Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578935
Malcolm Davis
ABSTRACT Space competition and the risk of military conflict in space are emerging as key features of the twenty-first-century geopolitical environment. Although there is a natural focus on the risk of military conflict in space between the United States, China, and Russia, South Asian security will also be affected by space competition. Indian space capabilities are developing rapidly, and are emerging as one of the more advanced regional space programs; there is clear risk that Chinese and Indian space competition will increase. A key feature of twenty-first-century space security dynamics is Space 2.0, in which commercial space actors can exploit new technologies and approaches to accessing and utilizing space. For India, exploiting Space 2.0 is an important step, in particular to balance Chinese counterspace capabilities.
{"title":"South Asia and Space Security","authors":"Malcolm Davis","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578935","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Space competition and the risk of military conflict in space are emerging as key features of the twenty-first-century geopolitical environment. Although there is a natural focus on the risk of military conflict in space between the United States, China, and Russia, South Asian security will also be affected by space competition. Indian space capabilities are developing rapidly, and are emerging as one of the more advanced regional space programs; there is clear risk that Chinese and Indian space competition will increase. A key feature of twenty-first-century space security dynamics is Space 2.0, in which commercial space actors can exploit new technologies and approaches to accessing and utilizing space. For India, exploiting Space 2.0 is an important step, in particular to balance Chinese counterspace capabilities.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"43 1","pages":"62 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75980847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578934
M. Arif
ABSTRACT South Asia is in part volatile because of the historical rivalry between India and Pakistan. After non-conventional and conventional military buildups in the past, an arms race in the domain of outer space is now a possibility. Space is an advantageous frontier for military uses. In this context, the consensus in international law defines space as a global commons to be used for peaceful purposes. Nonetheless, space powers, including India, engage in space militarization, which can lead to the weaponization of space. India is motivated in this regard by aspirations of regional hegemony and to balance its capabilities with respect to China in an effort to counter China’s increasing influence in South Asia. These developments posit adverse effects on the strategic equation in South Asia, leading to strategic instability, and can undermine nuclear deterrence and bring about a South Asian arms race in space. Moreover, the security dilemma in South Asia has prompted defensive and offensive reactions from rival states in the region, exacerbating repercussions on the South Asian strategic landscape. Analysis of the issues suggests that keeping space free from weaponization can alleviate strategic instability in South Asia.
{"title":"Strategic Landscape of South Asia and Prevention of Arms Race in Outer Space","authors":"M. Arif","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578934","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT South Asia is in part volatile because of the historical rivalry between India and Pakistan. After non-conventional and conventional military buildups in the past, an arms race in the domain of outer space is now a possibility. Space is an advantageous frontier for military uses. In this context, the consensus in international law defines space as a global commons to be used for peaceful purposes. Nonetheless, space powers, including India, engage in space militarization, which can lead to the weaponization of space. India is motivated in this regard by aspirations of regional hegemony and to balance its capabilities with respect to China in an effort to counter China’s increasing influence in South Asia. These developments posit adverse effects on the strategic equation in South Asia, leading to strategic instability, and can undermine nuclear deterrence and bring about a South Asian arms race in space. Moreover, the security dilemma in South Asia has prompted defensive and offensive reactions from rival states in the region, exacerbating repercussions on the South Asian strategic landscape. Analysis of the issues suggests that keeping space free from weaponization can alleviate strategic instability in South Asia.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"25 1","pages":"51 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81268397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578936
Sameer Ali Khan, Irteza Imam
ABSTRACT Since the nuclearization of South Asia, in 1998, the relationship between two nuclear armed neighbors—India and Pakistan—is often explained and discussed in a Cold War context. Uneasy with the changed geostrategic realities of nuclear deterrence in South Asia, India is adopting limited conventional war strategies against Pakistan, pursuing Ballistic Missile Defense, and possibly adopting a first-strike strategy that shifts from India’s declared no-first-use policy of nuclear weapons. This study analyzes how Indian space-based capabilities augment its Ballistic Missile Defense program and its aspirations of a first-strike based on preemption. Subsequently, the article draws linkages between Indian space-based capabilities, including anti-satellite weapons, and impacts on strategic stability in South Asia.
{"title":"Outer Space and Strategic Stability in South Asia","authors":"Sameer Ali Khan, Irteza Imam","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578936","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the nuclearization of South Asia, in 1998, the relationship between two nuclear armed neighbors—India and Pakistan—is often explained and discussed in a Cold War context. Uneasy with the changed geostrategic realities of nuclear deterrence in South Asia, India is adopting limited conventional war strategies against Pakistan, pursuing Ballistic Missile Defense, and possibly adopting a first-strike strategy that shifts from India’s declared no-first-use policy of nuclear weapons. This study analyzes how Indian space-based capabilities augment its Ballistic Missile Defense program and its aspirations of a first-strike based on preemption. Subsequently, the article draws linkages between Indian space-based capabilities, including anti-satellite weapons, and impacts on strategic stability in South Asia.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"19 1","pages":"70 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73637140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578932
A. Lele
ABSTRACT There is an ongoing debate on an India-China space race. Both states have made investments in the space domain for the last few decades for social, scientific, commercial, and military reasons. The January 2007 anti-satellite test conducted by China significantly raised international concerns on issues concerning space security. China’s strategic space program is witnessing major advances, and China’s attainments in the space arena in terms of its financial investments, expanse of programs, technology proficiency, and future plans are ahead of those of India. At the same time, both states are pursuing programs such as the development of navigational networks and missions to the Moon and Mars. In this context, it is of interest to analyze China’s increasing focus on satellite technologies and India’s response. This article analyzes the possible manifestation of a “security dilemma” in the context of outer space among these states and concludes that the dilemma is suggestive, but not definitive.
{"title":"Space Security Dilemma: India and China","authors":"A. Lele","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578932","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is an ongoing debate on an India-China space race. Both states have made investments in the space domain for the last few decades for social, scientific, commercial, and military reasons. The January 2007 anti-satellite test conducted by China significantly raised international concerns on issues concerning space security. China’s strategic space program is witnessing major advances, and China’s attainments in the space arena in terms of its financial investments, expanse of programs, technology proficiency, and future plans are ahead of those of India. At the same time, both states are pursuing programs such as the development of navigational networks and missions to the Moon and Mars. In this context, it is of interest to analyze China’s increasing focus on satellite technologies and India’s response. This article analyzes the possible manifestation of a “security dilemma” in the context of outer space among these states and concludes that the dilemma is suggestive, but not definitive.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"36 1","pages":"23 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89963958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578933
A. Ahsan, Ahmad Khan
ABSTRACT Despite political, technological, and economic constraints, Pakistan is considered an aspiring space power with a relatively modest space program compared to the larger, more successful ones of China and India. Innovative leadership, smart allocation of national resources, and political will are all necessary for any country to progress in such a high-technology field. The Chinese and Indian space programs pose unique challenges and opportunities for Pakistan. Rivalry with India over its regional and extra-regional ambitions means that Pakistan would have to give serious thought towards bolstering its space program as part of its national outlook in the twenty-first century. Pakistan can utilize cordial relations with China to improve its nascent space infrastructure through collaborative efforts to gain eventual self-sufficiency for socioeconomic and strategic purposes in the South Asian region. While Pakistan may not have the economic clout of a bigger power, it can utilize the “Space 2.0” concept of multilateral and public-private partnerships to empower its space program, enhance its domestic scientific and technological base, and build an indigenous space industry that can reap dividends at home and abroad. This can also benefit Pakistan’s needs to maintain strategic parity with India and stake its own claims as an emerging space nation.
{"title":"Pakistan’s Journey into Space","authors":"A. Ahsan, Ahmad Khan","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578933","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite political, technological, and economic constraints, Pakistan is considered an aspiring space power with a relatively modest space program compared to the larger, more successful ones of China and India. Innovative leadership, smart allocation of national resources, and political will are all necessary for any country to progress in such a high-technology field. The Chinese and Indian space programs pose unique challenges and opportunities for Pakistan. Rivalry with India over its regional and extra-regional ambitions means that Pakistan would have to give serious thought towards bolstering its space program as part of its national outlook in the twenty-first century. Pakistan can utilize cordial relations with China to improve its nascent space infrastructure through collaborative efforts to gain eventual self-sufficiency for socioeconomic and strategic purposes in the South Asian region. While Pakistan may not have the economic clout of a bigger power, it can utilize the “Space 2.0” concept of multilateral and public-private partnerships to empower its space program, enhance its domestic scientific and technological base, and build an indigenous space industry that can reap dividends at home and abroad. This can also benefit Pakistan’s needs to maintain strategic parity with India and stake its own claims as an emerging space nation.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"14 1","pages":"38 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88464196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2019.1578931
Zulfqar Khan, Ahmad Khan
ABSTRACT The peculiar nature of bilateral relations between the United States and China in space is the triggering point of a space security trilemma in South Asia. The spill-over effect of a misperception-misunderstanding dynamic between the United States and China in outer space has brought strategic transformation between the bilateral relations among India-China, India-Pakistan, and China-Pakistan, accentuating a security trilemma. All three states give high importance to their national space programs to achieve socioeconomic goals and to fulfill their national security needs. All three states also recognize the strategic importance of space as a new arena of war. However, the power asymmetry in South Asia has highlighted space-related capabilities as a potent medium of progress and power accumulation. As a result, the challenges in space have triggered and magnified the security trilemma for the South Asian rivals, interconnecting China, India, and Pakistan in the context of an international security complex.
{"title":"Space Security Trilemma in South Asia","authors":"Zulfqar Khan, Ahmad Khan","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2019.1578931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2019.1578931","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The peculiar nature of bilateral relations between the United States and China in space is the triggering point of a space security trilemma in South Asia. The spill-over effect of a misperception-misunderstanding dynamic between the United States and China in outer space has brought strategic transformation between the bilateral relations among India-China, India-Pakistan, and China-Pakistan, accentuating a security trilemma. All three states give high importance to their national space programs to achieve socioeconomic goals and to fulfill their national security needs. All three states also recognize the strategic importance of space as a new arena of war. However, the power asymmetry in South Asia has highlighted space-related capabilities as a potent medium of progress and power accumulation. As a result, the challenges in space have triggered and magnified the security trilemma for the South Asian rivals, interconnecting China, India, and Pakistan in the context of an international security complex.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"295 1","pages":"22 - 4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86433046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2018.1536103
D. Lempert
{"title":"Placing Outer Space: An Earthly Ethnography of Other Worlds","authors":"D. Lempert","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2018.1536103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2018.1536103","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"7 1","pages":"237 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73313296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2018.1536858
Kriti Gautam Bhattacharya
ABSTRACT Several private players have expressed their desire to mine resources in space. This posits ethical and legal concerns. Several scholars argue that space mining activities flout the national non-appropriation principle enshrined in Article II of the Outer Space Treaty. However, it is the opinion of the author that space mining does not per se violate the provisions of Article II, though space mining brings forward other concerns of breach of cooperation and environmental damage. The current legal regime is not adequately equipped to address these problems. The national legislations of several countries which allow for space mining do not address these issues. Even though an international regime emulating deep seabed mining addresses some of these concerns, the current political structure is not in favor of such a development. Hence, the legal viability of any potential space mining industry is on tenuous terms.
{"title":"The Viability of Space Mining in the Current Legal Regime","authors":"Kriti Gautam Bhattacharya","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2018.1536858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2018.1536858","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Several private players have expressed their desire to mine resources in space. This posits ethical and legal concerns. Several scholars argue that space mining activities flout the national non-appropriation principle enshrined in Article II of the Outer Space Treaty. However, it is the opinion of the author that space mining does not per se violate the provisions of Article II, though space mining brings forward other concerns of breach of cooperation and environmental damage. The current legal regime is not adequately equipped to address these problems. The national legislations of several countries which allow for space mining do not address these issues. Even though an international regime emulating deep seabed mining addresses some of these concerns, the current political structure is not in favor of such a development. Hence, the legal viability of any potential space mining industry is on tenuous terms.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"40 1","pages":"216 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74264137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2018.1535207
E. Drozhashchikh
ABSTRACT The article investigates how the “China Dream,” set as a national Chinese goal through 2049, is underpinned with achievements in outer space. Deriving from the Carl von Clausewitz hypothesis on “the continuation of political objectives by other means” and referring to Xi Jinping’s official statements that link space achievements to these “other means,” the Chinese national space program (focusing on substantial technical details to elicit evidence of progress and how concrete achievements lead to economic and geopolitical advantages) is examined. This article shows that the increasing number of space assets China possesses, including space-based technologies developed either independently or in mutually beneficial partnerships, are crucial for advancing socialism in the Chinese context and in altering the current global balance of power in a more favorable way to China.
{"title":"China’s National Space Program and the “China Dream”","authors":"E. Drozhashchikh","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2018.1535207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2018.1535207","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article investigates how the “China Dream,” set as a national Chinese goal through 2049, is underpinned with achievements in outer space. Deriving from the Carl von Clausewitz hypothesis on “the continuation of political objectives by other means” and referring to Xi Jinping’s official statements that link space achievements to these “other means,” the Chinese national space program (focusing on substantial technical details to elicit evidence of progress and how concrete achievements lead to economic and geopolitical advantages) is examined. This article shows that the increasing number of space assets China possesses, including space-based technologies developed either independently or in mutually beneficial partnerships, are crucial for advancing socialism in the Chinese context and in altering the current global balance of power in a more favorable way to China.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"94 1","pages":"175 - 186"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83902235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14777622.2018.1534470
Philipp Olbrich
Changes in the satellite-based remote sensing industry are evident in recent years. Formerly a domain reserved for the military and intelligence agencies of governments, there now exists a so-called geospatial revolution due to the ongoing commercialization of Earth observation (EO). Backed with money from government contracts, angel investment, and venture capital, private companies have launched hundreds of EO satellites featuring various instruments and sensors. The result of this surge of privately owned satellite constellations is a similar level of satellite data. Beside country-specific data policies, access to this supply of satellite data is governed by competitive pricing. However, the industry is still in the process of effectively marketing the benefits of remote sensing data to commercial clients, finding profitable business models, and recouping financial investment. The book Open Space: The Global Efforts for Open Access to Environmental Satellite Data offers interesting parallels to this situation by looking at the evolution of data policies for environmental satellite data since the 1960s. Mariel Borowitz tackles an important puzzle by explaining why some governments have opted for open access policies, while others chose to limit access to environmental satellite data. More specifically, Borowitz wonders that, given the potential benefits of satellite data for myriad environmental and social problems, why “in many cases the space and meteorological agencies around the world that collect satellite data essential to addressing these issues do not share that data freely[?]” Borowitz identifies a certain pattern in data sharing policies from open access, in the early phases of government remote sensing, to more restrictive regulations, and then back to open data sharing. In this context, the book explains what drove government agencies to change their data sharing policies in this particular sequence. To address these issues, Borowitz develops a theoretical framework and applies it to seven empirical case studies that comprise relevant agencies from the United States, Europe, and Japan. Altogether, the book finds compelling answers for the questions raised, effectively creates a reference guide for data policies of current government Earth observation programs, and provides policy recommendations to increase sharing of global satellite data. This review first presents the central arguments of the book, followed by a summary of pertinent points in the individual chapters. After that, it discusses the book’s strengths and weaknesses in context of the current state of commercial remote sensing.
{"title":"Open space: The global effort for open access to environmental satellite data","authors":"Philipp Olbrich","doi":"10.1080/14777622.2018.1534470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14777622.2018.1534470","url":null,"abstract":"Changes in the satellite-based remote sensing industry are evident in recent years. Formerly a domain reserved for the military and intelligence agencies of governments, there now exists a so-called geospatial revolution due to the ongoing commercialization of Earth observation (EO). Backed with money from government contracts, angel investment, and venture capital, private companies have launched hundreds of EO satellites featuring various instruments and sensors. The result of this surge of privately owned satellite constellations is a similar level of satellite data. Beside country-specific data policies, access to this supply of satellite data is governed by competitive pricing. However, the industry is still in the process of effectively marketing the benefits of remote sensing data to commercial clients, finding profitable business models, and recouping financial investment. The book Open Space: The Global Efforts for Open Access to Environmental Satellite Data offers interesting parallels to this situation by looking at the evolution of data policies for environmental satellite data since the 1960s. Mariel Borowitz tackles an important puzzle by explaining why some governments have opted for open access policies, while others chose to limit access to environmental satellite data. More specifically, Borowitz wonders that, given the potential benefits of satellite data for myriad environmental and social problems, why “in many cases the space and meteorological agencies around the world that collect satellite data essential to addressing these issues do not share that data freely[?]” Borowitz identifies a certain pattern in data sharing policies from open access, in the early phases of government remote sensing, to more restrictive regulations, and then back to open data sharing. In this context, the book explains what drove government agencies to change their data sharing policies in this particular sequence. To address these issues, Borowitz develops a theoretical framework and applies it to seven empirical case studies that comprise relevant agencies from the United States, Europe, and Japan. Altogether, the book finds compelling answers for the questions raised, effectively creates a reference guide for data policies of current government Earth observation programs, and provides policy recommendations to increase sharing of global satellite data. This review first presents the central arguments of the book, followed by a summary of pertinent points in the individual chapters. After that, it discusses the book’s strengths and weaknesses in context of the current state of commercial remote sensing.","PeriodicalId":35153,"journal":{"name":"Astropolitics","volume":"84 1","pages":"230 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89026886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：