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Introduction to the Islamic Mediascape in Central Asia 中亚伊斯兰媒体景观概论
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602001
Wendell Schwab
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引用次数: 0
The Transformation of Tajikistan’s Religious Field: From Religious Pluralism to Authoritarian Inertia 塔吉克斯坦宗教领域的转型:从宗教多元化到威权惯性
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602004
Shahnoza Nozimova, Tim Epkenhans
The recent transformation of Tajikistan’s political system has significantly altered the social and political context in which the country’s lay Muslims and religious elites negotiate Islam and Islamic normativity. The quasi-governmental Islamic Center (Markazi Islomi) has taken on a more dominant role, becoming the sole official (state-approved) Islamic institution in Tajikistan defining Islamic normativity. In this work, we explore the rationale behind the Tajik state’s pursuit of this political trajectory, conduct a detailed examination of the religious edicts ( fatwas) issued by the Islamic Center, and identify its conservative trends. Our research suggests that the Islamic Center offers the Tajik government a way to achieve its much-desired monopoly over the religious field. Furthermore, we argue that the Islamic Center’s conservative interpretation of Islam, with its emphasis on political conformity, social patriarchy, and limited mystical experience, is far more “legible” and administratively manageable for the authoritarian regime than the previous religious pluralism.
塔吉克斯坦最近的政治体制转型极大地改变了该国的世俗穆斯林和宗教精英就伊斯兰教和伊斯兰规范进行谈判的社会和政治环境。半官方的伊斯兰中心(Markazi Islomi)已经发挥了更大的主导作用,成为塔吉克斯坦唯一的官方(国家批准的)伊斯兰机构,定义伊斯兰规范。在这项工作中,我们探讨了塔吉克国家追求这一政治轨迹背后的理由,对伊斯兰中心发布的宗教法令(fatwas)进行了详细的审查,并确定了其保守趋势。我们的研究表明,伊斯兰中心为塔吉克政府提供了一种实现其对宗教领域渴望已久的垄断的途径。此外,我们认为伊斯兰中心对伊斯兰教的保守解释,强调政治一致性、社会父权制和有限的神秘经验,比以前的宗教多元主义更“清晰”,在行政上更易于管理。
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引用次数: 6
Atheism 2.0: Searching for Spaces for Atheism in Contemporary Kyrgyzstan 无神论2.0:在当代吉尔吉斯斯坦寻找无神论的空间
Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00602007
M. Louw
Recent studies have convincingly demonstrated that Soviet state atheism continues to influence how religion is understood and practiced in present-day Central Asia. In Kyrgyzstan, however, a new generation of atheists is emerging whose ideas about atheism—and about religion—are informed more by globally circulating neo-atheist ideas and images. This paper explores their efforts to live atheist lives and be true to their atheist convictions, and the images of religion that play into the process. Focusing on the role of social media in particular, I will argue that while many, at least initially, embrace these platforms as ways to encounter like-minded individuals and experience moral community, what they encounter there are often images of atheism and its religious “others” with which they cannot identify and which often seem irrelevant to the challenges of everyday life, in which coexistence with (and caring for) religious others are central concerns for many.
最近的研究令人信服地表明,苏联国家无神论继续影响着当今中亚对宗教的理解和实践。然而,在吉尔吉斯斯坦,新一代的无神论者正在崛起,他们对无神论和宗教的看法更多地受到全球传播的新无神论思想和形象的影响。本文探讨了他们努力过无神论者的生活,忠实于他们的无神论者信念,以及在这个过程中发挥作用的宗教形象。我将特别关注社交媒体的作用,我认为,尽管许多人(至少在最初)接受这些平台作为遇到志同道合的个人和体验道德社区的方式,但他们在那里遇到的通常是他们无法识别的无神论及其宗教“他人”的图像,这些图像往往与日常生活的挑战无关,在日常生活中,与宗教他人共存(并关心)是许多人的核心关注点。
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引用次数: 1
An Investigation of Journalists’ Job Satisfaction in Bishkek, Capital of the Kyrgyz Republic 吉尔吉斯共和国首都比什凯克记者工作满意度调查
Pub Date : 2019-03-08 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00601003
B. Kurambayev, M. Sheffer, Ecaterina Stepaniuc
The results of a survey of journalists in the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan (N=211) demonstrate that they primarily see their societal role as being to mobilize people with common interests and provide objective analysis. The media’s traditional role as a watchdog, meanwhile, was rated least important by journalists in the country, which is widely considered the “most democratic” in Central Asia. The study also found that the majority described themselves as being “neither satisfied nor dissatisfied” professionally, a feeling directly impacted by their income, sense of autonomy, and supervisor’s perceived ability. Low salary, disagreement with editorial policy, and excessive pressure were found to be the leading reasons that Kyrgyz journalists left the profession. This research extends previous knowledge of journalists’ job satisfaction by examining the often-overlooked region of Central Asia. The surveys were conducted between April 29 and May 19, 2016, primarily in the Russian and Kyrgyz languages.
对前苏联吉尔吉斯斯坦共和国(N=211)记者的调查结果表明,他们主要认为自己的社会角色是动员有共同利益的人并提供客观分析。与此同时,在这个被普遍认为是中亚“最民主”的国家,媒体作为监督者的传统角色被记者们评为最不重要的。研究还发现,大多数人认为自己在职业上“既不满意也不不满意”,这种感觉直接受到他们的收入、自主意识和上司的能力的影响。低工资、与编辑政策的分歧以及过度的压力是吉尔吉斯记者离开这个职业的主要原因。这项研究扩展了以前的记者工作满意度的知识,通过检查经常被忽视的中亚地区。调查于2016年4月29日至5月19日进行,主要使用俄语和吉尔吉斯语。
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引用次数: 3
Iran’s New Cultural Nationalism: Iranian Cultural Diplomacy in Tajikistan 伊朗新文化民族主义:伊朗在塔吉克斯坦的文化外交
Pub Date : 2019-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00601002
L. Anderson
Iran’s state identity is frequently described as Islamist, Shia, and anti-imperialist when discussing its behavior in the Middle East, but as pragmatic and even non-ideological in its approach to Central Asia. By parsing Iranian officials' speeches and purpose-written schoolbooks for ideology, this article documents the multiple identities that cultural diplomats present in Tajikistan and the functions they perform, including propagating normative Iranian identity among Iranian expats, lobbying Tajik officials, and influencing Tajik citizens. In contrast to the Middle East, Iranian cultural diplomacy in Tajikistan prioritizes a Persian identity as the basis for economic, scientific, cultural, and political integration in the region. Moreover, this identity is being discursively securitized as a strategic asset and an answer to threats from Salafism and globalization.
在讨论伊朗在中东的行为时,伊朗的国家身份经常被描述为伊斯兰主义者、什叶派和反帝国主义,但在对待中亚时,伊朗的国家身份则是务实的,甚至是非意识形态的。本文通过分析伊朗官员的演讲和专门撰写的意识形态教科书,记录了塔吉克斯坦文化外交官的多重身份及其职能,包括在伊朗外籍人士中宣传规范的伊朗身份,游说塔吉克官员,以及影响塔吉克公民。与中东不同的是,伊朗在塔吉克斯坦的文化外交优先考虑波斯身份,作为该地区经济、科学、文化和政治一体化的基础。此外,这一身份正被话语证券化,作为一种战略资产和对萨拉菲主义和全球化威胁的回应。
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引用次数: 0
Nick Megoran, Nationalism in Central Asia: A Biography of the Uzbekistan-Kyrgyzstan Boundary (Pittsburgh, pa: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2017), 368 pp. 尼克·梅戈兰,《中亚民族主义:乌兹别克斯坦-吉尔吉斯斯坦边界传记》(宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡:匹兹堡大学出版社,2017),368页。
Pub Date : 2019-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00601004
Kerstin Klenke
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引用次数: 0
Changing Perceptions of Informal Payments under Privatization of Health Care: The Case of Kazakhstan 医疗保健私有化下对非正式支付观念的改变:以哈萨克斯坦为例
Pub Date : 2019-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00601001
Natsuko Oka
Previous studies on informal exchanges in the health care sector in post-socialist states have extensively discussed their complex and diverse nature, in particular the difficulty in distinguishing between gratuities and bribes given to health care providers. In examining this in Kazakhstan, I argue that the ongoing privatization of health care has blurred the boundary between official user fees and informal payments given as a reward for quality care. This has, in turn, sharpened the contrast between informal payments given in the expectation of proper treatment and money extorted by health practitioners. This paper also demonstrates that ordinary people often circumvent formal procedures by using money to obtain services to which they are not officially entitled or to gain access to public medical funding.
以往关于后社会主义国家卫生保健部门非正式交流的研究广泛讨论了其复杂性和多样性,特别是难以区分向卫生保健提供者提供的小费和贿赂。在审查哈萨克斯坦的这一情况时,我认为,正在进行的保健私有化模糊了正式用户收费和作为对优质保健的奖励而给予的非正式付款之间的界限。这反过来又加剧了期望得到适当治疗而给予的非正式支付与保健从业人员敲诈勒索的金钱之间的反差。这篇论文还表明,普通人经常通过花钱获得他们没有正式资格获得的服务或获得公共医疗资金来绕过正式程序。
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引用次数: 2
The Changing Landscape of (Political) Islam in Azerbaijan: Its Contextual Underpinnings and Future Prospects 阿塞拜疆(政治)伊斯兰的变化景观:其背景基础和未来前景
Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00504003
M. Ismayilov
By the time Azerbaijan became independent in 1991, it had spent seven decades subsumed into the militant atheism of the Soviet modernization project. Moreover, it emerged into the staunchly secular international context of Western modernity. These two factors combined with the tough reality of the country’s precarious geography to promise a sustained indigenous effort to desacralize the country’s political space and exclude religion from politics, a blueprint common to the modern world and one which Azerbaijani state and society have united to pursue over the course of the country’s independent existence. Yet the specific dynamics facing the country in the third decade of independence and the changing contours of its international engagements have been working to loosen up the latter formula, laying the groundwork for a quintessentially Azerbaijani pathway of statehood that will combine the nation’s historical embeddedness in an Islamic milieu with its century-old practical experience of modern policymaking.
到1991年阿塞拜疆独立时,它已经花了70年的时间被纳入苏联现代化项目的激进无神论中。此外,它出现在西方现代性的坚定世俗的国际背景中。这两个因素加上该国不稳定地理的严峻现实,保证了土著人民持续努力,使该国的政治空间非神圣化,并将宗教排除在政治之外,这是现代世界的共同蓝图,也是阿塞拜疆国家和社会在该国独立存在的过程中所共同追求的蓝图。然而,该国在独立的第三个十年中所面临的具体动态,以及其国际交往的变化轮廓,一直在努力放松后一种模式,为典型的阿塞拜疆国家道路奠定基础,这条道路将把国家在伊斯兰环境中的历史嵌入与它在现代政策制定方面的百年实践经验结合起来。
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引用次数: 1
Polycentricity of Linguistic Landscape and Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan 后苏联时期哈萨克斯坦语言景观的多中心性与国家建构
Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00504001
Aisulu Kulbayeva
This study illustrates a key existing challenge to realizing trilingualism as a major nation-building language ideology: the ideological polycentricity of multilingual signs—that is, the simultaneous orientation of multilingual signs to several authority centers. Combining diverse linguistic landscape (LL) methodologies such as code preferences (language choices and placement on a sign), indexical orders (patterns that index meta-messages), and polycentricity (a simultaneous orientation toward multiple centers), I examine how three state-approved languages (Kazakh, Russian, and English) are positioned on 346 state and private signs in a small town in northern Kazakhstan. The analysis reveals a range of indexical orders at the level of sign type: monolingual, bilingual, and trilingual sign types of horizontal, vertical, and centralized code combinations. At the level of signage group, bilingual Kazakh-Russian and trilingual Kazakh-Russian-English signs dominate in the top-down group, while monolingual Russian and bilingual Kazakh-Russian signs with centralized Russian dominate in the bottom-up group. The identified indexical orders indicate ideological polycentricity in town public signage, which presents a challenge for the nation-building process.
本研究说明了将三语制作为一种主要的国家建设语言意识形态来实现的一个关键挑战:多语符号的意识形态多中心性——即多语符号同时指向几个权威中心。结合多种语言景观(LL)方法,如代码偏好(语言选择和标识位置)、索引顺序(索引元消息的模式)和多中心性(同时指向多个中心),我研究了哈萨克斯坦北部一个小镇上346个国家和私人标识上三种国家批准的语言(哈萨克语、俄语和英语)的定位。分析揭示了符号类型层次上的一系列索引顺序:单语、双语和三语符号类型的水平、垂直和集中式代码组合。在标识群体层面上,自上而下组以哈萨克-俄罗斯双语和哈萨克-俄罗斯-英语三语标识为主,自下而上组以单语俄语和集中俄语的哈萨克-俄罗斯双语标识为主。所确定的指标顺序表明了城镇公共标识的意识形态多中心性,这对国家建设进程提出了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Regine A. Spector, Order at the Bazaar: Power and Trade in Central Asia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017). Regine A. Spector,《市场秩序:中亚的权力与贸易》(纽约伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2017)。
Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/22142290-00504004
Scott Radnitz
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Central Asian Affairs
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