Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.03
Juan Antonio González de Requena Farré, Claudio Riveros Ferrada
Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the “new right,” such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party—in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right.
{"title":"Discurso populista y “nueva derecha”: el Partido Republicano chileno","authors":"Juan Antonio González de Requena Farré, Claudio Riveros Ferrada","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.03","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the “new right,” such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party—in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141657445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.07
Lina Solarte Fuentes, Clara Camps Calvet, Jordi Bonet-Martí, Elisabet Almeda Samaranch
Objective/context: To learn about the contributions of women of the organized Colombian diaspora in Catalonia to creating transnational practices in favor of peace and denunciation of human rights violations in Colombia. Specifically, we seek to identify the main actors, organizational spaces, and collective action repertoires developed by Colombian women in Catalonia. Therefore, we approach the literature on the political participation of migrant and exiled women from the perspective of political transnationalism. Methodology: This qualitative and participatory research study examines bibliographic and documentary sources, semi-structured interviews with Colombian women participating in the organized diaspora, and participant observation of mobilizations. Conclusions: The analysis and discussion of the results show that for some women, their participation is based on their exile and previous political involvement. For others, it is driven by the recognition of their condition as migrant subjects, as well as the different axes of inequality that cross them, which allows them to connect their individual discomfort with the collective discomfort of their country of origin and develop new interpretative frameworks and new repertoires of action aimed at sensitizing and influencing the Colombian socio-political reality. Originality: This research contribution allows for further debate on the transnational political role of migrations in a globalized world and what role women can play in it.
{"title":"The Contribution of Women from the Organized Colombian Diaspora in Catalonia to the Generation of Transnational Human Rights Defense Practices","authors":"Lina Solarte Fuentes, Clara Camps Calvet, Jordi Bonet-Martí, Elisabet Almeda Samaranch","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.07","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: To learn about the contributions of women of the organized Colombian diaspora in Catalonia to creating transnational practices in favor of peace and denunciation of human rights violations in Colombia. Specifically, we seek to identify the main actors, organizational spaces, and collective action repertoires developed by Colombian women in Catalonia. Therefore, we approach the literature on the political participation of migrant and exiled women from the perspective of political transnationalism. Methodology: This qualitative and participatory research study examines bibliographic and documentary sources, semi-structured interviews with Colombian women participating in the organized diaspora, and participant observation of mobilizations. Conclusions: The analysis and discussion of the results show that for some women, their participation is based on their exile and previous political involvement. For others, it is driven by the recognition of their condition as migrant subjects, as well as the different axes of inequality that cross them, which allows them to connect their individual discomfort with the collective discomfort of their country of origin and develop new interpretative frameworks and new repertoires of action aimed at sensitizing and influencing the Colombian socio-political reality. Originality: This research contribution allows for further debate on the transnational political role of migrations in a globalized world and what role women can play in it.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141656908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.08
Ariadna Gallo, Rodrigo Díaz Esterio
Objective/context: This paper examines the open legal primary rule in Chile for the selection of the presidential candidate, established in 2012 through Law 20640. This rule contains elements shared with similar legislation in the region as well as specific characteristics. Methodology: Through a case study, we will investigate the results and consequences of the application of primaries on the three occasions they were implemented (2013, 2017, and 2021). We will review the formal changes adopted and the political events that occurred in the interim, considering the main variables that typically intervene in electoral events of this nature, drawn from the existing debate and literature. Conclusions: The case of Chile shows that the combination of an open legal primary system with voluntary internal voting, incomplete simultaneity, and the absence of stable political groupings produces effects that do not align with either the general aspirations for the implementation of primaries or the theoretical purposes outlined by the ideologists of Chilean legislation. Originality: This study contributes to the emerging literature addressing open legal primaries in their dual aspect, both as a nomination mechanism and as an electoral rule.
{"title":"Open Legal Primaries in Chile: Reflections Ten (Turbulent and Convulsive) Years after Their Formal Enactment","authors":"Ariadna Gallo, Rodrigo Díaz Esterio","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.08","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: This paper examines the open legal primary rule in Chile for the selection of the presidential candidate, established in 2012 through Law 20640. This rule contains elements shared with similar legislation in the region as well as specific characteristics. Methodology: Through a case study, we will investigate the results and consequences of the application of primaries on the three occasions they were implemented (2013, 2017, and 2021). We will review the formal changes adopted and the political events that occurred in the interim, considering the main variables that typically intervene in electoral events of this nature, drawn from the existing debate and literature. Conclusions: The case of Chile shows that the combination of an open legal primary system with voluntary internal voting, incomplete simultaneity, and the absence of stable political groupings produces effects that do not align with either the general aspirations for the implementation of primaries or the theoretical purposes outlined by the ideologists of Chilean legislation. Originality: This study contributes to the emerging literature addressing open legal primaries in their dual aspect, both as a nomination mechanism and as an electoral rule.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141657610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.02
Luciano Sáez Fuentealba
Objective/context: The article analyzes the tensions in the construction of official and alternative truths about the repression of pobladores during the civil- military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990). Despite the magnitude and massiveness of the repression against this group, it has only been officially recognized in a nominal and exclusive way. Based on a socio-historical reconstruction of the place occupied by the repression toward the impoverished sectors of the city, we investigate the narratives contained in the official reports of the truth commissions and the alternative responses of civil society. Methodology: A case study based on documentary analysis of reports, press, and secondary bibliography. Conclusions: The study evidences the contentious character of settlers in the canonical narratives on political violence during the civil-military dictatorship. In this context, civil society has played a key role in the dispute over the meanings and temporalities of violence; similarly, the place of pobladores as key actors in the political dynamics of the last decades is discussed. Originality: Given the scarcity of works that focus on the representation of pobladores in building official and alternative truths, our findings highlight the gaps and debts in constructing truths about the places and subjects of violence fifty years after the coup d’état in Chile.
{"title":"El lugar de la violencia hacia los pobladores durante la dictadura cívico-militar en Chile: disputas y silenciamientos en la construcción de narrativas oficiales (1973-2023)","authors":"Luciano Sáez Fuentealba","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.02","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: The article analyzes the tensions in the construction of official and alternative truths about the repression of pobladores during the civil- military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990). Despite the magnitude and massiveness of the repression against this group, it has only been officially recognized in a nominal and exclusive way. Based on a socio-historical reconstruction of the place occupied by the repression toward the impoverished sectors of the city, we investigate the narratives contained in the official reports of the truth commissions and the alternative responses of civil society. Methodology: A case study based on documentary analysis of reports, press, and secondary bibliography. Conclusions: The study evidences the contentious character of settlers in the canonical narratives on political violence during the civil-military dictatorship. In this context, civil society has played a key role in the dispute over the meanings and temporalities of violence; similarly, the place of pobladores as key actors in the political dynamics of the last decades is discussed. Originality: Given the scarcity of works that focus on the representation of pobladores in building official and alternative truths, our findings highlight the gaps and debts in constructing truths about the places and subjects of violence fifty years after the coup d’état in Chile.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141655808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.05
Javier Duque Daza
Objective/context: This article has three objectives: to differentiate the theoretical arguments on the empty chair policy in Latin America, to analyze the process of institutional change that culminated with its implementation in Colombia, and to describe how it has been carried out between 2010 and 2024. Methodology: The methodological approach has three components: a theoretical part, a documentary component, and an empirically based analysis. The first describes the contrast between two approaches to the autonomy, control, and accountability of political parties and parliamentarians. The second reviews how these approaches are reflected in the rules on seat ownership (of parties or congresspersons/deputies), accountability, and sanctions for parties and congresspersons when they violate the law. The third consists of identifying cases of loss of seats, their analysis, and the determination of their effects. The principal sources of the study are constitutional reforms, Supreme Court rulings, and decisions of the Attorney General’s Office on convictions of congressmen. The information is complemented with journalistic reports and electoral data. Conclusions: The empty chair policy is established in two Latin American countries (Colombia and Peru). It is an effective legal norm to sanction political parties and legislators convicted for their links with criminal groups, corruption, electoral fraud, and other crimes. It has been applied in eighteen cases due to links to paramilitarism, drug trafficking, and corruption. The affected parties have decreased their electoral performance and their seats in Congress. Originality: This is the first empirical study on the subject in Colombia.
{"title":"The Empty Chair. The Loss of Congressional Seats in Colombia Due to Corruption and Criminal Ties","authors":"Javier Duque Daza","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.05","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: This article has three objectives: to differentiate the theoretical arguments on the empty chair policy in Latin America, to analyze the process of institutional change that culminated with its implementation in Colombia, and to describe how it has been carried out between 2010 and 2024. Methodology: The methodological approach has three components: a theoretical part, a documentary component, and an empirically based analysis. The first describes the contrast between two approaches to the autonomy, control, and accountability of political parties and parliamentarians. The second reviews how these approaches are reflected in the rules on seat ownership (of parties or congresspersons/deputies), accountability, and sanctions for parties and congresspersons when they violate the law. The third consists of identifying cases of loss of seats, their analysis, and the determination of their effects. The principal sources of the study are constitutional reforms, Supreme Court rulings, and decisions of the Attorney General’s Office on convictions of congressmen. The information is complemented with journalistic reports and electoral data. Conclusions: The empty chair policy is established in two Latin American countries (Colombia and Peru). It is an effective legal norm to sanction political parties and legislators convicted for their links with criminal groups, corruption, electoral fraud, and other crimes. It has been applied in eighteen cases due to links to paramilitarism, drug trafficking, and corruption. The affected parties have decreased their electoral performance and their seats in Congress. Originality: This is the first empirical study on the subject in Colombia.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141656296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.01
Angélica Durán-Martínez
Objective/context: After the paramilitary demobilization in Colombia, Cali and Medellín—major cities with a long history of political and criminal violence—saw a decline in violence despite the continuing operation of criminal groups. Yet, while Cali remained more violent than the national average, with criminal groups displaying less ability to regulate local affairs and security, Medellín became less violent than the national average and criminal groups engaged in more intensive governance. Methodology: I compare these cities using case studies constructed through fieldwork and interviews with security officials, NGO and social leaders, and former members of groups, drawing on my long-term, ongoing research engagement in both locations. Conclusions: The contrast between these cities exemplifies varied manifestations of post-conflict criminality. I argue that this variation in criminal governance is connected to the wartime balance of power, specifically, the level of territorial control and political connections armed groups had before the demobilization. Where control and political connections of paramilitary before demobilization were high, post-conflict crime groups were more likely to engage in governance behaviors. By contrast, disputed territories during wartime were likely to experience less criminal governance. Drawing on path dependence ideas, I introduce an overlooked mechanism through which wartime orders affect criminal behavior: learning processes inside and outside criminal groups. Originality: I show that to fully understand post-conflict criminality, it is crucial to consider armed actors peripherally involved in the war but essential for territorial control, whereas to understand criminal governance, the mid-ranks of armed groups and learning processes are crucial.
{"title":"Criminalidad dependiente de la trayectoria histórica: gobernanza criminal después de la desmovilización paramilitar en Cali y Medellín","authors":"Angélica Durán-Martínez","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.01","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: After the paramilitary demobilization in Colombia, Cali and Medellín—major cities with a long history of political and criminal violence—saw a decline in violence despite the continuing operation of criminal groups. Yet, while Cali remained more violent than the national average, with criminal groups displaying less ability to regulate local affairs and security, Medellín became less violent than the national average and criminal groups engaged in more intensive governance. Methodology: I compare these cities using case studies constructed through fieldwork and interviews with security officials, NGO and social leaders, and former members of groups, drawing on my long-term, ongoing research engagement in both locations. Conclusions: The contrast between these cities exemplifies varied manifestations of post-conflict criminality. I argue that this variation in criminal governance is connected to the wartime balance of power, specifically, the level of territorial control and political connections armed groups had before the demobilization. Where control and political connections of paramilitary before demobilization were high, post-conflict crime groups were more likely to engage in governance behaviors. By contrast, disputed territories during wartime were likely to experience less criminal governance. Drawing on path dependence ideas, I introduce an overlooked mechanism through which wartime orders affect criminal behavior: learning processes inside and outside criminal groups. Originality: I show that to fully understand post-conflict criminality, it is crucial to consider armed actors peripherally involved in the war but essential for territorial control, whereas to understand criminal governance, the mid-ranks of armed groups and learning processes are crucial.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141658498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.06
M. Salas, Skarlet Olivera
Objective/context: In 2020, Ucayali was the Peruvian region with the highest loss of Amazonian forest (47,267 hectares). Measures have been taken regarding climate commitments and environmental governance, but the results continue without notoriety, and mitigation actions are limited. From a subnational approach, the article seeks to analyze the perceptions of brokers and actors involved about the implementation of forest policies in the Ucayali region. Methodology: Based on a qualitative strategy that included semi-structured interviews and a co- construction workshop to evidence the perceptions of the actors involved, with direct knowledge of the territory and implementation, and intermediary agents (brokers), the latter with the capacity to influence the decisions made regarding the formulation of action plans. Conclusions: The results demonstrate the existence of a structural difficulty in achieving short- or long-term change actions. There are institutional limitations but also a lack of support from civil society. Originality: Considering the type and limited number of studies on perceptions of climate change-oriented policies, the results obtained allow for generating relevant evidence for policy formulation processes and articulation between different levels of government.
{"title":"Entre o desinteresse e a desigualdade: percepções de brokers e stakeholders sobre a implementação de políticas florestais em nível subnacional","authors":"M. Salas, Skarlet Olivera","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.06","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: In 2020, Ucayali was the Peruvian region with the highest loss of Amazonian forest (47,267 hectares). Measures have been taken regarding climate commitments and environmental governance, but the results continue without notoriety, and mitigation actions are limited. From a subnational approach, the article seeks to analyze the perceptions of brokers and actors involved about the implementation of forest policies in the Ucayali region. Methodology: Based on a qualitative strategy that included semi-structured interviews and a co- construction workshop to evidence the perceptions of the actors involved, with direct knowledge of the territory and implementation, and intermediary agents (brokers), the latter with the capacity to influence the decisions made regarding the formulation of action plans. Conclusions: The results demonstrate the existence of a structural difficulty in achieving short- or long-term change actions. There are institutional limitations but also a lack of support from civil society. Originality: Considering the type and limited number of studies on perceptions of climate change-oriented policies, the results obtained allow for generating relevant evidence for policy formulation processes and articulation between different levels of government.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141658127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.04
José Manuel Rivera Otero, Nieves Lagares Diez, María Pereira López, Erika Jaráiz Gulías
Objective/context: The objective pursued by this research is to analyse the possible existence of a social and political fracture around the figure of former President Rafael Correa and his political legacy, the Citizen Revolution, which would act as a kind of polarizing division of Ecuadorian society: correismo/anti- correismo axis. A division that, born of politics, would have been established within society, allowing the existence of two opposing sides that feel, perceive and act in politics in a very different way. Methodology: To this end, a study has been drawn up with a quantitative methodological approach based on an analysis of the data contained in the Study of Politics and Emotions in Ecuador, March 2021 (SPEE), carried out by the EIP-USC after the first round of the 2021 presidential elections. Conclusions: The results of this first approach (descriptive and multivariate) allow us to affirm the existence of important differences between supporters and detractors of correismo, especially as regards political and emotional issues, but not so regarding sociodemographic issues. Originality: The influence that the emotional factor expressed towards the different political leaders would have in the construction of this fracture is especially relevant; providing a novel vision to the literature on the influence of Rafael Correa and his project in the Ecuadorian political system.
{"title":"Correismo and Anti-Correismo: An Emotional Fracture in Ecuador. Presidential Elections of 2021","authors":"José Manuel Rivera Otero, Nieves Lagares Diez, María Pereira López, Erika Jaráiz Gulías","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.04","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/context: The objective pursued by this research is to analyse the possible existence of a social and political fracture around the figure of former President Rafael Correa and his political legacy, the Citizen Revolution, which would act as a kind of polarizing division of Ecuadorian society: correismo/anti- correismo axis. A division that, born of politics, would have been established within society, allowing the existence of two opposing sides that feel, perceive and act in politics in a very different way. Methodology: To this end, a study has been drawn up with a quantitative methodological approach based on an analysis of the data contained in the Study of Politics and Emotions in Ecuador, March 2021 (SPEE), carried out by the EIP-USC after the first round of the 2021 presidential elections. Conclusions: The results of this first approach (descriptive and multivariate) allow us to affirm the existence of important differences between supporters and detractors of correismo, especially as regards political and emotional issues, but not so regarding sociodemographic issues. Originality: The influence that the emotional factor expressed towards the different political leaders would have in the construction of this fracture is especially relevant; providing a novel vision to the literature on the influence of Rafael Correa and his project in the Ecuadorian political system.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141656420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint118.2024.07
Cecilia Graciela Rodríguez Balmaceda
Objective/Context: What characteristics does the presidential primary system adopt? And what are the effects of the primaries on the Honduran political system? Honduras is among the precursor countries in Latin America to adopt the primary system as a mechanism of internal democracy within party structures to select their presidential, legislative, and municipal candidates. Although parties are not obliged to use primaries to select their candidates, the law mandates it for those political groups that have more than one internal movement. Thus, over the years, after eight experiences—in some political parties—the system has become established. The objective of this work is to analyze the origin of the presidential primary system in Honduras, its characteristics, and its effects on the political system. Methodology: This involves analyzing all primary elections held since their adoption to the present. Conclusions: the evidence indicates that, while the primary election system has allowed for the resolution of internal conflicts within parties, it has also contributed to the consolidation of political clientelism in the country. Originality: this work provides tools for analyzing the process of selecting presidential candidates in a political context of low programmatic competition, clientelism, and high personalism.
{"title":"Analizando las reglas del juego. Características y efectos de las elecciones primarias presidenciales en Honduras","authors":"Cecilia Graciela Rodríguez Balmaceda","doi":"10.7440/colombiaint118.2024.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint118.2024.07","url":null,"abstract":"Objective/Context: What characteristics does the presidential primary system adopt? And what are the effects of the primaries on the Honduran political system? Honduras is among the precursor countries in Latin America to adopt the primary system as a mechanism of internal democracy within party structures to select their presidential, legislative, and municipal candidates. Although parties are not obliged to use primaries to select their candidates, the law mandates it for those political groups that have more than one internal movement. Thus, over the years, after eight experiences—in some political parties—the system has become established. The objective of this work is to analyze the origin of the presidential primary system in Honduras, its characteristics, and its effects on the political system. Methodology: This involves analyzing all primary elections held since their adoption to the present. Conclusions: the evidence indicates that, while the primary election system has allowed for the resolution of internal conflicts within parties, it has also contributed to the consolidation of political clientelism in the country. Originality: this work provides tools for analyzing the process of selecting presidential candidates in a political context of low programmatic competition, clientelism, and high personalism.","PeriodicalId":35154,"journal":{"name":"Colombia Internacional","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140715062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-11DOI: 10.7440/colombiaint118.2024.02
Candela Grinstein
Objective/context: In 2009, the law of mandatory, simultaneous, and open primaries (PASO, for its acronym in Spanish) was enacted in Argentina. Among others, this regulation seeks to democratize party structures. From a gender perspective, this paper studies the effect of PASO on women’s access to the Chamber of Deputies (2003-2023). To this end, it analyzes how the final lists are assembled, the places assigned to women candidates, the ease with which they gain access to expectable positions, and the permeability of groupings towards their participation since the implementation of PASO. Methodology: This is an exploratory and descriptive study of the effect of PASO on the allocation of seats for the category of female deputies in Argentina, considering all female legislators elected in successive elections (2011-2023). Conclusion: The findings show that PASO’s objective of democratizing party structures and making their components more representative does not seem to have impacted the country’s existing political and party traditions prior to implementing the law regarding the place given to women in a party. Originality: The article presents a study on the democratization effect of PASO on party structures from a gender perspective.
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