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Research Viewpoint: Rapid Growth of the Chinese Commercial Space Sector 研究观点:中国商业航天的快速发展
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1675430
Yuan Yuan, W. Peeters
ABSTRACT There is a natural process that major technological activities are in a first stage supported by governments and later evolve into commercial and private activities. Space activities are a present example of this and this process is now also taking place in China. One of the prerequisites to commercial activities is flexibility in regulations, particularly export controls and technology transfer. The Chinese government is accelerating the adaption of regulations to facilitate the growth of the Chinese commercial space sector. An overview of this process, including the status and listing of the present regulations, is given in this paper. The success of this process is demonstrated by recent commercial space activities in China illustrating that there is a trend towards promoting such activities supported by the government. This paper conducts research and discussion on the Chinese space sector and its international cooperation in the field of legal implications, governance, and cooperation. It provides an understanding of evolving Chinese space regulations and the growth of present Chinese commercial space activities.
重大的技术活动在最初阶段由政府支持,随后演变为商业和私人活动,这是一个自然的过程。空间活动就是目前的一个例子,这一进程现在也正在中国进行。商业活动的先决条件之一是条例的灵活性,特别是出口管制和技术转让。中国政府正在加快调整相关法规,以促进中国商业航天领域的发展。本文概述了这一过程,包括现行法规的现状和清单。中国最近的商业空间活动证明了这一进程的成功,表明有一种趋势是在政府的支持下促进这类活动。本文从法律影响、治理和合作等方面对中国航天领域及其国际合作进行了研究和探讨。它提供了对不断发展的中国空间法规和当前中国商业空间活动增长的理解。
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引用次数: 3
Space Manufacturing and Trade: Addressing Regulatory Issues 空间制造和贸易:解决监管问题
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1675431
Kamil Muzyka
ABSTRACT Space manufacturing is an expectation since the rise of the space age. Because of shifts in both national and global space policies, along with accidents and loss of human life in space missions, the idea of space manufacturing was postponed. Today, it is viable due to the maturity of efficient reusable launch technologies and an emergent space renaissance in the commercialization and privatization of space activities. Manufacturing in space carries a promise of new products and improved articles of manufacture. At the same time, there are legal problems to address prior to capital investment in space manufacturing. The problems stem from the lack of proper regulation, and the duality of the two legal systems of international space law and patent law. Both systems are crucial to the development of a framework for space manufacturing operations, which are currently in an early experimental phase. The author argues that international space law requires the creation of new doctrines that aligns with patent law, ensuring proper recognition of products manufactured and traded in outer space, especially those that are manufactured using space resources.
航天制造是航天时代兴起以来的一种期待。由于国家和全球空间政策的变化,以及太空任务中的事故和人员伤亡,太空制造的想法被推迟了。今天,由于有效的可重复使用的发射技术的成熟和空间活动商业化和私有化的新兴空间复兴,它是可行的。太空制造业带来了开发新产品和改进产品的希望。与此同时,在对太空制造进行资本投资之前,还需要解决一些法律问题。这些问题的根源在于缺乏适当的管理,以及国际空间法和专利法这两种法律体系的两重性。这两个系统对于空间制造业务框架的发展至关重要,目前该框架处于早期试验阶段。提交人认为,国际空间法要求创造与专利法一致的新理论,确保适当承认在外层空间制造和交易的产品,特别是利用空间资源制造的产品。
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引用次数: 2
Research Viewpoint: India’s Human Spaceflight Program: Underlying Rationales 研究观点:印度的载人航天计划:基本原理
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1672508
Vidya Sagar Reddy
ABSTRACT Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced support for a human spaceflight program during his 2018 Independence Day speech. The target year of 2022 is when India plans to realize its first indigenous human space mission. Human spaceflight is a high risk activity and in many ways unaffordable for a developing country. Moreover, India professes that space technology is best utilized for aiding socioeconomic development and not as a tool in geopolitical competition and prestige. By assessing relevant developments, this paper argues that a variety of concerns and ambitions compelled India to consider a human space mission. The main actors are India’s political and scientific leaders who found support for such a mission in response to China and international prestige factors. Indian political leaders also saw an opportunity for improving their domestic political image. Further, the Indian Space Research Organization views human space missions as providing a new raison d’etre to the organization and helping it retain a skilled workforce amidst industrialization of satellite and launch vehicle development.
印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪在2018年独立日演讲中宣布支持载人航天计划。印度计划在2022年实现其首次自主载人航天任务。载人航天是一项高风险活动,在许多方面对发展中国家来说是负担不起的。此外,印度声称空间技术最好用于帮助社会经济发展,而不是作为地缘政治竞争和声望的工具。通过评估相关发展,本文认为,各种担忧和雄心迫使印度考虑载人航天任务。主要参与者是印度的政治和科学领袖,他们支持这项任务,以应对中国和国际声望因素。印度政治领导人也看到了改善其国内政治形象的机会。此外,印度空间研究组织认为,载人航天任务为该组织提供了新的存在理由,并帮助它在卫星和运载火箭开发工业化的背景下留住了熟练的劳动力。
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引用次数: 0
Research Viewpoint: International Relations and the Second Space Race Between the United States and China 研究视角:国际关系与中美第二次太空竞赛
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1672507
J. Hickman
ABSTRACT How do the three major schools of international relations theory – liberal internationalism, realism, and constructivism – account for the second space race, the rivalry between China and the United States to scientifically explore and economically develop the Moon? This article assesses answers drawn from these three schools of international relations. Rather than distance from the Earth, surface area, and resource endowment, it is the lack of native population and status as a commons in international law that make the Moon a novel object of international relations. From the perspectives of both liberal internationalism and constructivism, the Sino-American rivalry represents failure. International institutions and organizations, which were established to extend the liberal world order into outer space, failed in this case to restrain the behavior of China and the United States. The diplomatic communication between Chinese and American national decision-makers failed to draw them into adherence with the norm of international cooperation encoded in those international institutions and organizations. By contrast, realism accounts for the second space race as an example of balancing of power. National decision-makers ignored international institutions and organizations together with international norms to gain or not lose relative international prestige, business opportunity, and potential economic growth.
国际关系理论的三大流派——自由国际主义、现实主义和建构主义——如何解释第二次太空竞赛,即中美两国在科学探索和经济开发月球方面的竞争?本文对这三个国际关系学派给出的答案进行了评估。月球之所以成为国际关系的新对象,不是因为它与地球的距离、表面积和资源禀赋,而是因为它缺乏本土人口和在国际法中作为公地的地位。从自由国际主义和建构主义的观点来看,中美竞争都是失败的。为了将自由世界秩序扩展到外太空而建立的国际机构和组织,在这种情况下未能约束中国和美国的行为。中美两国国家决策者之间的外交沟通未能使他们遵守这些国际机构和组织所规定的国际合作准则。相比之下,现实主义认为第二次太空竞赛是力量平衡的一个例子。为了获得或不失去相对的国际声誉、商业机会和潜在的经济增长,国家决策者忽视了国际机构和组织以及国际规范。
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引用次数: 5
Research Viewpoint: Human Enhancement and Artificial Intelligence for Space Missions 研究观点:太空任务中的人类增强和人工智能
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1672509
K. Szocik, Koji Tachibana
ABSTRACT This paper discusses key issues concerning robotic space missions and human enhancement for purposes of missions to deep space. Effective robotic exploration, especially to deep space, optimally requires advanced artificial intelligence not currently employed. This posits ethical and social challenges in interactions with humans. It is also argued that exploration of deep space by humans ideally requires physiological enhancement of future astronauts. At the same time, progress in space medicine, countermeasures to space radiation, and artificial gravity also provide solutions for deep space human missions. The paper concludes that deep space mission planners seriously account for both advanced robotic artificial intelligence and human physiological enhancement.
摘要:本文讨论了深空任务中机器人航天任务和人类增强的关键问题。有效的机器人探索,尤其是对深空的探索,需要目前尚未使用的先进人工智能。这在与人类的互动中提出了伦理和社会挑战。也有人认为,人类探索深空的理想需要未来宇航员的生理增强。同时,空间医学、空间辐射对抗、人工重力等方面的进展也为深空载人任务提供了解决方案。该论文的结论是,深空任务规划者认真考虑了先进的机器人人工智能和人类生理增强。
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引用次数: 6
Space Technology Applications for Maritime Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance 空间技术在海上情报、监视和侦察中的应用
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1636634
Zaeem Shabbir, Ali Sarosh, Mahhad Nayyer
ABSTRACT Outer space, as the ultimate high ground, offers potential for contributing towards maritime domain awareness, which is dependent on Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR). This research discusses several utilizations and limitations of space technologies in the realm of maritime ISR through use of electronic intelligence, and electro-optical and radar imagery payload sensors. Technological and financial options for nascent and smaller space powers through dual-purpose commercial and civilian space technologies towards sea surveillance are elaborated as well. Finally, from an operational perspective of ISR, the methodology of frame-by-frame mosaicking of satellite images utilizing commercial remote sensing satellites towards space-based maritime ISR is explained using hypothetical scenarios.
外太空作为最终的制高点,为实现依赖于情报、监视和侦察(ISR)的海域感知提供了潜力。本研究通过使用电子情报、光电和雷达图像有效载荷传感器,讨论了空间技术在海上ISR领域的几种利用和局限性。还阐述了新兴和较小的空间大国通过双重用途商业和民用空间技术进行海上监视的技术和财政选择。最后,从ISR的操作角度,通过假设场景解释了利用商业遥感卫星对天基海上ISR进行卫星图像逐帧拼接的方法。
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引用次数: 2
Common Heritage of Mankind for Outer Space 人类对外太空的共同遗产
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1638679
Naman Khatwani
ABSTRACT The paper examines the intention of the drafters of the Outer Space Treaty regime to advance from the principle of “common province of mankind” and adopt “Common Heritage of Mankind”. In this context, the drafting history of the Moon Agreement, which helps discern the meanings ascribed to Common Heritage of Mankind by various countries, is considered. Moreover, the usage of the term in other realms, such as the deep seabed regime and Antarctica, is essential to understand the concept. The introduction of Common Heritage of Mankind in the United Nations Law of the Sea led to various industrialized developed countries, including the United States, to oppose the law. Hence, the approach was diluted to ensure it converts into a more liberal condition that does not enforce strict mandates on parties to the Law of the Sea. A similar view of states exists with respect to the Moon Agreement resulting to date in only 17 ratifications by states with no spacefaring states among them. Consequently, most states argue that the Common Heritage of Mankind principle in the Moon Agreement is not applicable due to not being party to the agreement. It is also argued that since there is no state practice suggesting opinion juris regarding Common Heritage of Mankind, it is not part of customary international law. The non-inclusion of the principle as a customary norm makes the relevance of Common Heritage of Mankind in the present world debatable and uncertain.
摘要:本文考察了《外层空间条约》制度起草者从“人类共同领域”原则推进到“人类共同遗产”原则的意图。在此背景下,考虑到有助于辨析各国赋予人类共同遗产的意义的《月球协定》的起草历史。此外,在其他领域,例如深海海底制度和南极洲使用这一术语对于理解这一概念是至关重要的。在《联合国海洋法》中引入“人类共同遗产”,导致包括美国在内的多个工业化发达国家对该法律表示反对。因此,这种做法被淡化,以确保它转化为一种更自由的条件,而不是对《海洋法》缔约国强制执行严格的任务。各国对《月球协定》也有类似的看法,迄今为止只有17个国家批准了该协定,其中没有航天国家。因此,大多数国家认为,由于不是《月球协定》的缔约国,《月球协定》中的“人类共同遗产”原则不适用。也有人认为,由于没有国家实践提出关于人类共同遗产的法律意见,因此它不属于习惯国际法的一部分。没有将这一原则纳入习惯规范,使得“人类共同遗产”在当今世界的相关性存在争议和不确定性。
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引用次数: 6
United Nations General Assembly Resolutions in the Formation of the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 1967年联合国大会关于形成外层空间条约的决议
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1636633
Biswanath Gupta, Ekta Rathore
ABSTRACT The launch of Sputnik in 1957 followed by Explorer in 1958 showcased the potential of space and stressed the need for a robust body of law legislating space as beneficial to all states. Following the launches, a series of resolutions by the United Nations’ General Assembly developed the core principles of international space law. This article conducts an analysis of resolutions passed from 1957 to 1967 to understand the genesis of space law principles as reflected in the Outer Space Treaty of 1967. These principles include sovereign equality, peaceful purposes and international cooperation, non-appropriation of space, common heritage of mankind, environmental protection, and how to address non-governmental entities engaged in space activities.
1957年发射的人造卫星和1958年发射的探索者号展示了空间的潜力,强调了建立一个强有力的空间立法体系的必要性,以造福所有国家。在发射之后,联合国大会通过了一系列决议,制定了国际空间法的核心原则。本文对1957年至1967年通过的各项决议进行了分析,以了解1967年《外层空间条约》所反映的空间法原则的起源。这些原则包括主权平等、和平目的和国际合作、不占用空间、人类共同遗产、环境保护以及如何处理从事空间活动的非政府实体。
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引用次数: 3
Satellites and the Security Dilemma 卫星与安全困境
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1641689
Aleksander M. Lubojemski
ABSTRACT The paper examines the linkage between satellites and the security dilemma. There are currently over 2000 satellites in Earth orbit with various applications ranging from observations, remote sensing, telecommunications, to navigation, among other uses. This multitude of possible usages cause uncertainty concerning intentions and fear in the international system, which leads to security build-ups. This paper first looks at the dual-use nature of satellites and by giving examples, explains what exactly is meant by this. Second, it delves into the theories behind the security dilemma, especially analyzing the differences in theory between offensive and defensive weapons. And third, it builds on the theory concerning the security dilemma to examine how exactly satellites and their dual-use applications affect the dilemma.
摘要:本文探讨了卫星与安全困境之间的联系。目前在地球轨道上有2000多颗卫星,其应用范围从观测、遥感、电信到导航等。这么多可能的用法在国际体系中造成意图和恐惧的不确定性,从而导致安全积累。本文首先探讨了卫星的双重用途性质,并举例说明了这一性质的确切含义。其次,深入研究了安全困境背后的理论,特别是分析了进攻性武器与防御性武器的理论差异。第三,它建立在关于安全困境的理论基础上,研究卫星及其双重用途究竟如何影响这种困境。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction: Space Power and Security Trilemma in South Asia 南亚的空间力量与安全三难困境
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1589996
Ahmad Khan, E. Sadeh
Space is a congested, crowded, and contested domain. This is creating multidimensional strategic competition between the United States and China at the global level, and between China, India, and Pakistan at the regional level in South Asia. In this scenario, understanding space security is instrumental to managing and preventinf potential conflicts in space. Currently, the United States is a global space power with the most advanced space capabilities employed in the pursuit of national security, and civil and economic interests. Recently, China has emerged as a rival global space power. Both states understand the importance of space for achieving their national security goals and objectives. U.S. national space security strategy considers new actors in space as a threat to its space supremacy, leading to U.S. vulnerability in maintaining the present status quo in space. Chinese space ambitions are largely focused on achieving socioeconomic and political objectives, but there is a growing sense of space power projection as a core element of national power. Space relations between China and the United States are characterized by a misperception-misunderstanding dynamic, in addition to space competition that posits implications for international and regional security. At the global level, space is amedium of political, economic, strategic, andmilitary competition. This has impacts on establishing an international code of conduct for peaceful uses of space. Likewise, competition dynamics constrainmultilateral efforts to establish a universally accepted treaty to prohibit the weaponization of space. At the regional level of South Asia, China and India have gained political, economic, and military influence in terms of changing the polarity of the region. This makes South Asia a complex security region where relations between China, India, and Pakistan, as the nuclear powers of South Asia, frame a security trilemma. The security trilemma profoundly impinges upon the space programs of these three states. India has undeniably emerged as a regional space superpower with global ambitions. Likewise, Pakistan is an aspiring space power and, with the help of China, can become a regional space power in the coming years. The changing dynamics of the power structure in South Asia
太空是一个拥挤、拥挤和有争议的领域。这造成了美国和中国在全球层面以及中国、印度和巴基斯坦在南亚地区层面的多维战略竞争。在这种情况下,了解太空安全有助于管理和预防太空中的潜在冲突。目前,美国是一个全球太空大国,拥有最先进的太空能力,用于追求国家安全、民用和经济利益。最近,中国已经崛起为一个与之竞争的全球太空大国。两国都了解太空对实现其国家安全目标的重要性。美国国家太空安全战略将太空中的新参与者视为对其太空霸权的威胁,导致美国在维持太空现状方面存在脆弱性。中国的太空野心主要集中在实现社会经济和政治目标上,但越来越多的人意识到,太空力量投射是国家力量的核心要素。中美空间关系的特点是一种误解-误解的动态关系,以及对国际和地区安全产生影响的空间竞争。在全球层面,太空是政治、经济、战略和军事竞争的媒介。这对制定和平利用空间的国际行为准则产生了影响。同样,竞争动态也限制了建立一项普遍接受的禁止太空武器化条约的多边努力。在南亚地区层面,中国和印度在改变该地区两极格局方面获得了政治、经济和军事影响力。这使得南亚成为一个复杂的安全地区,作为南亚的核大国,中国、印度和巴基斯坦之间的关系构成了安全三难困境。安全三难困境深刻地影响着这三个国家的太空计划。无可否认,印度已经成为一个具有全球野心的地区太空超级大国。同样,巴基斯坦是一个雄心勃勃的太空大国,在中国的帮助下,它可以在未来几年成为一个地区太空大国。南亚权力结构的动态变化
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引用次数: 7
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Astropolitics
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