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Cuando los think tanks entran en campaña: el caso de Chile 当智库进入竞选活动时:以智利为例
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint114.2023.05
M. Barreda, Leticia M. Ruiz Rodríguez, Gema Sánchez Medero
Objetivo/contexto: el trabajo se ocupa de la contribución de los think tanks (TT) al debate de ideas y a su relación con el entorno. En concreto, se analizan las variaciones que introduce la campaña electoral en las posiciones políticas de los TT, así como el papel de la ideología y de la vinculación a los partidos como posibles determinantes. Metodología: se hace un seguimiento del contenido de las páginas web de diez TT antes y durante la campaña electoral de las elecciones presidenciales de 2021 en Chile, donde existen numerosos TT que se han convertido en protagonistas. Para cada TT se analiza su atención a los temas sociopolíticos y se registra la tendencia de sus posiciones. Conclusiones: el análisis muestra que los TT adaptan su agenda comunicativa a la campaña electoral y que su ideología es una variable clave en esta estrategia. Originalidad: se aporta evidencia sobre la entrada de los TT en las campañas electorales con diferencias entre conservadores y progresistas.
目标/背景:本研究关注智库(TT)对思想辩论的贡献及其与环境的关系。本研究的目的是分析TT的政治立场在选举运动中的变化,以及意识形态和政党联系作为可能的决定因素的作用。方法:在2021年智利总统选举之前和期间,对10个TT网站的内容进行跟踪,在那里有许多TT成为主角。对于每个TT,分析他们对社会政治问题的关注,并记录他们的立场趋势。结论:分析表明,TT调整其传播议程以适应竞选活动,其意识形态是这一策略的关键变量。原创性:提供了TT参与竞选活动的证据,保守派和进步派之间存在差异。
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引用次数: 0
Prácticas políticas que sobreviven a reformas constitucionales: limitación y criminalización de la protesta social en Colombia (1958-2022) 宪法改革后的政治实践:哥伦比亚社会抗议的限制和犯罪化(1958-2022)
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint114.2023.01
Ana Catalina Arango Restrepo
Objetivo/contexto: este artículo estudia el uso que hizo el Ejecutivo del estado de sitio, entre 1958 y 1990, para silenciar a la oposición y contener la protesta social, con el fin de poner en evidencia cómo las leyes que hoy criminalizan la protesta en Colombia reproducen los rasgos autoritarios que se construyeron en este periodo. Metodología: se desarrolló un método cualitativo basado en la recopilación de los decretos legislativos expedidos entre 1958 y 1990. Este análisis incluye la revisión del considerando de los decretos que declararon el estado de sitio, las medidas que el Ejecutivo adoptó para conjurar las perturbaciones del orden público y la revisión del contexto político en el que dichos decretos fueron expedidos. Conclusiones: este estudio revela que, más preocupante que la represión de un Gobierno puntual, los excesos que hoy observamos por parte del Gobierno y la fuerza pública en el manejo de la protesta social hacen parte de prácticas políticas que tienen décadas de ser ensayadas y reforzadas en momentos de crisis. Originalidad: si bien existen numerosas investigaciones sobre los estados de sitio, este trabajo aporta a la comprensión de cómo se ha construido un pasado autoritario que continúa presente en la memoria de nuestras instituciones y determina la forma en que nuestros gobernantes se enfrentan al disenso.
目标/背景:这篇文章研究了1958年至1990年期间围困状态行政当局用来压制反对派和遏制社会抗议的情况,以揭示今天将哥伦比亚抗议定为犯罪的法律是如何复制这一时期建立的专制特征的。方法:根据1958年至1990年颁布的立法法令的汇编,制定了一种定性方法。这一分析包括审查宣布进入戒严状态的法令的序言,行政部门为防止扰乱公共秩序而采取的措施,以及审查颁布这些法令的政治背景。结论:这项研究表明,比镇压一个特定的政府更令人担忧的是,我们今天看到政府和公共力量在处理社会抗议方面的过度行为是几十年来在危机时刻需要测试和加强的政治做法的一部分。独创性:虽然对围困状态进行了许多研究,但这项工作有助于了解专制的过去是如何建立的,这种过去仍然存在于我们机构的记忆中,并决定了我们的统治者如何面对不同意见。
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引用次数: 1
La votación de clase en las elecciones presidenciales 2006-2018 en los principales centros urbanos de Colombia: una hipótesis 哥伦比亚主要城市中心2006-2018年总统选举中的阶级投票:一种假设
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.07
Blendi Kajsiu, Yenifer Tamayo Grisales, Yesica Valencia Tobón, Michel Dayana Giraldo
RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: este artículo tiene dos objetivos: el principal es mostrar que en las elecciones presidenciales de 2018 aumentó la votación de clase en comparación con las elecciones de 2006, 2010 y 2014; el segundo es desarrollar una posible explicación de este fenómeno. Nuestra hipótesis es que el aumento de votación de clase en las elecciones de 2018 se podría explicar, en parte, por el alto nivel de polarización ideológica entre los dos candidatos presidenciales, Iván Duque y Gustavo Petro, tanto en el eje derecha-izquierda como en el eje populista no populista. Metodología: utilizamos los datos de la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil y los mapas de estratificación socioeconómica para identificar los resultados electorales de los dos candidatos presidenciales principales con base en las diferentes
总结。目标/背景:本文有两个目标:主要是表明与2006年、2010年和2014年选举相比,2018年总统选举中的阶级投票有所增加;第二是对这一现象作出可能的解释。我们的假设是,2018年选举中阶级投票的增加部分可以解释为两位总统候选人伊万·杜克和古斯塔沃·彼得罗在左右轴线和非民粹主义轴线上的意识形态两极分化程度很高。方法:我们使用国家婚姻状况登记处的数据和社会经济分层图,根据不同的情况确定两位主要总统候选人的选举结果
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引用次数: 1
Las limitaciones paradigmáticas del concepto de hegemonía: China y el sur global 霸权概念的范式局限:中国与全球南方
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.04
Daniel Ricardo Lemus Delgado
. Objective/Context : China’s rise has generated a profound debate on the impact of its growing presence on the international scene. There is a broad
目标/背景:中国的崛起引发了一场关于其在国际舞台上日益增长的影响力的深刻辩论。有一个
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引用次数: 0
The Boys Who Cried Wolf Warrior: China’s Diplomatic Strategy in Latin America 《喊战狼的男孩:中国在拉美的外交战略》
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.03
B. Creutzfeldt
Objective/Context: This article examines the evolution of China's diplomatic strategy in Latin America in terms of how effectively Chinese diplomats have adapted to the demands of their country's multi-dimensional engagement with the region over the past three decades. This strategy underpins China's investments in the region and relates to regional integration and cultural cooperation issues. Methodology: The study draws on a database compiled by the author, tracking the careers of all senior Chinese diplomats in Latin America from 1990 to 2020. It is a qualitative study with quantitative data aggregation, comprising representative case studies. Conclusions: The author observes changes in how China's diplomats of the twenty-first century have embraced network diplomacy and enhanced their abilities to engage with foreign publics and governments. The competence of diplomats to get locally involved and demonstrate positive results has been tested, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the excesses of the so-called Wolf Warrior diplomacy appear to have been reined in. The study demonstrates a continuous evolution in the centrally crafted yet often competing efforts of the organizations involved in China's overseas operations, including ministries, Communist Party organizations, and educational institutions. Originality: By focusing on diplomats as key agents the study offers new insights into China's diplomatic and economic engagement with the region of Latin America. It also uses a novel database that will be publicly accessible following the publication of this study. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR]
目的/背景:本文考察了中国在拉美外交战略的演变,即中国外交官在过去三十年中如何有效地适应中国与该地区多维接触的需求。这一战略是中国在该地区投资的基础,涉及区域一体化和文化合作问题。研究方法:该研究利用作者编制的数据库,追踪1990年至2020年中国驻拉美所有高级外交官的职业生涯。这是一项定量数据汇总的定性研究,包括有代表性的案例研究。结论:作者观察了21世纪中国外交官如何接受网络外交并提高他们与外国公众和政府接触的能力的变化。外交官参与当地事务并展示积极成果的能力受到了考验,特别是在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,所谓的“战狼外交”的过度行为似乎得到了遏制。该研究表明,参与中国海外业务的各组织(包括部委、党组织和教育机构)在中央制定但往往相互竞争的努力方面不断发展。独创性:通过将外交官作为主要代理人,本研究为中国与拉美地区的外交和经济接触提供了新的见解。它还使用了一个新的数据库,该数据库将在本研究发表后向公众开放。(英文)[来自作者]
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引用次数: 0
Asia and Latin America Relations in the Twenty-First Century: A Review 21世纪的亚洲与拉丁美洲关系述评
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.01
Carolina Urrego-Sandoval, Ramon Pacheco Pardo
,
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引用次数: 0
Cuatro formas de percibir a China desde América Latina: análisis de clústeres de la composición de la opinión pública de la region 从拉丁美洲看中国的四种方式:区域舆论构成的聚类分析
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.05
Lorenzo Maggiorelli, Juan Federico Pino Uribe, Carlos Felipe Cifuentes
Objective/Context: The economic, political and military relations between the People’s Republic of China and Latin America have grown exponentially since the beginning of the 21st century. In this context, this article questions how the perception of Latin American citizens about China varies, taking into account its commercial, military and political dimensions. To answer this question, it is proposed that according to the theory of social identity, the perception towards China will be homogeneous, while from the individualist theories of public opinion a greater heterogeneity is expected in the perception of Latin Americans towards the Asian giant. Methodology: Data from the 2020 Latinobarómetro survey were used to estimate a cluster analysis to identify the different types of political, commercial and military perception of Latin American citizens towards China and a multinomial regression analysis to identify political and sociodemographic factors. related to each profile. Conclusions: The analysis found evidence in favor of the individualistic theories of public opinion, identifying four groups, one with a favorable perception of China in the three dimensions evaluated, another with a favorable perception, less so in the military dimension, and another two groups that did not. have a favorable perception of China. This study also shows that Latin Americans who do not support democracy are more likely to belong to groups with a low perception of China. Originality: The analysis of clusters is a novel methodology in the study of the perception of Latin Americans about China, as well as analyzing the perception of China as a multidimensional phenomenon and not only analyzing the favorability towards that country.
目标/背景:自21世纪初以来,中华人民共和国与拉丁美洲之间的经济、政治和军事关系呈指数级增长。在这种背景下,考虑到中国的商业、军事和政治层面,本文质疑拉丁美洲公民对中国的看法是如何变化的。为了回答这个问题,有人提出,根据社会认同理论,人们对中国的看法将是同质的,而从个人主义的舆论理论来看,拉丁美洲人对亚洲巨人的看法可能会有更大的异质性。方法:使用2020年Latinobarómetro调查的数据估计聚类分析,以确定拉丁美洲公民对中国的不同类型的政治、商业和军事认知,并使用多项回归分析来确定政治和社会人口因素。与每个配置文件相关。结论:该分析发现了有利于个人主义舆论理论的证据,确定了四个群体,一个在评估的三个维度上对中国有好感,另一个在军事维度上有好感,而另两个没有好感。对中国有好感。这项研究还表明,不支持民主的拉丁美洲人更有可能属于对中国认知较低的群体。独创性:聚类分析是研究拉丁美洲人对中国认知的一种新方法,也是分析中国作为一个多维现象的认知,而不仅仅是分析对该国的好感度。
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引用次数: 0
Colombia en la guerra de Corea (1951-1954): en el entramado de tres guerras 朝鲜战争中的哥伦比亚(1951-1954):在三场战争的框架内
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.06
Gina Catherine León Cabrera
. Objective/Context : The article describes the role of Colombia inthe Korean War between 1951-1954, proposing an analysis that links the context of the Cold War in Latin America, the violence in Colombia, and the features of the Korean conflict. Methodology : Based on new historiography of the Cold War and the concept of global history , the text exposes an analysis of primary and secondary sources to identify synchronicities between Internal Policies, the international context and the practices of military and political Colombian elites to participate
目标/背景:文章描述了哥伦比亚在1951-1954年朝鲜战争中的作用,并提出了一个分析,将拉丁美洲冷战的背景、哥伦比亚的暴力和朝鲜冲突的特点联系起来。方法论:基于冷战新史学和全球史概念,本文对主要和次要来源进行了分析,以确定内部政策、国际背景以及哥伦比亚军事和政治精英参与的实践之间的同步性
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引用次数: 0
Trajetórias divergentes: a América Latina e o Leste Asiático na economia-mundo capitalista 不同轨迹:资本主义世界经济中的拉丁美洲和东亚
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint113.2023.02
P. Vieira, H. Ouriques, Fábio Pádua dos Santos
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引用次数: 0
La migración venezolana y su construcción en la agenda pública en las conversaciones de Twitter en Suramérica 2014-2019 2014-2019年南美推特对话中的委内瑞拉移民及其在公共议程上的构建
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint112.2022.03
M. C. Cruz-González, Juan David Cárdenas Ruiz
. Objective/Context: This study seeks to explore the relationship between the conversation that has taken place on the social network Twitter about Venezuelan migration and its influence on the public agenda in South American countries. Methodology: For data collection, the Crimson Hexagon (CH) platform was used, which allows for analyzing the social network Twitter and identifying publications related to the Venezuelan migration conversation. The algorithm randomly selects a compendium of tweets from a specific period (from January 2, 2014, to August 31, 2019), identifying a set of keywords related to each country’s linguistic references to Venezuelan migrants, the language (Spanish and Portuguese), and the geographical origin of the tweet, in this case, nine countries in South America, to carry out a quantitative descriptive analysis of the findings. Conclusions: Based on the outset, a neutral-negative feeling can be identified. In countries governed by right-wing politicians, there is a greater volume of conversation, and the topic occupies a more relevant space within the public agenda, suggesting that this issue can be used politically and electorally by these ideological tendencies. Originality: This research starts with a reflection on one of the most important events that has impacted South America from the political sphere to public order: the Venezuelan migratory wave. However, this event is used by current governments to influence their public agenda and strengthen their political positions.
。目的/背景:本研究试图探讨社交网络推特上关于委内瑞拉移民的对话与其对南美国家公共议程的影响之间的关系。方法:在数据收集方面,使用了深红六边形(CH)平台,该平台可以分析社交网络推特,并识别与委内瑞拉移民对话有关的出版物。该算法随机选择一个特定时期(从2014年1月2日到2019年8月31日)的推文简编,识别一组与每个国家对委内瑞拉移民的语言参考、推文的语言(西班牙语和葡萄牙语)和地理来源有关的关键词,在这种情况下,是南美洲的九个国家,对研究结果进行定量描述性分析。结论:从一开始就可以识别出中性的负面情绪。在右翼政客统治的国家,对话量更大,这个话题在公共议程中占据了更相关的空间,这表明这些意识形态倾向可以在政治和选举上利用这个问题。独创性:这项研究首先反思了从政治领域到公共秩序影响南美洲的最重要事件之一:委内瑞拉移民潮。然而,本届政府利用这一事件来影响其公共议程并加强其政治立场。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Colombia Internacional
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