing history and the physical evidence of enslaved individuals that motivated Rainville to pursue this project. She had arrived at Sweet Briar in 2001 to teach anthropology and archaeology and endeavored to incorporate local history and landscapes into her teaching. She quickly became aware of the complicated history of the place. Further investigation found that approximately 30 percent of Sweet Briar’s current staff were the descendants of individuals that had been enslaved on the plantation, participating in the 20","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"41 1","pages":"76 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43008914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2022.2029803
Colin P. Quinn, E. Walker, A. Wright
ABSTRACT The Late Woodland (ca. AD 800–1500) was a time of socioeconomic and environmental change in the Appalachian Summit. Changing climatic conditions and the introduction of maize agriculture made permanent settlement in these high-elevation mountain landscapes possible for the first time. We adopt a settlement ecology approach to examine how Late Woodland communities situated themselves in the landscape. Drawing upon geospatial analyses of legacy datasets, we document how Late Woodland communities prioritized access to different socioeconomic resources in the New River Headwaters region of northwest North Carolina. The New River Headwaters was an important source of natural resources, including mica and copper, as well as an important corridor for the movement of people and resources throughout Eastern North America. Our analyses demonstrate that Late Woodland communities balanced access to arable land, copper sources, and long-distance trade routes when situating their settlements. Larger sites had access to more land suited for maize agriculture than smaller sites. The largest sites in the region were also well-positioned with nearby access to copper sources and trade routes along the New River. Regional approaches to Late Woodland occupation in the Appalachian Summit reveal the dynamic relationship between humans and the environment in mountain landscapes.
{"title":"Late Woodland settlement ecology of the Appalachian Summit","authors":"Colin P. Quinn, E. Walker, A. Wright","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2022.2029803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2022.2029803","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Late Woodland (ca. AD 800–1500) was a time of socioeconomic and environmental change in the Appalachian Summit. Changing climatic conditions and the introduction of maize agriculture made permanent settlement in these high-elevation mountain landscapes possible for the first time. We adopt a settlement ecology approach to examine how Late Woodland communities situated themselves in the landscape. Drawing upon geospatial analyses of legacy datasets, we document how Late Woodland communities prioritized access to different socioeconomic resources in the New River Headwaters region of northwest North Carolina. The New River Headwaters was an important source of natural resources, including mica and copper, as well as an important corridor for the movement of people and resources throughout Eastern North America. Our analyses demonstrate that Late Woodland communities balanced access to arable land, copper sources, and long-distance trade routes when situating their settlements. Larger sites had access to more land suited for maize agriculture than smaller sites. The largest sites in the region were also well-positioned with nearby access to copper sources and trade routes along the New River. Regional approaches to Late Woodland occupation in the Appalachian Summit reveal the dynamic relationship between humans and the environment in mountain landscapes.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"41 1","pages":"32 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42478965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030891
Michelle M. Pigott
ABSTRACT In 1704 the Apalachee of northern Florida dispersed across the Southeast in the wake of the destruction of their homeland, experiencing a diaspora borne out of colonial violence, disappointing alliances, and the search for economic and political stability. Throughout the eighteenth century, various Apalachee communities traveled and settled across the American South, maintaining their ethnic identity while developing a hybridized ceramic practice from their interactions with other Indigenous communities. This article covers the Apalachee’s history of contact and colonialism, focusing on two Apalachee communities that followed two very different diasporic trajectories, but eventually settled in the Gulf South some 80 kilometers apart. Making use of ceramic data, archaeological evidence, and historical documents, this article examines how Apalachee materiality evolved with a durable Apalachee ethnic identity.
{"title":"The materiality of the Apalachee diaspora: an Indigenous history of contact and colonialism in the Gulf South","authors":"Michelle M. Pigott","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2022.2030891","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1704 the Apalachee of northern Florida dispersed across the Southeast in the wake of the destruction of their homeland, experiencing a diaspora borne out of colonial violence, disappointing alliances, and the search for economic and political stability. Throughout the eighteenth century, various Apalachee communities traveled and settled across the American South, maintaining their ethnic identity while developing a hybridized ceramic practice from their interactions with other Indigenous communities. This article covers the Apalachee’s history of contact and colonialism, focusing on two Apalachee communities that followed two very different diasporic trajectories, but eventually settled in the Gulf South some 80 kilometers apart. Making use of ceramic data, archaeological evidence, and historical documents, this article examines how Apalachee materiality evolved with a durable Apalachee ethnic identity.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"41 1","pages":"53 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45005680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.1080/0734578x.2021.2016148
Katie Zejdlik
whole. This is a problem that needs to be ameliorated at a higher level by archaeologists collaborating across state lines. Another concern is that mound building does not emerge until the chapter on Woodland-period sites. This is due to the fact that there do not appear to be any knownArchaic-periodmound sites in northwest Louisiana, but this means that the inexperienced reader may draw the conclusion that Archaic-period peoples did not build mounds at all. In fact, the author definitively states that “Archaic-period people living in the Red River drainage of northwest Louisiana did not constructmounds” (28). I challenge this by positing that while archaeological investigations may not have yet provided evidence of such activity in the region, this does not mean that these people did not travel outside of the area and participate in such activities elsewhere. The author does recognize the existence of nearby Watson Brake and Poverty Point during the Archaic-period in northeast Louisiana, but discusses these as a lead-in to the chapter on Woodland-period sites. This means that the discussion in the earlier chapter on Paleoindianand Archaic-period archaeology is artificially separated from contemporaneous mound building activities in which the Caddo ancestors may have participated. Despite these criticisms, I would like to recommend this book to anyone who is interested in the archaeology of the southeastern United States. The book is succinct and relatively short yet served as a good primer for me as an archaeologist recently relocated to southeast Arkansas who is learning about the region for the first time. The abundance of maps, drawings, and photographs also make it visually appealing. One can use this volume as a handy reference to important sites and publications related to the region as well as a good example of how archaeology is done more generally in the Southeast.
{"title":"Invisible Founders: How Two Centuries of African American Families Transformed a Plantation into a College","authors":"Katie Zejdlik","doi":"10.1080/0734578x.2021.2016148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578x.2021.2016148","url":null,"abstract":"whole. This is a problem that needs to be ameliorated at a higher level by archaeologists collaborating across state lines. Another concern is that mound building does not emerge until the chapter on Woodland-period sites. This is due to the fact that there do not appear to be any knownArchaic-periodmound sites in northwest Louisiana, but this means that the inexperienced reader may draw the conclusion that Archaic-period peoples did not build mounds at all. In fact, the author definitively states that “Archaic-period people living in the Red River drainage of northwest Louisiana did not constructmounds” (28). I challenge this by positing that while archaeological investigations may not have yet provided evidence of such activity in the region, this does not mean that these people did not travel outside of the area and participate in such activities elsewhere. The author does recognize the existence of nearby Watson Brake and Poverty Point during the Archaic-period in northeast Louisiana, but discusses these as a lead-in to the chapter on Woodland-period sites. This means that the discussion in the earlier chapter on Paleoindianand Archaic-period archaeology is artificially separated from contemporaneous mound building activities in which the Caddo ancestors may have participated. Despite these criticisms, I would like to recommend this book to anyone who is interested in the archaeology of the southeastern United States. The book is succinct and relatively short yet served as a good primer for me as an archaeologist recently relocated to southeast Arkansas who is learning about the region for the first time. The abundance of maps, drawings, and photographs also make it visually appealing. One can use this volume as a handy reference to important sites and publications related to the region as well as a good example of how archaeology is done more generally in the Southeast.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"41 1","pages":"75 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43787870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2023.2182260
R. Selden, John E. Dockall
ABSTRACT Recent research into Caddo bottle and biface morphology yielded evidence for two distinct behavioral regions, across which material culture from Caddo burials expresses significant morphological differences. This study asks whether Perdiz arrow points differ across the same geography, which would extend the pattern of morphological differences to a third category of Caddo material culture. Perdiz arrow points were employed to test the hypothesis that morphological attributes differ, and are predictable, between the two communities. The analysis of linear metrics indicated a significant difference in morphology by behavioral region. Using linear metrics combined with the tools of machine learning, a predictive model – support vector machine – was used to assess the degree to which community differences could be predicted, achieving a receiver operator curve score of 97% and an accuracy score of 94%. The landmark geometric morphometric analysis identified significant differences in Perdiz arrow point shape and size between behavioral regions – one characterized by a comparatively smaller blade and larger stem (north), and the other by a comparatively larger blade and smaller stem (south) – coupled with significant results for modularity and morphological integration. These findings build upon recent investigations that posited two discrete Caddo behavioral regions defined on the basis of discernible morphological differences, expanded here to include a third category of Caddo material culture.
{"title":"Perdiz arrow points from Caddo burial contexts aid in defining discrete behavioral regions","authors":"R. Selden, John E. Dockall","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2023.2182260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2023.2182260","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Recent research into Caddo bottle and biface morphology yielded evidence for two distinct behavioral regions, across which material culture from Caddo burials expresses significant morphological differences. This study asks whether Perdiz arrow points differ across the same geography, which would extend the pattern of morphological differences to a third category of Caddo material culture. Perdiz arrow points were employed to test the hypothesis that morphological attributes differ, and are predictable, between the two communities. The analysis of linear metrics indicated a significant difference in morphology by behavioral region. Using linear metrics combined with the tools of machine learning, a predictive model – support vector machine – was used to assess the degree to which community differences could be predicted, achieving a receiver operator curve score of 97% and an accuracy score of 94%. The landmark geometric morphometric analysis identified significant differences in Perdiz arrow point shape and size between behavioral regions – one characterized by a comparatively smaller blade and larger stem (north), and the other by a comparatively larger blade and smaller stem (south) – coupled with significant results for modularity and morphological integration. These findings build upon recent investigations that posited two discrete Caddo behavioral regions defined on the basis of discernible morphological differences, expanded here to include a third category of Caddo material culture.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"42 1","pages":"122 - 135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46518252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2021.1983119
L. Bloch
ABSTRACT Mississippian and Woodland art and iconography is often interpreted as representing supernatural subject matter within a three-tiered cosmos. This approach, what I call the mythological-structural model, has been highly generative. However, it also reproduces assumptions rooted in a social evolutionary definition of religion as essentially “mistaken beliefs,” such that ancestral Southeastern Native American art is reduced to representations of realms and beings in excess of nature. This misconstrues Indigenous realities, including the Upper, Middle, and Lower Worlds. Building on scholarship in Native American and Indigenous Studies (NAIS) and the ontological turn, I propose an alternative interpretive model of Indigenous environmental knowledge. I draw on community-based research with members of Pvlvcekolv, a Native American community in the US South claiming Muskogee identity, to interpret three examples of Mississippian art—the so-called “birdmen/women,” the Birger figurine, and the Willoughby Disk. These interpretations foreground the significance of environmental relationships and Indigenous philosophical traditions about the nature of life, the body, and difference that are not easily reduced to “supernatural beliefs.” An Indigenous ecological knowledge-informed framework provides a new path into the study of spirituality and political life that privileges living Indigenous perspectives and deeper dialogues with NAIS in archaeology.
{"title":"No gods, no masters: Indigenous environmental knowledge in Mississippian art","authors":"L. Bloch","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2021.1983119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.1983119","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mississippian and Woodland art and iconography is often interpreted as representing supernatural subject matter within a three-tiered cosmos. This approach, what I call the mythological-structural model, has been highly generative. However, it also reproduces assumptions rooted in a social evolutionary definition of religion as essentially “mistaken beliefs,” such that ancestral Southeastern Native American art is reduced to representations of realms and beings in excess of nature. This misconstrues Indigenous realities, including the Upper, Middle, and Lower Worlds. Building on scholarship in Native American and Indigenous Studies (NAIS) and the ontological turn, I propose an alternative interpretive model of Indigenous environmental knowledge. I draw on community-based research with members of Pvlvcekolv, a Native American community in the US South claiming Muskogee identity, to interpret three examples of Mississippian art—the so-called “birdmen/women,” the Birger figurine, and the Willoughby Disk. These interpretations foreground the significance of environmental relationships and Indigenous philosophical traditions about the nature of life, the body, and difference that are not easily reduced to “supernatural beliefs.” An Indigenous ecological knowledge-informed framework provides a new path into the study of spirituality and political life that privileges living Indigenous perspectives and deeper dialogues with NAIS in archaeology.","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"40 1","pages":"248 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43910533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003018
Jonathan Micon
nants of exterior walls, fire boxes, and sections of the kiln floor. The kiln has an exterior diameter of 5.0 meters and an interior diameter of 3.76 meters. There were likely four fire boxes. Buchner suggests that this was likely a beehive kiln with a low, domed roof. Other than one grainy photograph from a later pottery in Benton, Buchner does not state any evidence for a beehive kiln and against a bottle kiln. Bottle kilns were certainly common in the latenineteenth-century stoneware industry. For this reviewer, there is not sufficient evidence to argue either beehive or bottle kiln. Chapter 6 thoroughly documents the artifacts recovered. Naturally, the focus of this chapter is stoneware vessels, but Buchner also provides excellent descriptions of the kiln hardware and construction materials. The typical product was slipped with an Albany or similar slip on both the interior and exterior. About one-fifth of the vessels were instead salt-glazed on the exterior and Albany-slipped on the interior. Some of the salt-glazed examples also had been cobalt decorated with free-hand (majority) or stenciled (minority) motifs. Based on sherd counts, jugs (n=753), jars/churns (n=573), and bowls/ milk pans (n=206) were the most commonly produced forms. The final chapter addresses a series of research questions that drove the investigations. Buchner recognizes the importance of the Howe Pottery as the last of the “traditional potteries” in the Benton area, and contrasts the Howe works with two, subsequent, industrial potteries in Benton. The graphics are generally effective, although some color plates of the kiln remains and sherds would have been better than the black-and-white photographs provided. It would have been helpful to provide a scale on Figure 104, drawings of representative vessel forms. The report would have benefitted from a broader perspective on the spread of potters, kiln technologies, and glazes through the greater Southeast. The report begins rather abruptly, basically stating “and then the first pottery was established in Arkansas.” Several state-level volumes – including Georgia, South Carolina North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Pennsylvania, New York, and Delaware – and recent literature on the expanding stoneware frontier would have allowed Buchner to interpret the Howe shop within a broader perspective. He might also have been able to identify possible sources for specific traits (e.g., was the cobalt-stenciling motif influenced by a potter who formerly worked in southwestern Pennsylvania?). I also found one more aspect of the report disappointing. Having published on the Alkaline to Albany transition in Georgia, I would have liked to have seen a more fully considered discussion of the Howe adoption of Albanylike slip. The decision was not a simple question of the slip becoming available, so it was used. The shift to Albany-like slip required changes to the overall potterymaking process, the outlay of cash to purchase the slip, and m
{"title":"Life Beyond the Boundaries: Constructing Identity in Edge Regions of the North American Southwest","authors":"Jonathan Micon","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003018","url":null,"abstract":"nants of exterior walls, fire boxes, and sections of the kiln floor. The kiln has an exterior diameter of 5.0 meters and an interior diameter of 3.76 meters. There were likely four fire boxes. Buchner suggests that this was likely a beehive kiln with a low, domed roof. Other than one grainy photograph from a later pottery in Benton, Buchner does not state any evidence for a beehive kiln and against a bottle kiln. Bottle kilns were certainly common in the latenineteenth-century stoneware industry. For this reviewer, there is not sufficient evidence to argue either beehive or bottle kiln. Chapter 6 thoroughly documents the artifacts recovered. Naturally, the focus of this chapter is stoneware vessels, but Buchner also provides excellent descriptions of the kiln hardware and construction materials. The typical product was slipped with an Albany or similar slip on both the interior and exterior. About one-fifth of the vessels were instead salt-glazed on the exterior and Albany-slipped on the interior. Some of the salt-glazed examples also had been cobalt decorated with free-hand (majority) or stenciled (minority) motifs. Based on sherd counts, jugs (n=753), jars/churns (n=573), and bowls/ milk pans (n=206) were the most commonly produced forms. The final chapter addresses a series of research questions that drove the investigations. Buchner recognizes the importance of the Howe Pottery as the last of the “traditional potteries” in the Benton area, and contrasts the Howe works with two, subsequent, industrial potteries in Benton. The graphics are generally effective, although some color plates of the kiln remains and sherds would have been better than the black-and-white photographs provided. It would have been helpful to provide a scale on Figure 104, drawings of representative vessel forms. The report would have benefitted from a broader perspective on the spread of potters, kiln technologies, and glazes through the greater Southeast. The report begins rather abruptly, basically stating “and then the first pottery was established in Arkansas.” Several state-level volumes – including Georgia, South Carolina North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Pennsylvania, New York, and Delaware – and recent literature on the expanding stoneware frontier would have allowed Buchner to interpret the Howe shop within a broader perspective. He might also have been able to identify possible sources for specific traits (e.g., was the cobalt-stenciling motif influenced by a potter who formerly worked in southwestern Pennsylvania?). I also found one more aspect of the report disappointing. Having published on the Alkaline to Albany transition in Georgia, I would have liked to have seen a more fully considered discussion of the Howe adoption of Albanylike slip. The decision was not a simple question of the slip becoming available, so it was used. The shift to Albany-like slip required changes to the overall potterymaking process, the outlay of cash to purchase the slip, and m","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"40 1","pages":"287 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47554269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003021
Patrick H. Morgan
B Edward Thache (Teach). Three hundred years after the notorious pirate’s death in a bloody battle on Ocracoke Island in November 1718, the name still evokes a frisson of fear. Now imagine the terror felt by eighteenth-century Atlantic seafarers and coastal dwellers as Blackbeard seized ships and plundered coastal towns in his quest for treasure and pirate riches. Blackbeard’s Sunken Prize: The 300Year Voyage of Queen Anne’s Revenge recounts the discovery of Blackbeard’s flagship near Beaufort, North Carolina, and uses recovered artifacts to identify the ship and place it in historical context. The authors, Wilde-Ramsing and Carnes-McNaughton, are archaeologists who have been intimately involved in the Queen Anne’s Revenge (QAR) Shipwreck Project and write from first-hand experience of the project’s activities and discoveries over the past twenty years. With sixty-percent of the site excavated and hundreds of thousands of items recovered, including 29 iron cannons, 250,000 pieces of lead shot, and other items left behind during the ship’s abandonment, the authors’ recounting of the archaeological expedition, recovery of concretions, and conservation of recovered artifacts makes for a fascinating look at life on an eighteenth-century pirate ship. The book consists of eight chapters interspersed with vignettes, each of which explains a project activity or recovered item in more detail. The first chapter uses historical accounts to examine pirate lore and known facts about Blackbeard’s life, while the second chapter uses historical records to show how the French privateer turned slave ship, La Concorde de Nantes, became Blackbeard’s flagship, Queen Anne’s Revenge, in 1717. Less than six months later in early June 1718, the QAR ran aground in Beaufort Inlet and its pirate crew abandoned ship. The next two chapters discuss the evolution of the North Carolina coastline over the last three centuries, the discovery of the shipwreck’s remains on November 21, 1996, and the recovery of sample artifacts from the wreckage that identified the site as the resting place of the QAR. Conservation of the recovered artifacts is the focus of chapter five; the longest chapter (chapter six) is devoted to classifying, cataloging, and discussing groups of artifacts from the wreckage. The final two chapters delineate how the archaeological record confirmed the identity of the QAR and discuss how the Queen Anne’s Revenge Shipwreck Project has captured the imagination of today’s public. Beautiful, full-color art reproductions, illustrations, and photographs appear on nearly every page and add wonderful detail to the book’s rich content and conversational style. Detailed endnotes support the text and lead the reader to relevant primary and secondary sources while the index is well-organized and complete. This book is a superb addition to North Carolina libraries of all types, especially public and academic libraries. While the subject matter is useful for undergraduates in m
B Edward Thache（教书）。1718年11月，这位臭名昭著的海盗在奥克拉科岛的一场血战中丧生，三百年后，这个名字仍然让人感到恐惧。现在想象一下，当黑胡子为了寻找宝藏和海盗财富而扣押船只并掠夺沿海城镇时，18世纪大西洋海员和沿海居民所感受到的恐怖。黑胡子沉没奖：安妮女王复仇300年之旅讲述了在北卡罗来纳州博福特附近发现黑胡子旗舰的故事，并使用回收的文物来识别这艘船并将其置于历史背景中。作者Wilde Ramsing和Carnes McNaughton是考古学家，他们密切参与了安妮女王复仇号沉船项目，并根据该项目在过去20年中的活动和发现的第一手经验进行了写作。随着该遗址60%的挖掘和数十万件物品的回收，包括29门铁炮、25万枚铅弹和船被遗弃期间留下的其他物品，作者讲述了考古探险、结核的回收、，对回收文物的保护，使人们对18世纪海盗船上的生活有了一个迷人的了解。这本书由八章组成，其中穿插着小插曲，每一章都更详细地解释了一个项目活动或回收的物品。第一章利用历史记载来考察海盗传说和黑胡子生活的已知事实，而第二章则利用历史记录来展示法国私掠船改造的奴隶船南特协和号是如何在1717年成为黑胡子的旗舰安妮女王复仇号的。不到六个月后的1718年6月初，QAR号在博福特湾搁浅，海盗船员弃船。接下来的两章讨论了北卡罗来纳州海岸线在过去三个世纪的演变，1996年11月21日沉船残骸的发现，以及从残骸中发现的样本文物，这些文物将该遗址确定为QAR的安息地。第五章的重点是文物的保护；最长的一章（第六章）致力于对残骸中的文物进行分类、编目和讨论。最后两章描述了考古记录如何证实了QAR的身份，并讨论了安妮女王的复仇沉船项目如何吸引了当今公众的想象力。美丽的全彩艺术复制品、插图和照片几乎出现在每一页上，为本书丰富的内容和对话风格增添了精彩的细节。详细的尾注支持文本，并引导读者找到相关的主要和次要来源，同时索引组织良好且完整。这本书是对北卡罗来纳州所有类型图书馆的极好补充，尤其是公共和学术图书馆。虽然该主题对许多学科（例如历史、考古学和美国研究）的本科生都很有用，但普通读者可以阅读该文本，该主题肯定会吸引纸上谈兵的历史学家。关于QAR沉船项目的最新消息，请访问www.qaronline.org。三百年后，黑胡子的恶名仍在继续！
{"title":"Blackbeard’s Sunken Prize: The 300-Year Voyage of Queen Anne’s Revenge","authors":"Patrick H. Morgan","doi":"10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0734578X.2021.2003021","url":null,"abstract":"B Edward Thache (Teach). Three hundred years after the notorious pirate’s death in a bloody battle on Ocracoke Island in November 1718, the name still evokes a frisson of fear. Now imagine the terror felt by eighteenth-century Atlantic seafarers and coastal dwellers as Blackbeard seized ships and plundered coastal towns in his quest for treasure and pirate riches. Blackbeard’s Sunken Prize: The 300Year Voyage of Queen Anne’s Revenge recounts the discovery of Blackbeard’s flagship near Beaufort, North Carolina, and uses recovered artifacts to identify the ship and place it in historical context. The authors, Wilde-Ramsing and Carnes-McNaughton, are archaeologists who have been intimately involved in the Queen Anne’s Revenge (QAR) Shipwreck Project and write from first-hand experience of the project’s activities and discoveries over the past twenty years. With sixty-percent of the site excavated and hundreds of thousands of items recovered, including 29 iron cannons, 250,000 pieces of lead shot, and other items left behind during the ship’s abandonment, the authors’ recounting of the archaeological expedition, recovery of concretions, and conservation of recovered artifacts makes for a fascinating look at life on an eighteenth-century pirate ship. The book consists of eight chapters interspersed with vignettes, each of which explains a project activity or recovered item in more detail. The first chapter uses historical accounts to examine pirate lore and known facts about Blackbeard’s life, while the second chapter uses historical records to show how the French privateer turned slave ship, La Concorde de Nantes, became Blackbeard’s flagship, Queen Anne’s Revenge, in 1717. Less than six months later in early June 1718, the QAR ran aground in Beaufort Inlet and its pirate crew abandoned ship. The next two chapters discuss the evolution of the North Carolina coastline over the last three centuries, the discovery of the shipwreck’s remains on November 21, 1996, and the recovery of sample artifacts from the wreckage that identified the site as the resting place of the QAR. Conservation of the recovered artifacts is the focus of chapter five; the longest chapter (chapter six) is devoted to classifying, cataloging, and discussing groups of artifacts from the wreckage. The final two chapters delineate how the archaeological record confirmed the identity of the QAR and discuss how the Queen Anne’s Revenge Shipwreck Project has captured the imagination of today’s public. Beautiful, full-color art reproductions, illustrations, and photographs appear on nearly every page and add wonderful detail to the book’s rich content and conversational style. Detailed endnotes support the text and lead the reader to relevant primary and secondary sources while the index is well-organized and complete. This book is a superb addition to North Carolina libraries of all types, especially public and academic libraries. While the subject matter is useful for undergraduates in m","PeriodicalId":34945,"journal":{"name":"Southeastern Archaeology","volume":"40 1","pages":"290 - 291"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44804752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：