Abstract Due to the complex voting and decision-making mechanisms of the EU, the size-factor has long been present within EU studies as a relevant and significant variable in explaining member states’ activism. Despite the aim of small states to achieve equal representation, there is a huge discrepancy between the power of big and small states within the EU. Therefore, the expected behavior of small states is different from that of the big ones. However, there are also significant differences in foreign policy activism within the group of small EU states and those are analysed in this article. In order to differentiate small states’ activism within EU foreign policy, the article explores the correlation between the scope and number of small states’ leadership initiatives in EU foreign policy and different quantitative criteria used to define these small states (population, total GDP, GDP per capita)
{"title":"The Number and Geographical Scope of the EU Foreign Policy Initiatives of Small Member States: Does „smallness“ matter?","authors":"Đana Luša, P. Kurečić","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Due to the complex voting and decision-making mechanisms of the EU, the size-factor has long been present within EU studies as a relevant and significant variable in explaining member states’ activism. Despite the aim of small states to achieve equal representation, there is a huge discrepancy between the power of big and small states within the EU. Therefore, the expected behavior of small states is different from that of the big ones. However, there are also significant differences in foreign policy activism within the group of small EU states and those are analysed in this article. In order to differentiate small states’ activism within EU foreign policy, the article explores the correlation between the scope and number of small states’ leadership initiatives in EU foreign policy and different quantitative criteria used to define these small states (population, total GDP, GDP per capita)","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"17 1","pages":"47 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper focuses on the involvement of the international community (international actors) in post-conflict reconstruction in the context of multi-stakeholder partnerships (MSPs) operating in the issue-area of reconciliation, inter-communal bridge-building and confidence-building. In particular, the paper analyses the international-local linkages within the MSPs, and suggests that although the involvement of the international community in post-conflict reconstruction (peace-building) is heavy and indispensable, it is neither straight-forward nor problem-free. In order to understand these linkages in a specific MSP context, a number of factors need to be taken into account and analysed. The paper suggests that at least three levels of analysis are required in order to understand the role of the international community and the international-local linkages in the context of MSPs addressing reconciliation, confidence-building and inter-community bridge-building in a post-conflict context. Firstly, the very complex nature of the international community itself, with many different actors seeking to achieve their own objectives in a very competitive environment; secondly, the very difficult conditions in war-torn societies that are operationally/institutionally unable to begin any peace-building processes on their own; and thirdly, the characteristics (motivations, organisation) of international and domestic actors themselves
{"title":"International-local Linkages in Multistakeholder Partnerships Involved in Reconciliation, Inter-communal Bridgebuilding and Confidence-building","authors":"Petra Roter","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the involvement of the international community (international actors) in post-conflict reconstruction in the context of multi-stakeholder partnerships (MSPs) operating in the issue-area of reconciliation, inter-communal bridge-building and confidence-building. In particular, the paper analyses the international-local linkages within the MSPs, and suggests that although the involvement of the international community in post-conflict reconstruction (peace-building) is heavy and indispensable, it is neither straight-forward nor problem-free. In order to understand these linkages in a specific MSP context, a number of factors need to be taken into account and analysed. The paper suggests that at least three levels of analysis are required in order to understand the role of the international community and the international-local linkages in the context of MSPs addressing reconciliation, confidence-building and inter-community bridge-building in a post-conflict context. Firstly, the very complex nature of the international community itself, with many different actors seeking to achieve their own objectives in a very competitive environment; secondly, the very difficult conditions in war-torn societies that are operationally/institutionally unable to begin any peace-building processes on their own; and thirdly, the characteristics (motivations, organisation) of international and domestic actors themselves","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"139 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Back to Basics: State Power in a Contemporary World, Martha Finnemore and Judith Goldstein (eds.)","authors":"Borna Zgurić","doi":"10.5860/choice.51-3488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-3488","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"25 1","pages":"290-294"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71144747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L’Europe est aujourd’hui confrontée à une double crise: la crise de confiance interne dans son projet et la crise externe marquée par la déstabilisation simultanée des ses voisinages à l’Est comme au Sud. Répondre à la seconde dépendra de la capacité à surmonter la première. Dix ans après son grand l’élargissement à l’Est, l’Union européenne se trouve dans une situation paradoxale: une demande d’Europe dans sa périphérie orientale, de Kiev à Belgrade, au moment où le doute s’installe au centre même de l’Union. Les élections européennes du 25 mai 2014, marquées par le désenchantement voire la défiance envers l’Union européenne, contrastaient le même jour avec l’élection présidentielle à Kiev présentée et vécue comme un choix européen. L’Europe est décriée comme l’une des causes de la crise économique et identitaire à l’Ouest du continent, et perçue comme une réponse possible à la crise politique, économique et identitaire à l’Est. La crise de la zone euro a fait planer
{"title":"VOISINAGES: Démocratisation et géopolitique","authors":"J. Rupnik","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0001","url":null,"abstract":"L’Europe est aujourd’hui confrontée à une double crise: la crise de confiance interne dans son projet et la crise externe marquée par la déstabilisation simultanée des ses voisinages à l’Est comme au Sud. Répondre à la seconde dépendra de la capacité à surmonter la première. Dix ans après son grand l’élargissement à l’Est, l’Union européenne se trouve dans une situation paradoxale: une demande d’Europe dans sa périphérie orientale, de Kiev à Belgrade, au moment où le doute s’installe au centre même de l’Union. Les élections européennes du 25 mai 2014, marquées par le désenchantement voire la défiance envers l’Union européenne, contrastaient le même jour avec l’élection présidentielle à Kiev présentée et vécue comme un choix européen. L’Europe est décriée comme l’une des causes de la crise économique et identitaire à l’Ouest du continent, et perçue comme une réponse possible à la crise politique, économique et identitaire à l’Est. La crise de la zone euro a fait planer","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"46 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
{"title":"The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis","authors":"Dragan Đukanović","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"106 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66844914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines the relationship between the type of a development aid implementing organisation (public or private) and the quality of project management in development aid. The author begins with main public administration considerations - how public aid administration is different from private and furthermore, how particular sectoral characteristics of organisations influence the quality of the management process. The article combines empirical findings on the differences between the public and private sector with a complex setting of development aid and main success factors in development aid activity, in order to determine whether for-profit or public companies are more likely to achieve better project management processes. The article identifies some indices that favorise private companies, and outlines further necessary steps that should be taken in order to broaden the argumentation and confirm or reject this assertion
{"title":"Project Management in Development Aid Industry – Public vs. Private","authors":"D. Simović","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the relationship between the type of a development aid implementing organisation (public or private) and the quality of project management in development aid. The author begins with main public administration considerations - how public aid administration is different from private and furthermore, how particular sectoral characteristics of organisations influence the quality of the management process. The article combines empirical findings on the differences between the public and private sector with a complex setting of development aid and main success factors in development aid activity, in order to determine whether for-profit or public companies are more likely to achieve better project management processes. The article identifies some indices that favorise private companies, and outlines further necessary steps that should be taken in order to broaden the argumentation and confirm or reject this assertion","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"167 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper explores the factors behind the increasing strategic significance of the Bay of Bengal in the current geopolitical context. The study starts by highlighting the factors contributing to the rising importance of the littoral region from a general economic, geopolitical and energy perspective. It then analyses the specific objectives and strategic aspirations of the major powers involved in the Bay, and how those may turn the area into a hub of converging, and/or conflicting interests. The focus is then shifted toward the smaller littoral nations and their individual relations with the major players. Finally, challenges to stability in the region are discussed, and a cooperative approach is suggested for the context of the Bay. The paper argues that the strategic importance of the Bay will considerably increase in the coming years. As the nations involved are major and rising powers, the power play in the area will inevitably reshape the dynamics of the region. The interests that are at stake are also of crucial importance to the countries involved; hence, their protection will also demand a rapid militarization of the littoral. Most of these countries are now redirecting their focus from land to sea, which is adding a whole new dimension to the importance of the Bay. However, this paper argues that cooperation and competition is in all the nations’ best interest, as any conflict in the Bay region could bring in political, economic and energy insecurity affecting all the concerned countries. Another dimension this paper explores is the implication of this competition on smaller nations and their role in the larger schemes of the major powers. In order to lay out an exhaustive and holistic view, historical, economic, military, geopolitical and social factors have been taken into account in this research
{"title":"The Bay of Bengal: Next theatre for strategic power play in Asia","authors":"M. Kabir, A. Ahmad","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the factors behind the increasing strategic significance of the Bay of Bengal in the current geopolitical context. The study starts by highlighting the factors contributing to the rising importance of the littoral region from a general economic, geopolitical and energy perspective. It then analyses the specific objectives and strategic aspirations of the major powers involved in the Bay, and how those may turn the area into a hub of converging, and/or conflicting interests. The focus is then shifted toward the smaller littoral nations and their individual relations with the major players. Finally, challenges to stability in the region are discussed, and a cooperative approach is suggested for the context of the Bay. The paper argues that the strategic importance of the Bay will considerably increase in the coming years. As the nations involved are major and rising powers, the power play in the area will inevitably reshape the dynamics of the region. The interests that are at stake are also of crucial importance to the countries involved; hence, their protection will also demand a rapid militarization of the littoral. Most of these countries are now redirecting their focus from land to sea, which is adding a whole new dimension to the importance of the Bay. However, this paper argues that cooperation and competition is in all the nations’ best interest, as any conflict in the Bay region could bring in political, economic and energy insecurity affecting all the concerned countries. Another dimension this paper explores is the implication of this competition on smaller nations and their role in the larger schemes of the major powers. In order to lay out an exhaustive and holistic view, historical, economic, military, geopolitical and social factors have been taken into account in this research","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"199 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines the complex issue of the triangular relationship between China, Taiwan and the United States. Due to its importance to both China and the United States, Taiwan has burdened the relationship between the two powers as long and as fierce as any. China considers Taiwan an integral part of its territory and has been unwilling to reject the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue. Under these conditions, Taiwan has chosen to balance China by aligning itself with the United States in order to avoid submission or destruction. Although the U.S. supports a “one-China” policy, it is strongly opposed to any move that could change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force. While both Beijing and Washington often emphasize positive engagement and dialogue, divergent interests of China and the United States over Taiwan, along with their contest for domination in East Asia, have remained a focal point of contention that could send the two powers on a collision course
{"title":"The Ominous Triangle: China-Taiwanthe United States relationship","authors":"Dario Kuntić","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2015-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the complex issue of the triangular relationship between China, Taiwan and the United States. Due to its importance to both China and the United States, Taiwan has burdened the relationship between the two powers as long and as fierce as any. China considers Taiwan an integral part of its territory and has been unwilling to reject the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue. Under these conditions, Taiwan has chosen to balance China by aligning itself with the United States in order to avoid submission or destruction. Although the U.S. supports a “one-China” policy, it is strongly opposed to any move that could change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force. While both Beijing and Washington often emphasize positive engagement and dialogue, divergent interests of China and the United States over Taiwan, along with their contest for domination in East Asia, have remained a focal point of contention that could send the two powers on a collision course","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"239 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2015-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66845848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.
{"title":"Serbia's Military Neutrality: Origins, effects and challenges","authors":"Filip Ejdus","doi":"10.2478/CIRR-2014-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/CIRR-2014-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"43 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2478/CIRR-2014-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69192620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is closely tied to a strong surge in externally led state building following the conflict of the 1990s Informed by the ideals of liberal peace, one of the key components of state building was security sector reform and a restructuring of the armed forces. A shifting approach by the international community, varying between imposing decisions and insisting on local ownership, managed to establish the joint BiH Armed Forces, but allowed for the appropriation of the NATO integration process by local ethnic party elites. As a result, NATO integration in BiH regressed into an exercise in institutional reform, pursued in disarray and primarily addressing technical issues. Even if successfully brought to fruition, NATO integration will have failed to achieve the objectives of fostering substantive peace in BiH.
{"title":"NATO Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina: The pursuit o F local ownership in externally-led state building","authors":"Sead Turčalo, Damir Kapidžić","doi":"10.2478/cirr-2014-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is closely tied to a strong surge in externally led state building following the conflict of the 1990s Informed by the ideals of liberal peace, one of the key components of state building was security sector reform and a restructuring of the armed forces. A shifting approach by the international community, varying between imposing decisions and insisting on local ownership, managed to establish the joint BiH Armed Forces, but allowed for the appropriation of the NATO integration process by local ethnic party elites. As a result, NATO integration in BiH regressed into an exercise in institutional reform, pursued in disarray and primarily addressing technical issues. Even if successfully brought to fruition, NATO integration will have failed to achieve the objectives of fostering substantive peace in BiH.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"71 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69192632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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