Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.01
V. Laurent
{"title":"50 (y más) años de resistencia indígena desde el Cauca, Colombia. De la lucha por la tierra hacia la construcción de otro mundo","authors":"V. Laurent","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46195032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.04
Víctor M. Mijares, Detlef Nolte
,
,
{"title":"UNASUR: An Eclectic Analytical Perspective of its Disintegration","authors":"Víctor M. Mijares, Detlef Nolte","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.04","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44740992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.06
Armando José Mercado Vega
. Objective/Context: The following article analyzes the politicide of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT) after signing the peace agreement between this guerrilla group and the Colombian government in 1991. It shows how studies on genocides and politicides fall into an error that we call “quantity bias” in this article since they only consider large-scale exterminations of political groups, leaving out the analysis of exterminations carried out in a more selective and localized manner. Based on a critical review of the specialized literature, the study constructs a typology of different forms of political assassinations, deriving from it the concept of low-intensity politicide, proposed as the most appropriate category of analysis for the case study of the PRT. Methodology: A case study based on a documentary review and semi-structured interviews with former members of the PRT, FARC-EP, and AUC. Conclusions: Among the main findings, it is evident how low-intensity politicides, such as the one that occurred with the PRT, are characterized by being executed mainly through individual selective violence, having a local/regional geographic scope and their main perpetrators tending to be paramilitary groups in alliance with local elites and State agents. Originality: The theoretical contribution of the study consists of proposing a new category, such as low-intensity politicide, for the analysis of other cases of political extermination. It is also the first academic research focused on the extermination of the PRT.
{"title":"Politicidio de baja intensidad: exterminio territorializado del Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT) en el Caribe colombiano, 1991-2005","authors":"Armando José Mercado Vega","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.06","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: The following article analyzes the politicide of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT) after signing the peace agreement between this guerrilla group and the Colombian government in 1991. It shows how studies on genocides and politicides fall into an error that we call “quantity bias” in this article since they only consider large-scale exterminations of political groups, leaving out the analysis of exterminations carried out in a more selective and localized manner. Based on a critical review of the specialized literature, the study constructs a typology of different forms of political assassinations, deriving from it the concept of low-intensity politicide, proposed as the most appropriate category of analysis for the case study of the PRT. Methodology: A case study based on a documentary review and semi-structured interviews with former members of the PRT, FARC-EP, and AUC. Conclusions: Among the main findings, it is evident how low-intensity politicides, such as the one that occurred with the PRT, are characterized by being executed mainly through individual selective violence, having a local/regional geographic scope and their main perpetrators tending to be paramilitary groups in alliance with local elites and State agents. Originality: The theoretical contribution of the study consists of proposing a new category, such as low-intensity politicide, for the analysis of other cases of political extermination. It is also the first academic research focused on the extermination of the PRT.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43489256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.07
Igor Castellano da Silva, Ana Luiza Vedovato
,
，
{"title":"Brazil’s Lost Pathway to Regional Hegemony: Structural Changes in the South American Regional System (1810-2010s)","authors":"Igor Castellano da Silva, Ana Luiza Vedovato","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.07","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71304907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02
Nicolas Alexander Beckmann
. Objective/Context: The present article develops a theoretical tool to explain drug policy decisions called the Psychoactive Politics Framework. It is built on the assumption that the design and implementation of drug policies affect several political goals, such as popularity, winning elections, material benefits, and international reputation. Therefore, the framework expects these policies to be the result of national and international incentives that will help policy makers achieve those goals. These are incentives related to public opinion, policy advocacy, crises, pressure, standing, and leadership. Methodology: The second part of the article applies the Psychoactive Politics Framework to explain Peru’s first legislation to eradicate illicit coca crops: the Decree Law 22095 of 1978. Through examining diplomatic cables, protocols of international meetings, and media sources, the analysis gathers evidence in favor and against each of the incentives outlined in the framework. Conclusions: While Peru’s drug policy reform took place in an increasingly prohibitionist international environment, its primary driver was the advocacy of national actors, such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Investigative Police, and the attorney general. Originality: The findings question the popular notion that prohibitionist drug policies in South America resulted exclusively from US pressure. Furthermore, the article presents a coherent tool to carry out theory-guided research about past and present drug policy decisions.
{"title":"The Pyschoactive Politics Framework and the Beginning of Coca Eradication in Peru","authors":"Nicolas Alexander Beckmann","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.02","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: The present article develops a theoretical tool to explain drug policy decisions called the Psychoactive Politics Framework. It is built on the assumption that the design and implementation of drug policies affect several political goals, such as popularity, winning elections, material benefits, and international reputation. Therefore, the framework expects these policies to be the result of national and international incentives that will help policy makers achieve those goals. These are incentives related to public opinion, policy advocacy, crises, pressure, standing, and leadership. Methodology: The second part of the article applies the Psychoactive Politics Framework to explain Peru’s first legislation to eradicate illicit coca crops: the Decree Law 22095 of 1978. Through examining diplomatic cables, protocols of international meetings, and media sources, the analysis gathers evidence in favor and against each of the incentives outlined in the framework. Conclusions: While Peru’s drug policy reform took place in an increasingly prohibitionist international environment, its primary driver was the advocacy of national actors, such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Investigative Police, and the attorney general. Originality: The findings question the popular notion that prohibitionist drug policies in South America resulted exclusively from US pressure. Furthermore, the article presents a coherent tool to carry out theory-guided research about past and present drug policy decisions.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46869794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05
María Cristina Ovalle Almanza, Juan Camilo Vásquez Salazar
,
,
{"title":"Limitations on Democracy in Multilateral Policies to Regulate the Political Participation of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples","authors":"María Cristina Ovalle Almanza, Juan Camilo Vásquez Salazar","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint111.2022.05","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48731887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05
Pedro Santos Mundim, Cíntia Soares Rodrigues dos Santos
. Objective/Context: This article discusses how public opinion behaves in relation to the arrival of foreigners to Brazil. Methodology: Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches present in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. Conclusions: The analyses suggest that both dimensions are present, although there is stronger evidence of the former. The probability of considering the arrival of foreigners to Brazil negative is higher when they come from countries with a majority black population, such as Haiti and African countries, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans, and Americans. This is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil itself, marked by a slave heritage and the subjugation of the black population. Originality: Despite being a case study, the article contributes to a broader understanding of how public opinion is positioned in relation to the arrival of foreigners in other Latin American contexts with similar historical processes of colonization or with current problems related to new migratory waves. The study offers an approach to the subject in a context that is different from that observed in European countries and the USA, sources of most studies on public opinion and immigration.
{"title":"Preconceito racial ou competição econômica? A opinião pública sobre a vinda de estrangeiros para o Brasil","authors":"Pedro Santos Mundim, Cíntia Soares Rodrigues dos Santos","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.05","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: This article discusses how public opinion behaves in relation to the arrival of foreigners to Brazil. Methodology: Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches present in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. Conclusions: The analyses suggest that both dimensions are present, although there is stronger evidence of the former. The probability of considering the arrival of foreigners to Brazil negative is higher when they come from countries with a majority black population, such as Haiti and African countries, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans, and Americans. This is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil itself, marked by a slave heritage and the subjugation of the black population. Originality: Despite being a case study, the article contributes to a broader understanding of how public opinion is positioned in relation to the arrival of foreigners in other Latin American contexts with similar historical processes of colonization or with current problems related to new migratory waves. The study offers an approach to the subject in a context that is different from that observed in European countries and the USA, sources of most studies on public opinion and immigration.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46624293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08
Enzo Nussio, Juan E. Ugarriza
{"title":"¿Por qué los rebeldes dejan de luchar? Declive organizacional y deserción en la insurgencia de Colombia","authors":"Enzo Nussio, Juan E. Ugarriza","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49078361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06
Juan Manuel Caicedo
. Objective/Context: This study starts by asking what the main determinants of trust in the police are in Latin America. Based on conflict theory, it argues that class divisions and ethnic diversity founded on European colonization have left a legacy of social control conflicts, in which some groups find themselves in a privileged position in their dealings with the police, while others remain in a position of exclusion and vulnerability. Methodology: This research examines data from Latinobarómetro 2018. It uses ordinal logistic regression (OLR) models to evaluate the effects of the subject’s sociodemographic and attitudinal characteristics, as well as a mixed-effects model to observe contextual level indicators (country characteristics). Conclusions: The confidence of Latin Americans in the police is affected by their class position, their opinion on who governs the country, and their perception of corruption in the members of the institution. Although there is evidence of a lower level of trust among indigenous people, the racial identification of the subjects does not show significant effects. At the contextual level, ethnic fractionalization and the country’s homicide rate decrease trust in the police, although inequality (Gini coefficient) shows a positive effect, contrary to what was expected. Originality: The article explores diverse factors that can produce differential treatment between the police and citizens, in a region marked by high levels of inequality and violence.
{"title":"Autoridad y privilegio: confianza en la policía en Latinoamérica","authors":"Juan Manuel Caicedo","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.06","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context: This study starts by asking what the main determinants of trust in the police are in Latin America. Based on conflict theory, it argues that class divisions and ethnic diversity founded on European colonization have left a legacy of social control conflicts, in which some groups find themselves in a privileged position in their dealings with the police, while others remain in a position of exclusion and vulnerability. Methodology: This research examines data from Latinobarómetro 2018. It uses ordinal logistic regression (OLR) models to evaluate the effects of the subject’s sociodemographic and attitudinal characteristics, as well as a mixed-effects model to observe contextual level indicators (country characteristics). Conclusions: The confidence of Latin Americans in the police is affected by their class position, their opinion on who governs the country, and their perception of corruption in the members of the institution. Although there is evidence of a lower level of trust among indigenous people, the racial identification of the subjects does not show significant effects. At the contextual level, ethnic fractionalization and the country’s homicide rate decrease trust in the police, although inequality (Gini coefficient) shows a positive effect, contrary to what was expected. Originality: The article explores diverse factors that can produce differential treatment between the police and citizens, in a region marked by high levels of inequality and violence.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44701086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01
Juan Bogliacini, M. García Sánchez, Rosario Queirolo
. Objective/Context : This article explores the reasons behind the imbalance and limitations that persist in Latin America to access public opinion information on public policy preferences. Methodology : A descriptive analysis of the development of public opinion studies in the region, based on interviews with academics and pollsters from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Uruguay. Conclusions : Although data availability to study public policy opinion in Latin America has significantly increased in the last three decades, limitations persist due to three factors: (i) Latin American states have played a sporadic role in generating information for research in this field. (ii) The role of the private sector and politicians as funders and generators of public opinion data makes the availability of information very sporadic and of limited access. (iii) The agenda of open access public opinion studies is defined by academics from the Global North, whose research agenda moves more towards issues of stability and democratic values than towards citizens’ public policy preferences. Originality : This paper contributes to a more comprehensive descriptive overview of the evolution of the sub-discipline of public opinion in Latin America. In addition, it highlights the need for public funds to systematically survey the public policy preferences of citizens in the region and make microdata publicly available to inform political decision-making and academic research.
{"title":"El desarrollo dependiente: treinta años de opinión pública en América Latina","authors":"Juan Bogliacini, M. García Sánchez, Rosario Queirolo","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint110.2022.01","url":null,"abstract":". Objective/Context : This article explores the reasons behind the imbalance and limitations that persist in Latin America to access public opinion information on public policy preferences. Methodology : A descriptive analysis of the development of public opinion studies in the region, based on interviews with academics and pollsters from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Uruguay. Conclusions : Although data availability to study public policy opinion in Latin America has significantly increased in the last three decades, limitations persist due to three factors: (i) Latin American states have played a sporadic role in generating information for research in this field. (ii) The role of the private sector and politicians as funders and generators of public opinion data makes the availability of information very sporadic and of limited access. (iii) The agenda of open access public opinion studies is defined by academics from the Global North, whose research agenda moves more towards issues of stability and democratic values than towards citizens’ public policy preferences. Originality : This paper contributes to a more comprehensive descriptive overview of the evolution of the sub-discipline of public opinion in Latin America. In addition, it highlights the need for public funds to systematically survey the public policy preferences of citizens in the region and make microdata publicly available to inform political decision-making and academic research.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47394502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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