Brak transparentności procesów decyzyjnych typowy dla demokracji liberalnych oraz związany z nim kryzys zaufania obywateli wobec instytucji politycznych to jedne z głównych przyczyn sukcesów odnoszonych przez stronników demokracji nieliberalnej. Zdaniem krytyków liberalizmu zbyt wiele decyzji współcześnie delegowanych jest do ciał nienadzorowanych demokratycznie. Zwolennicy koncepcji demokracji deliberacyjnej formułują różne remedia na tę sytuację. Nie czynią tego jednak stronnicy najpopularniejszej obecnie z wersji demokracji deliberacyjnej – podejścia systemowego do deliberacji. Autor artykułu twierdzi, że podejście to może legitymizować „niedemokratyczny liberalizm” – jedną z przyczyn kryzysu demokracji liberalnej. Celem artykułu jest prezentacja i ocena stosunku zwolenników podejścia systemowego do roli odgrywanej w procesie politycznym przez nienadzorowane demokratycznie gremia eksperckie.
{"title":"Od dyktatury ekspertów do demokracji nieliberalnej","authors":"Janusz Grygieńć","doi":"10.35757/civ.2021.28.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.04","url":null,"abstract":"Brak transparentności procesów decyzyjnych typowy dla demokracji liberalnych oraz związany z nim kryzys zaufania obywateli wobec instytucji politycznych to jedne z głównych przyczyn sukcesów odnoszonych przez stronników demokracji nieliberalnej. Zdaniem krytyków liberalizmu zbyt wiele decyzji współcześnie delegowanych jest do ciał nienadzorowanych demokratycznie. Zwolennicy koncepcji demokracji deliberacyjnej formułują różne remedia na tę sytuację. Nie czynią tego jednak stronnicy najpopularniejszej obecnie z wersji demokracji deliberacyjnej – podejścia systemowego do deliberacji. Autor artykułu twierdzi, że podejście to może legitymizować „niedemokratyczny liberalizm” – jedną z przyczyn kryzysu demokracji liberalnej. Celem artykułu jest prezentacja i ocena stosunku zwolenników podejścia systemowego do roli odgrywanej w procesie politycznym przez nienadzorowane demokratycznie gremia eksperckie.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133311920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject-matter of the paper is the theory of class struggle proposed by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, one of the leading representatives of libertarian political philosophy in the radical tradition of Murray N. Rothbard. The author reconstructs and critically comments on the theory at hand. The author's remarks focus on the ethical and methodological background of Hoppe's approach, the main question being whether the latter theory is consonant with the thinker's positions on ethics and methodology, as well as with his political standpoint. The author argues that not only does class analysis not contradict other core beliefs of Hoppe but it also represents an indispensable element of his libertarian philosophy. There is, however, a significant tension between the class approach and Hoppe's secondary philosophical position – his historical idealism. The article is concluded by indicating some further issues in the Hoppean theory of class that, in the author's opinion, should be subject to future inquiry.
{"title":"The State, Democracy, and Class Rule: Remarks on the Hoppean Approach","authors":"Norbert Slenzok","doi":"10.35757/civ.2021.28.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.05","url":null,"abstract":"The subject-matter of the paper is the theory of class struggle proposed by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, one of the leading representatives of libertarian political philosophy in the radical tradition of Murray N. Rothbard. The author reconstructs and critically comments on the theory at hand. The author's remarks focus on the ethical and methodological background of Hoppe's approach, the main question being whether the latter theory is consonant with the thinker's positions on ethics and methodology, as well as with his political standpoint. The author argues that not only does class analysis not contradict other core beliefs of Hoppe but it also represents an indispensable element of his libertarian philosophy. There is, however, a significant tension between the class approach and Hoppe's secondary philosophical position – his historical idealism. The article is concluded by indicating some further issues in the Hoppean theory of class that, in the author's opinion, should be subject to future inquiry.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117209152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Artykuł zawiera rozważania na temat eseju Bronisława Trentowskiego pt. „Radykalizm polityczny” z 1843 roku. Rozważania autorki dzielą się na cztery części: 1. Samodzielność ludzi i ożywienie polityki – dwie główne cechy „radykalizmu politycznego”; 2. Lud u Trentowskiego: masa czy wielość różnych jednostek?; 3. Diagnoza „radykała politycznego” a dzisiejsza spolaryzowana demokracja 4. Zakończenie: „demokratyzm” jako „przychodzenie do swego uczucia”. Autorka zauważa, że Trentowski wypracował argumentację, która dzisiaj naturalnie narzuca się zwolennikom demokracji partycypacyjnej – jak choćby zarzut wobec liberałów takich jak Benjamin Constant, że traktują wolność w sposób selektywny, dozwalając na nią w sferze prywatnej, ale już nie w sferze politycznej. Właśnie tę selektywność Trentowski zwie „półptakiem”. Ponadto argumentacja Trentowskiego pozwala uznać polityczną polaryzację za martwotę – „rządy rozumu” zamiast „rządów umysłu”.
{"title":"Przekleństwo pragnienia półptaka. Radykalizm polityczny według Bronisława Trentowskiego w kontekście współczesnym","authors":"Anna Czepiel","doi":"10.35757/civ.2021.28.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.02","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł zawiera rozważania na temat eseju Bronisława Trentowskiego pt. „Radykalizm polityczny” z 1843 roku. Rozważania autorki dzielą się na cztery części: 1. Samodzielność ludzi i ożywienie polityki – dwie główne cechy „radykalizmu politycznego”; 2. Lud u Trentowskiego: masa czy wielość różnych jednostek?; 3. Diagnoza „radykała politycznego” a dzisiejsza spolaryzowana demokracja 4. Zakończenie: „demokratyzm” jako „przychodzenie do swego uczucia”. Autorka zauważa, że Trentowski wypracował argumentację, która dzisiaj naturalnie narzuca się zwolennikom demokracji partycypacyjnej – jak choćby zarzut wobec liberałów takich jak Benjamin Constant, że traktują wolność w sposób selektywny, dozwalając na nią w sferze prywatnej, ale już nie w sferze politycznej. Właśnie tę selektywność Trentowski zwie „półptakiem”. Ponadto argumentacja Trentowskiego pozwala uznać polityczną polaryzację za martwotę – „rządy rozumu” zamiast „rządów umysłu”.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"150 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125821550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Słowo wstępne","authors":"Mariola Kuszyk-Bytniewska, Agnieszka Ziętek","doi":"10.35757/civ.2020.27.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/civ.2020.27.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122478605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article, I address the issues of the transformation of subjectivity, to which it is subject in the face of changes in the political and cultural status of knowledge in post-modernity. I am trying to identify and define the post-modern deficits of political culture as a consequence of these changes. Looking at the links between subjectivity and politics, I reach out to Charles Taylor, who characterizes the crisis of the ethos of authenticity, Anthony Giddens, who analyses the process of disembedding of a subject, and Michel Foucault describing modern technologies of the self-creation in the context of a concept of politics understood as praxis by Hannah Arendt.
{"title":"Deficits of Political Culture in the Context of the Transformation of Postmodern Subjectivity","authors":"Mariola Kuszyk-Bytniewska","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.03","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, I address the issues of the transformation of subjectivity, to which it is subject in the face of changes in the political and cultural status of knowledge in post-modernity. I am trying to identify and define the post-modern deficits of political culture as a consequence of these changes. Looking at the links between subjectivity and politics, I reach out to Charles Taylor, who characterizes the crisis of the ethos of authenticity, Anthony Giddens, who analyses the process of disembedding of a subject, and Michel Foucault describing modern technologies of the self-creation in the context of a concept of politics understood as praxis by Hannah Arendt.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127876853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Black Monday and the National Women’s Strike in 2016 caused a new wave of feminist/women’s activists to appear. One of the main determinants of the success of these protests was their geographical distribution: most of the demonstrations took place in small towns and cities. The main aim of this article is to present the civic practices of activists – organizers of the above-mentioned protests – from small towns and cities. On the basis of 24 in-depth interviews the authors intend to present the characteristics of civic practices in provincial Polish cities. The proposed article will present a look at civic practices from a completely new perspective, using the dividing lines so far ignored in research on social movements, especially pro-women’s movements in Poland.
{"title":"„Czarne protesty” jako wydarzenie transformacyjne praktyk obywatelskich działaczek z małych miast","authors":"Grzegorz Piotrowski, Magdalena Muszel","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.06","url":null,"abstract":"Black Monday and the National Women’s Strike in 2016 caused a new wave of feminist/women’s activists to appear. One of the main determinants of the success of these protests was their geographical distribution: most of the demonstrations took place in small towns and cities. The main aim of this article is to present the civic practices of activists – organizers of the above-mentioned protests – from small towns and cities. On the basis of 24 in-depth interviews the authors intend to present the characteristics of civic practices in provincial Polish cities. The proposed article will present a look at civic practices from a completely new perspective, using the dividing lines so far ignored in research on social movements, especially pro-women’s movements in Poland.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129523658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main aim of this paper is to present the issues concerning local elections in Norway. The following timeframe was adopted: from the date of passing the first bill on local government (1837), to the comprehensive description of the municipal and provincial elections held in 2011, 2015, 2019. The electoral system for Norwegian local government allows all social groups and local electoral committees to be represented in local government. This is proved by: the ability to ‘create’ their own electoral registers by adding new names on ballots, a large number of political entities seeking mandates, the way of counting votes and the distribution of seats in councils. The proportional system of counting votes in Norway (applying the modified Sainte-Laguё method) is connected with the opportunity to cast an individual vote (the principle of proportional representation). This solution enables numerous political groups and local committees to stand for election. Moreover, women have a sufficient representation in local governments to exert a real impact on the decision-making process. Such an electoral system is open to foreigners who, after fulfilling specific requirements, have the right to vote and be elected.
{"title":"Wybory samorządowe w Norwegii. Przykład obywatelskości w ugruntowanej demokracji lokalnej","authors":"Katarzyna Kuć-Czajkowska, Justyna Wasil","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.08","url":null,"abstract":"The main aim of this paper is to present the issues concerning local elections in Norway. The following timeframe was adopted: from the date of passing the first bill on local government (1837), to the comprehensive description of the municipal and provincial elections held in 2011, 2015, 2019. The electoral system for Norwegian local government allows all social groups and local electoral committees to be represented in local government. This is proved by: the ability to ‘create’ their own electoral registers by adding new names on ballots, a large number of political entities seeking mandates, the way of counting votes and the distribution of seats in councils. The proportional system of counting votes in Norway (applying the modified Sainte-Laguё method) is connected with the opportunity to cast an individual vote (the principle of proportional representation). This solution enables numerous political groups and local committees to stand for election. Moreover, women have a sufficient representation in local governments to exert a real impact on the decision-making process. Such an electoral system is open to foreigners who, after fulfilling specific requirements, have the right to vote and be elected.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128077475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among European states Nordic countries, including Finland, are often set as examples of countries with high social capital, in which citizens willingly engage into decision-making process. The aim of the article is to verify this assumption and to present diverse attitudes of citizens towards local engagement. The article is based on quantitative data (statistics on civic involvement) as well as qualitative research (interviews with councillors from selected Finnish municipalities). The conclusion points at transformation of Finnish democracy and the fact that paradoxically developed institutions of representative democracy may have a negative influence on the wiliness to apply further, non-electoral mechanisms of civic involvement.
{"title":"Passive, Indifferent, Engaged? The Faces of Local Civic Activity in Finland","authors":"Katarzyna Radzik-Maruszak","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.07","url":null,"abstract":"Among European states Nordic countries, including Finland, are often set as examples of countries with high social capital, in which citizens willingly engage into decision-making process. The aim of the article is to verify this assumption and to present diverse attitudes of citizens towards local engagement. The article is based on quantitative data (statistics on civic involvement) as well as qualitative research (interviews with councillors from selected Finnish municipalities). The conclusion points at transformation of Finnish democracy and the fact that paradoxically developed institutions of representative democracy may have a negative influence on the wiliness to apply further, non-electoral mechanisms of civic involvement.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125678252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article shows (post)Sarmatism as an element of the Polish identity discourse in its community dimension, which mainly takes account of its civilisation and cultural aspect, defined by relations with (post)modernity. Although this discourse includes (post)Sarmatism in reflection on the key determinants of collective identity, such as community, Polishness and so on, it generally does so in a simplified manner, not free from prejudices and excessive bias. Liberal thought, which should have the greatest share in shaping the sphere of self-ideas of (post)modern society, shows a clear reluctance towards Sarmatian heritage, which is hardly surprising given its Enlightenment origin. However, one should understand the reasons for this reluctance, taking into account its stricter context, which is determined by the mechanism of programming Polish cultural projects in essentialist codes. Meanwhile, according to the author, the ‘post-mortem’ history of Sarmatism (nineteenth–twenty–first centuries) is part of the pan-European struggle of Tradition and modernity. When set on this plane, (post)Sarmatism can be considered in terms of lack (discontinuation of a specific tradition) and compensation (attempts to work through modernising deficits). The Sarmatian heritage, torn out of the vicious circle of stereotypes, myths and silences, should now be included in the debate on the foundations of Polish civic culture, because it belongs to the contingent (in the liberal sense) history of the Polish habitus, and it is also characterised by the syndrome of un-working (not being discussed in contexts important from the point of view of the struggle of Polish consciousness with what is broadly understood as modernity). It also needs to be made real by being located in the circle of geopolitical discourse. The perspective of the recontextualisation of Sarmatism, which neo-Sarmatism with its essentialist-nostalgic poetics has created in contemporary identity discourse and postcolonial thought with its binary schemas, seems insufficient.
{"title":"Problematic (Post)Sarmatism: On the Possibility of Adapting Sarmatian Heritage in a Demo-liberal Culture","authors":"T. Nakoneczny","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.04","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows (post)Sarmatism as an element of the Polish identity discourse in its community dimension, which mainly takes account of its civilisation and cultural aspect, defined by relations with (post)modernity. Although this discourse includes (post)Sarmatism in reflection on the key determinants of collective identity, such as community, Polishness and so on, it generally does so in a simplified manner, not free from prejudices and excessive bias. Liberal thought, which should have the greatest share in shaping the sphere of self-ideas of (post)modern society, shows a clear reluctance towards Sarmatian heritage, which is hardly surprising given its Enlightenment origin. However, one should understand the reasons for this reluctance, taking into account its stricter context, which is determined by the mechanism of programming Polish cultural projects in essentialist codes. Meanwhile, according to the author, the ‘post-mortem’ history of Sarmatism (nineteenth–twenty–first centuries) is part of the pan-European struggle of Tradition and modernity. When set on this plane, (post)Sarmatism can be considered in terms of lack (discontinuation of a specific tradition) and compensation (attempts to work through modernising deficits). The Sarmatian heritage, torn out of the vicious circle of stereotypes, myths and silences, should now be included in the debate on the foundations of Polish civic culture, because it belongs to the contingent (in the liberal sense) history of the Polish habitus, and it is also characterised by the syndrome of un-working (not being discussed in contexts important from the point of view of the struggle of Polish consciousness with what is broadly understood as modernity). It also needs to be made real by being located in the circle of geopolitical discourse. The perspective of the recontextualisation of Sarmatism, which neo-Sarmatism with its essentialist-nostalgic poetics has created in contemporary identity discourse and postcolonial thought with its binary schemas, seems insufficient.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122448693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is an attempt at examining the possibilities for the development of social capital by means of active cultural engagement, as exemplified by participatory theatre. Narrowing the analysis to this particular area of artistic practice is not a coincidence. Theatre constitutes one of the most exclusive social spaces within the cultural field, requiring a high degree of cultural competency, and taking the inequality of position between artists and spectators for granted. On the other hand, it is defined by their immediate, face-to-face encounter, which, as compared to other areas of art, provides theatre with an exceptional social potential. The so-called participatory turn in contemporary art has moved theatre into a new domain of social functionality, which cannot be adequately described and researched without the sociological “toolbox”. Hence, the article is also an attempt at taking an interdisciplinary stance and connecting the study of art and society, as well as outlining a proposal for a practical application of sociological knowledge, used not only for the sake of understanding, but also organising of the artistic practice. In this respect, it addresses the growing interest in applied social research (both filed work, and theory), as shown by political, cultural, and scientific institutions.
{"title":"Przestrzeń możliwości. Teatr partycypacyjny jako środek budowania kapitału społecznego","authors":"Katarzyna Niziołek","doi":"10.35757/CIV.2020.27.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2020.27.09","url":null,"abstract":"The article is an attempt at examining the possibilities for the development of social capital by means of active cultural engagement, as exemplified by participatory theatre. Narrowing the analysis to this particular area of artistic practice is not a coincidence. Theatre constitutes one of the most exclusive social spaces within the cultural field, requiring a high degree of cultural competency, and taking the inequality of position between artists and spectators for granted. On the other hand, it is defined by their immediate, face-to-face encounter, which, as compared to other areas of art, provides theatre with an exceptional social potential. The so-called participatory turn in contemporary art has moved theatre into a new domain of social functionality, which cannot be adequately described and researched without the sociological “toolbox”. Hence, the article is also an attempt at taking an interdisciplinary stance and connecting the study of art and society, as well as outlining a proposal for a practical application of sociological knowledge, used not only for the sake of understanding, but also organising of the artistic practice. In this respect, it addresses the growing interest in applied social research (both filed work, and theory), as shown by political, cultural, and scientific institutions.","PeriodicalId":350409,"journal":{"name":"Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133308305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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