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‘See your spaceport’: Project Apollo and the origins of Kennedy Space Center tourism, 1963–67 “看看你的太空港”:阿波罗计划和肯尼迪航天中心旅游业的起源,1963-67
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00030_1
Emily A. Margolis
This article argues that the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) deployed tourism as a key public relations strategy during preparations for Project Apollo. NASA appropriations hearings in 1963 catalysed a national debate over the tangible benefits and costs of sending Americans to the moon. American ambivalence towards the effort alarmed Democratic Representative Olin E. Teague of Texas, chairman of the powerful House Subcommittee on Manned Spaceflight, who understood the correlation between public opinion and congressional appropriations. Inspired by the crowds that congregated on the beaches outside Florida’s John F. Kennedy Space Center (KSC) for each crewed space launch, Teague proposed a tourism programme to encourage public support for NASA’s objectives. Public affairs officers facilitated these programmes at KSC, beginning with a modest information trailer in 1964 and culminating in a Visitor Information Center in 1967 that included an exhibition hall, outdoor displays and depot facilitating escorted bus tours. The space centre quickly became a popular attraction: however, a culture of racial discrimination and intimidation in Brevard County deterred African Americans from participating in space centre tourism. Public programming at KSC – an important legacy of Project Apollo that continues today – was not the panacea Teague and NASA hoped it would be.
本文认为,美国国家航空航天局(NASA)部署旅游作为一个关键的公共关系战略,在阿波罗计划的准备工作。1963年美国宇航局的拨款听证会引发了一场关于将美国人送上月球的实际收益和成本的全国性辩论。美国人对这项努力的矛盾态度震惊了德克萨斯州民主党众议员奥林·e·蒂格(Olin E. Teague),他是众议院载人航天小组委员会(House Subcommittee on载人航天)的主席,他了解公众舆论与国会拨款之间的关系。每次载人航天发射时,聚集在佛罗里达州肯尼迪航天中心(KSC)外的海滩上的人群受到启发,蒂格提出了一个旅游项目,以鼓励公众支持美国宇航局的目标。公共事务官员在KSC促进了这些计划,从1964年的一个不起眼的宣传拖车开始,到1967年的一个游客信息中心,其中包括一个展览厅、户外展览和供陪同巴士游览的车站。航天中心很快成为一个受欢迎的景点:然而,布里瓦德县的种族歧视和恐吓文化使非裔美国人不敢参加航天中心旅游。KSC的公共项目——阿波罗计划的重要遗产,一直延续到今天——并不是Teague和NASA所希望的灵丹妙药。
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引用次数: 1
The American spaceport and the power of cultural imaginaries 美国太空港和文化想象力的力量
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00033_1
Jeffrey S. Nesbit
Cape Canaveral, the site of the American space programme launch complex located on the coast of Central Florida, has both a deep history in technological innovation and has been the place for architecturally imagining the new frontier of civilization. The range and trajectory of this new extraterrestrial frontier today resides within this once remote wilderness at the ends of architecture – both at the ends of a disciplinary formation and the physical site that enables the departure from Earth. Cultural imaginaries, collective forms created by culture, such as images relating to the assumed efficiencies of space exploration, construct a political desire for departing the Earth, yet rely heavily on architectural and infrastructural devices that are soon left abandoned on our terrestrial surface. This article moves from the geographic space of the late nineteenth century to the celebrated technological objects of NASA’s Apollo 11 programme for reaching the moon. By tracking the range, escape and return of the Apollo programmes’ constructed environment, the American spaceport reveals an invisible wilderness as an architectural aesthetic formed out of the cultural imagination in the early twenty-first century.
卡纳维拉尔角(Cape Canaveral)是美国太空计划发射综合体的所在地,位于佛罗里达州中部海岸,在技术创新方面有着悠久的历史,而且一直是建筑上想象文明新前沿的地方。今天,这个新的外星边界的范围和轨迹存在于这个曾经遥远的荒野中,在建筑的尽头——既在学科形成的尽头,也在能够离开地球的物理地点。文化想象,由文化创造的集体形式,例如与假定的太空探索效率有关的图像,构建了离开地球的政治愿望,但严重依赖于很快被遗弃在我们地球表面的建筑和基础设施设备。这篇文章从19世纪晚期的地理空间转向了美国宇航局阿波罗11号登月计划中著名的技术目标。通过追踪阿波罗计划建造环境的范围,逃离和返回,美国太空港揭示了一个看不见的荒野,作为21世纪初文化想象形成的建筑美学。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial 社论
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00028_2
J. Wills
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引用次数: 0
Prayers from on high: Religious expression in outer space during the Apollo era, 1968–76 天上的祈祷:1968-76年阿波罗时代外太空的宗教表达
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00032_1
K. Edwards
In the wake of the Apollo 8 mission on 21–27 December 1968, infamous atheist activist Madalyn Murray O’Hair threatened a lawsuit against the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). O’Hair, who had successfully fought against mandatory Bible reading and prayer in the public schools earlier in the decade, argued that NASA’s administrators knowingly violated the separation of church and state by allowing astronauts Frank Borman, William Anders and James Lovell to read from Genesis during their Christmas Eve broadcast from the moon’s orbit. The threat instantly garnered public attention due to O’Hair’s notoriety, particularly among evangelical Christians. Although the lawsuit was quietly dismissed a year later, letter-writing campaigns defending religious expression in outer space continued unabated, even after the last Apollo astronaut set foot on the moon’s surface in 1972. This article examines defences of prayer and Bible reading in outer space during the later Apollo missions from 1968 to 1976. It argues that these efforts reveal a favourable shift in evangelical attitudes towards the space programme – attitudes that were divided sharply prior to Apollo 8 were subsequently more unified as evangelicals combined the fight for prayer in outer space with other major battles over religious freedom. O’Hair’s lawsuit linked Apollo with evangelicals’ earthly concerns, prompting them to interpret American outer space exploration as an endeavour inextricably endowed with religious purpose. The emotional letters-of-thanks they penned and the strongly worded petitions protesting O’Hair they signed in the years following the Apollo 8 mission make a compelling case for incorporating the space programme more prominently into the broader historical discussion of evangelicalism in twentieth-century America.
1968年12月21日至27日,阿波罗8号任务完成后,臭名昭著的无神论活动家玛达琳·默里·奥海尔威胁要对美国国家航空航天局提起诉讼。奥海尔在本世纪初曾成功地反对公立学校强制要求读圣经和祈祷,他认为美国宇航局的管理者故意违反政教分离,允许宇航员弗兰克·博尔曼、威廉·安德斯和詹姆斯·洛弗尔在圣诞夜从月球轨道上广播时朗读《创世纪》。由于欧海尔的臭名昭著,这一威胁立即引起了公众的关注,尤其是在福音派基督徒中。尽管诉讼在一年后悄然被驳回,但捍卫在外太空宗教表达的书信运动仍有增无减,甚至在1972年最后一名阿波罗宇航员踏上月球表面之后。这篇文章考察了1968年至1976年阿波罗任务后期在外层空间祈祷和读圣经的辩护。它认为,这些努力揭示了福音派对太空计划态度的有利转变——在阿波罗8号之前,态度分歧很大,后来随着福音派将在外层空间祈祷的斗争与其他争取宗教自由的重大斗争结合起来,态度变得更加统一。奥海尔的诉讼将阿波罗与福音派信徒对世俗的担忧联系在一起,促使他们将美国的外太空探索解释为一项与宗教目的密不可分的努力。在阿波罗8号任务之后的几年里,他们写的饱含感情的感谢信和他们签署的措辞强烈的抗议奥海尔的请愿书,令人信服地证明了将太空计划更突出地纳入20世纪美国福音派的更广泛的历史讨论中。
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引用次数: 0
Moten’s magical meditations: Black ontology and genealogies of hope 莫顿的神奇冥想:黑人本体论和希望谱系
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00027_5
R. Wanzo
Review of: Black and Blur, Fred Moten (2017)Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 360 pp.,ISBN 978-0-82237-016-1, p/bk, $28.95Stolen Life, Fred Moten (2018)Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 336 pp.,ISBN 978-0-82237-058-1, p/bk, $27.95 The Universal Machine, Fred Moten (2019)Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 312 pp.,ISBN 978-0-82237-055-0, p/bk, $27.95
评审:black and blur, Fred Moten (2017) durham, NC and london: Duke University Press 360 pp. ISBN 978-0-82237-016-1, p/bk, $28.95 stolen Life, Fred Moten (2018) durham, NC and london: Duke University Press, 336 pp. ISBN 978-0-82237-058-1, p/bk, $27.95 The Universal Machine, Fred Moten (2019) durham, NC and london: Duke University Press, 312 pp. ISBN 978-0-82237-055-0, p/bk, $27.95
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引用次数: 0
Neo-Confederates take their stand: Southern Agrarians and the Civil War 新邦联的立场:南方农民和内战
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00020_1
Niall Munro
Ninety years ago, a group of twelve Southern intellectuals published I’ll Take My Stand, a manifesto dedicated to reviving Southern values and ideals in direct opposition to Northern industrialism and philosophy. Ever since 1930, the Southern Agrarians have been frequently presented as critics of modern life, but this kind of focus overshadows another way in which they were described in those early days: as neo-Confederates. The Agrarians’ ongoing and wide-ranging engagement with the Civil War ‐ especially in the work of Allen Tate and Donald Davidson ‐ was, I argue, hugely significant for the planning and writing of the manifesto. Examining the ways in which these writers used the war also shows how they sought to retard modernist progress, embrace failure as an element of Lost Cause ideology, and distort the temporal shape of Civil War memory. Furthermore, I show here how bound up in the manifesto and related writing by its contributors is a commitment to white supremacy and violence ‐ a kind of fanatical dedication that speaks to events in the United States today.
九十年前,十二位南方知识分子发表了《我将坚持我的立场》,这是一份宣言,致力于复兴南方的价值观和理想,与北方的工业主义和哲学直接对立。自1930年以来,南方农业派经常被认为是现代生活的批评者,但这种关注掩盖了他们在早期被描述为新联盟者的另一种方式。我认为,农业派对内战的持续而广泛的参与——尤其是在艾伦·泰特和唐纳德·戴维森的作品中——对宣言的规划和写作非常重要。研究这些作家利用战争的方式也显示出他们如何试图阻碍现代主义的进步,将失败视为必败的意识形态的一个因素,并扭曲了内战记忆的暂时形态。此外,我在这里展示了宣言及其贡献者的相关写作是如何与白人至上主义和暴力的承诺联系在一起的——这是一种狂热的奉献,反映了当今美国发生的事件。
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引用次数: 0
Toxic masculinity in American politics: Donald Trump’s tweeting activity in the US presidential election (2016) 美国政治中的有毒男子气概:唐纳德·特朗普在2016年美国总统大选中的推特活动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00021_1
Margalida Pizarro-Sirera
In the US presidential election of 2016, Donald Trump’s connection with his voters marked the history of American politics by electing a political outsider to the White House. Under a feminist scope, this article examines Donald Trump’s Twitter account. The central purpose of this article is threefold: first, to scrutinize Trump’s tweeting activity and his dissemination of hegemonic toxic masculinity through this platform; second, to assess the unfavourable representation of Hillary Clinton’s decentred femininity and third, to examine how Trump’s performative toxic masculinity immediately connected with his voters’ cultural capital via Twitter. Finally, through an analysis of the impact of Trump’s tweets on his followers, the findings from this study will highlight that Clinton’s decentred gender performativity and Trump’s shared capital with his voters may well have been a fundamental tenet of Donald Trump’s victory.
在2016年美国总统大选中,唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)与选民的关系标志着美国政治史,他让一位政治局外人入主白宫。本文在女权主义的视角下,分析了唐纳德·特朗普的推特账户。本文的中心目的有三个:首先,仔细审查特朗普的推文活动,以及他通过这个平台传播的霸权有毒男子气概;第二,评估希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)去中心化的女性气质的不利表现;第三,研究特朗普的表演毒性男性气质是如何通过Twitter与选民的文化资本直接联系起来的。最后,通过分析特朗普的推文对其追随者的影响,本研究的结果将突出表明,克林顿的去中心化性别表演和特朗普与选民的共享资本很可能是唐纳德·特朗普获胜的基本原则。
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引用次数: 3
Civilization and its nerds: Anti-intellectualism inThe Big Bang Theory 文明及其书呆子:生活大爆炸中的反智主义
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00022_1
Janelle Pötzsch
This article analyses whether and to what extent the popular TV showThe Big Bang Theoryconveys anti-intellectual ideas. The starting point of my enquiry is the verbal behaviour of the ‘main nerd’ of this series, Sheldon Cooper, who is noteworthy for his lack of empathy and propriety. I aim to shed light on the kind of inappropriate verbal behaviour Sheldon displays by analysing a speech pattern this character is particularly bad at ‐ ‘white lies’, that is lies made out of consideration for other people’s feelings. By drawing on Immanuel Kant’s thoughts on civility in hisAnthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View(1798), I will detail the social implications of white lies and how Sheldon fails in employing them. Doing so will be helpful in establishing why Sheldon’s comments and behaviour appear as outlandish as they do. This in turn provides important insights into the way the televisual text ofThe Big Bang Theoryrelates with its audience and the social implications of this connection. I will conclude with the observation that the portrayal of Sheldon Cooper relies heavily on two kinds of stereotypes: anti-intellectual ones and those associated with the ‘nerd’ identity.
本文分析了热门电视节目《生活大爆炸》是否以及在多大程度上传达了反智思想。我调查的起点是这个系列的“主要书呆子”Sheldon Cooper的言语行为,他因缺乏同理心和得体而引人注目。我的目的是通过分析谢尔顿表现出的不恰当的言语行为来揭示这个角色特别不擅长“善意的谎言”,即出于他人感受而撒谎。通过借鉴伊曼纽尔·康德在其《从语用学的角度看人类学》(1798)中关于文明的思想,我将详细说明善意谎言的社会含义,以及谢尔顿如何未能使用它们。这样做将有助于确定为什么谢尔顿的评论和行为看起来如此古怪。这反过来又为《生活大爆炸》电视文本与观众的联系方式以及这种联系的社会意义提供了重要的见解。最后,我将观察到,对谢尔登·库珀的刻画在很大程度上依赖于两种刻板印象:反智刻板印象和与“书呆子”身份相关的刻板印象。
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引用次数: 0
The Digital Banal: New Media and American Literature and Culture, Zara Dinnen (2018) 《数字巴纳尔:新媒体与美国文学与文化》,Zara Dinnen(2018)
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00026_5
Monika Loewy
Review of: The Digital Banal: New Media and American Literature and Culture, Zara Dinnen (2018)New York: Columbia University Press, 223 pp.,ISBN 023-1-18428-X, h/bk, £50.00
评论:《数字巴纳尔:新媒体与美国文学与文化》,Zara Dinnen(2018),纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,223页,ISBN 023-1-18428-X,h/bk,50.00英镑
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引用次数: 0
‘Riley needs to be happy’: Inside Out and the dystopian aesthetics of neo-liberal governmentality “莱利需要快乐”:由内而外与新自由主义治理的反乌托邦美学
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ejac_00023_1
Kamaluddin Duaei
Throughout the last decade, neo-liberalism has increasingly been the subject of academic inquiries, probed for its infiltrating influences in media and cultural products. Approaching the animation industry, this article takes a critical take at Inside Out (2015), a feature Disney‐Pixar production, to reveal the way it is embedded in the discursive network of neo-liberalism, exhibiting neo-liberal niceties and legitimating its notional structures. Inside Out renders a subjectivity of self-responsibility and self-enterprise when surveyed vis-à-vis its hypothetical grounds in positive psychology and neuroscience. The result is a subject who has to be happy but her happiness is ontologized as a matter of emotional dynamics inside her mind. It is concluded that, through its representation of mind that comes at the cost of reason and free will, Inside Out marks the neo-liberal, affective turn in the conglomerate.
在过去的十年里,新自由主义越来越受到学术界的关注,因为它在媒体和文化产品中的渗透影响。在谈到动画行业时,本文对迪士尼-皮克斯的特辑《Inside Out》(2015)进行了批判,以揭示它嵌入新自由主义话语网络的方式,展示了新自由主义的细节,并使其概念结构合法化。在积极心理学和神经科学的假设基础上,Inside Out呈现了自我责任和自我进取的主观性。结果是一个必须快乐的主体,但她的快乐被个体化为她头脑中的情感动态。结论是,《Inside Out》通过其以理性和自由意志为代价的精神表现,标志着该集团的新自由主义、情感转向。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of American Culture
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