With the aim of methodological reflection, this article analyses the three approaches (realist, constructivist and relational) in international relations theory most commonly employed to study foreign policy and the global influence of the European Union. Pivotal notions such as ‘agency’, ‘identity’, ‘norms’, ‘system’ and ‘practice’ provide us with navigation points between these approaches, enabling us to achieve a clearer impression of the many different meanings these terms can contain. These meanings, in their turn, fix the direction, limitations and scope of any concrete theoretic analysis. This article is meant to draw particular attention to Bourdieuvian practice theor y and Alexander Bogdanov’s tektology as two differing variants of relationism, with a view to overcoming certain deficiencies in application to the studies of the EU of methodological individualism, as employed in more ‘traditional’ theories. To illustrate the relationalist way of theorising when dealing with the paradoxes of the EU external policies and global role, a follow-up interpretation, based on tektology, is given in conclusion to the resilience turn in the EU global strategy. On the Norms and Habits of the European Union as a Meta-organisation* — Marina V. Strezhneva
{"title":"On the Norms and Habits of the European Union as a Meta-organisation","authors":"M. Strezhneva","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.87.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.1","url":null,"abstract":"With the aim of methodological reflection, this article analyses the three approaches (realist, constructivist and relational) in international relations theory most commonly employed to study foreign policy and the global influence of the European Union. Pivotal notions such as ‘agency’, ‘identity’, ‘norms’, ‘system’ and ‘practice’ provide us with navigation points between these approaches, enabling us to achieve a clearer impression of the many different meanings these terms can contain. These meanings, in their turn, fix the direction, limitations and scope of any concrete theoretic analysis. This article is meant to draw particular attention to Bourdieuvian practice theor y and Alexander Bogdanov’s tektology as two differing variants of relationism, with a view to overcoming certain deficiencies in application to the studies of the EU of methodological individualism, as employed in more ‘traditional’ theories. To illustrate the relationalist way of theorising when dealing with the paradoxes of the EU external policies and global role, a follow-up interpretation, based on tektology, is given in conclusion to the resilience turn in the EU global strategy. On the Norms and Habits of the European Union as a Meta-organisation* — Marina V. Strezhneva","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"6-31"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49385891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on criteria for measuring the performance of the rotating Presidencies of the Council of the EU. The comparison between Austria and Croatia, two countries that concluded the two most recent Council Presidency Trios, can be illustrative in identifying the main factors that can influence the overall performance of rotating Presidencies. Based on the series of quantitative and qualitative indicators, the overall score of both countries’ Presidencies turned to be positive, despite some failures of these Presidencies to demonstrate a firm commitment to fundamental EU values. In view of the lack of evaluations of the Council Presidencies based on verifiable, measurable indicators, this paper seeks to contribute to the development of a more objective methodological framework for the assessment of the future Presidencies of the Council as a still under-researched area within EU studies.
{"title":"Measuring the Success of the Presidency of the Council of the EU","authors":"Igor Vidačak, Tomislav Milošić","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.87.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.2","url":null,"abstract":"This\u0000paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on criteria for measuring the\u0000performance of the rotating Presidencies of the Council of the EU. The\u0000comparison between Austria and Croatia, two countries that concluded the two\u0000most recent Council Presidency Trios, can be illustrative in identifying the\u0000main factors that can influence the overall performance of rotating Presidencies.\u0000Based on the series of quantitative and qualitative indicators, the overall\u0000score of both countries’ Presidencies turned to be positive, despite some\u0000failures of these Presidencies to demonstrate a firm commitment to fundamental\u0000EU values. In view of the lack of evaluations of the Council Presidencies based\u0000on verifiable, measurable indicators, this paper seeks to contribute to the\u0000development of a more objective methodological framework for the assessment of the\u0000future Presidencies of the Council as a still under-researched area within EU\u0000studies.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42234540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the problem of legitimacy within the EU political system and focuses on the political power and recognition of the only one directly elected EU institution – the European Parliament. Historically, being the weaker house of the EU legislative system, throughout the last decades, the European Parliament has increased the political authority dramatically. These political changes should have risen the participation of the EU citizens in the elections and the legitimacy of this EU institution. Analysing the Lithuanian case, based on the qualitative interviewing of politicians and quantitative survey of citizens, the authors claim that while most of Lithuanians recognise the significance of the European Parliament and the turnout in the European elections has increased, the European Parliamentary elections remain, however, of secondary importance.
{"title":"How do Lithuanian Citizens Perceive the European Parliament? EU Legitimacy Issue and Trust in the European Parliament","authors":"Sima Rakutienė, Ingrida Unikaite-Jakuntaviciene","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.87.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.3","url":null,"abstract":"This\u0000article examines the problem of legitimacy within the EU political system and\u0000focuses on the political power and recognition of the only one directly elected\u0000EU institution – the European Parliament. Historically, being the weaker\u0000house of the EU legislative system, throughout the last decades, the\u0000European Parliament has increased the political authority dramatically. These\u0000political changes should have risen the participation of the EU citizens in the\u0000elections and the legitimacy of this EU institution. Analysing the Lithuanian\u0000case, based on the qualitative interviewing of politicians and quantitative\u0000survey of citizens, the authors claim that while most of Lithuanians recognise\u0000the significance of the European Parliament and the turnout in the European\u0000elections has increased, the European Parliamentary elections remain, however,\u0000of secondary importance.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42712263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Emergency Medical Services (EMS) are emergency services generally been designed to provide urgent treatment of patients with life-threatening conditions outside medical facilities. Even though the EMS belongs to the category of socio-economic rights, it nevertheless has great significance in safeguarding one of the most fundamental human rights, the right to life. In fact, international humanitarian law has recognised this important connection by establishing explicit legal rules that oblige states to ensure urgent medical care for the wounded and sick. International human rights law, on the other hand, has no such expressed provisions. However, the problem is not the lack of legal rules applicable to the EMS as such but rather the challenges in human rights perception, which hinder the EMS being perceived as a valuable human right. Therefore, this article essentially argues that international human rights law does not recognise the EMS as a human right sufficiently and that more thorough actions are required from the UN Committee of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) in this regard.
{"title":"The Challenges to the Emergency Medical Services to be Recognised as a Human Right in International Human Rights Law","authors":"J. Uusitalo","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.87.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.4","url":null,"abstract":"The\u0000Emergency Medical Services (EMS) are emergency services generally been designed\u0000to provide urgent treatment of patients with life-threatening conditions\u0000outside medical facilities. Even though the EMS belongs to the category of\u0000socio-economic rights, it nevertheless has great significance in safeguarding\u0000one of the most fundamental human rights, the right to life. In fact,\u0000international humanitarian law has recognised this important connection by establishing\u0000explicit legal rules that oblige states to ensure urgent medical care for the wounded\u0000and sick. International human rights law, on the other hand, has no such expressed\u0000provisions. However, the problem is not the lack of legal rules applicable to\u0000the EMS as such but rather the challenges in human rights perception, which\u0000hinder the EMS being perceived as a valuable human right. Therefore, this\u0000article essentially argues that international human rights law does not\u0000recognise the EMS as a human right sufficiently and that more thorough actions\u0000are required from the UN Committee of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights\u0000(CESCR) in this regard.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49646106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The category of the sphere of influence can explain some contemporary international processes. To define that category, however, much stress is laid on great powers’ exclusivity within their spheres of influence. The author takes into consideration the thesis of the aforementioned exclusivity’s erosion. Because foreign military bases are essential instruments of spheres of influence due to their strong impact on security policy, it is worth investigating their presence in this context. Specifically, the author carries out an in-depth study of military bases of more than one major power in one host country. Further, the article discusses the extent to which the gradual erosion of exclusivity undermines the significance of spheres of influence as such. In conclusion, the author states that the case of Djibouti undermines the idea of great power exclusivity. Yet, other cases do not provide sufficient evidence on such deep transformation because of either limited periods of bases’ existence or great power cooperative attitudes.
{"title":"The Significance of Foreign Military Bases as Instruments of Spheres of Influence","authors":"Tomasz Klin","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.87.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.5","url":null,"abstract":"The category of the sphere of influence can explain\u0000some contemporary international processes. To define that category, however,\u0000much stress is laid on great powers’ exclusivity within their spheres of\u0000influence. The author takes into consideration the thesis of the\u0000aforementioned exclusivity’s erosion. Because foreign military bases are\u0000essential instruments of spheres of influence due to their strong impact on\u0000security policy, it is worth investigating their presence in this context. Specifically,\u0000the author carries out an in-depth study of military bases of more than one\u0000major power in one host country. Further, the article discusses the extent to\u0000which the gradual erosion of exclusivity undermines the significance of spheres\u0000of influence as such. In conclusion, the author states that the case of\u0000Djibouti undermines the idea of great power exclusivity. Yet, other cases do\u0000not provide sufficient evidence on such deep transformation because of either\u0000limited periods of bases’ existence or great power cooperative attitudes.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42384756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Resilience is a widespread concept and a key priority for the EU. We focus on resilience’s relations with stability. These notions have been subject to ongoing theoretical debate and have not been clearly separated in EU discourses. We explore how resilience and stability have been used regarding the Southern and Eastern dimensions of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and suggest how their different meanings may be better distinguished and conceptualised. Resilience has penetrated the ENP’s discourses unevenly and attracted the limited interest of the neighbours. Besides, the EU’s policies will likely face numerous practical problems mostly similar to the ENP’s both dimensions. The EU’s policies themselves have disturbed stability in its neighbourhood, and now, even restoring the old stability would be problematic, let alone attaining a more positive one. Furthermore, the EU could impose its views regarding stability and/or resilience. Also, Brussels could de facto uphold negative stability and/or resilience.
{"title":"The Resilience of the EU Neighbours to the South and to the East","authors":"N. Gudalov, E. Treshchenkov","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.86.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.1","url":null,"abstract":"Resilience is a widespread concept and a\u0000key priority for the EU. We focus on resilience’s relations with stability. These\u0000notions have been subject to ongoing theoretical debate and have not been\u0000clearly separated in EU discourses. We explore how resilience and stability\u0000have been used regarding the Southern and Eastern dimensions of the European Neighbourhood\u0000Policy (ENP) and suggest how their different meanings may be better distinguished\u0000and conceptualised. Resilience has penetrated the ENP’s discourses unevenly and\u0000attracted the limited interest of the neighbours. Besides, the EU’s policies\u0000will likely face numerous practical problems mostly similar to the ENP’s both\u0000dimensions. The EU’s policies themselves have disturbed stability in its neighbourhood,\u0000and now, even restoring the old stability would be problematic, let alone\u0000attaining a more positive one. Furthermore, the EU could impose its views\u0000regarding stability and/or resilience. Also, Brussels could de facto uphold\u0000negative stability and/or resilience.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.37173/cirr.26.86.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41689087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
{"title":"Development of Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Western Balkans with Focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Ešref Kenan Rašidagić, Zora Hesová","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.86.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.4","url":null,"abstract":"Under the AKP government,\u0000Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina\u0000in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or\u0000so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the\u0000repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President\u0000Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western\u0000Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common\u0000future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western\u0000Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four\u0000distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed\u0000into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been\u0000shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish)\u0000transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct\u0000the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and\u0000soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the\u0000limits of this policy.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.37173/cirr.26.86.4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43771623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Croatian International Relations Review — CIRR — XXVI (86) 2020, 72-95 — DOI 10.37173/ cirr.26.86.3 — UDC 327.5:005:004.9(497.5) The Concept of Human Security as a Basis for the Application of Big Data Concept in Establishment of Early Warning System for Crisis Management in the Republic of Croatia — Ivana Cesarec Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia icesarec@mup.hr
{"title":"The Concept of Human Security as a Basis for the Application of Big Data Concept in Establishment of Early Warning System for Crisis Management in the Republic of Croatia","authors":"Ivana Cesarec, Robert Mikac, Davor Spevec","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.86.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.3","url":null,"abstract":"Croatian International Relations Review — CIRR — XXVI (86) 2020, 72-95 — DOI 10.37173/ cirr.26.86.3 — UDC 327.5:005:004.9(497.5) The Concept of Human Security as a Basis for the Application of Big Data Concept in Establishment of Early Warning System for Crisis Management in the Republic of Croatia — Ivana Cesarec Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia icesarec@mup.hr","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"8 11","pages":"72-95"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.37173/cirr.26.86.3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41284755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the Pelješac bridge construction project was awarded to the Chinese company China Road and Bridge Cooperation (CRBC) in January 2018, the Sino-Croatian relations reached a new high point. Since then, and contrary to Croatia’s past activity and interest, Croatia not only opted to more actively participate in the “17+1” cooperation framework, but even stepped forward by hosting the latest “17+1” summit, held in April 2019. The rekindled relations have since been, on the surface, bursting with possibilities regarding investment, exchanges of personnel, and cooperation on various levels. However, years of neglect, especially on the Croatian side, had created a situation in which Croatia is critically falling behind in experts, Chinese-speaking talents, and various aspects of knowledge needed to support this level of cooperation. Furthermore, judging by the press releases and the lack of clarifications from the Croatian government regarding the short-term decisions and the long-term direction the renewed Sino-Croatian friendship is taking, general understanding of how concepts such as the “17+1” or the Belt and Road Initiative actually reflect on Croatia with regards to their influence on the wider regional and global circumstances is also lacking. This paper analyses the width of the uneven approach China and Croatia are taking in the development of their relations and will attempt to address the issues and challenges that could arise from this unevenness.
{"title":"Croatia and the Chinese “17+1” Cooperation Framework","authors":"Z. Stopić","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.86.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.5","url":null,"abstract":"Since the Pelješac bridge construction project was\u0000awarded to the Chinese company China Road and Bridge Cooperation (CRBC) in\u0000January 2018, the Sino-Croatian relations reached a new high point. Since then,\u0000and contrary to Croatia’s past activity and interest, Croatia not only opted to\u0000more actively participate in the “17+1” cooperation framework, but even stepped\u0000forward by hosting the latest “17+1” summit, held in April 2019. The rekindled\u0000relations have since been, on the surface, bursting with possibilities regarding\u0000investment, exchanges of personnel, and cooperation on various levels. However,\u0000years of neglect, especially on the Croatian side, had created a situation in\u0000which Croatia is critically falling behind in experts, Chinese-speaking\u0000talents, and various aspects of knowledge needed to support this level of\u0000cooperation. Furthermore, judging by the press releases and the lack of\u0000clarifications from the Croatian government regarding the short-term decisions\u0000and the long-term direction the renewed Sino-Croatian friendship is taking,\u0000general understanding of how concepts such as the “17+1” or the Belt and Road\u0000Initiative actually reflect on Croatia with regards to their influence on the\u0000wider regional and global circumstances is also lacking. This paper analyses the\u0000width of the uneven approach China and Croatia are taking in the development of\u0000their relations and will attempt to address the issues and challenges that\u0000could arise from this unevenness.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.37173/cirr.26.86.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44405300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By borrowing an ad hoc concept 'diamond stage' uttered by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang during his visit to Croatia in April 2019 to describe a new stage in Sino-Croatian bilateral relations, this article sets to analyse the reasons behind this flattering diplomatic designation. It departs from the context of weak, historically distant and asymmetrical Sino-Croatian cooperation (SCC), giving, firstly, a short account on historical relations between China and Croatia and, secondly, relying on small state power scholarship in IR, depicting the opening and advancing of SCC. While categories of state size, geographical proximity, bilateral history and relational capacity are relatively pointless given the previous track of SCC, the dynamics of decreasing asymmetry between a small state and a big power helps to understand the recent upcoming of a new, 'diamond' stage in bilateral relations. Therefore, the article proposes several features as particularly relevant for understanding decreased asymmetry in SCC.
{"title":"\"Diamond Stage\" in Sino-Croatian Relations","authors":"Ivo Bakota","doi":"10.37173/cirr.26.86.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.6","url":null,"abstract":"By borrowing an ad hoc concept 'diamond stage' uttered by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang during his visit to Croatia in April 2019 to describe a new stage in Sino-Croatian bilateral relations, this article sets to analyse the reasons behind this flattering diplomatic designation. It departs from the context of weak, historically distant and asymmetrical Sino-Croatian cooperation (SCC), giving, firstly, a short account on historical relations between China and Croatia and, secondly, relying on small state power scholarship in IR, depicting the opening and advancing of SCC. While categories of state size, geographical proximity, bilateral history and relational capacity are relatively pointless given the previous track of SCC, the dynamics of decreasing asymmetry between a small state and a big power helps to understand the recent upcoming of a new, 'diamond' stage in bilateral relations. Therefore, the article proposes several features as particularly relevant for understanding decreased asymmetry in SCC.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.37173/cirr.26.86.6","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69894031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：