Abstract The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU’s involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.
{"title":"Learning by Doing: The EU’s Transformative Power and Conflicts in the Western Balkans","authors":"Julija Brsakoska Bazerkoska, Milos Dokmanovic","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU’s involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"103 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44962136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Croatia is a land endowed with rich and diversified natural and cultural tourist resources. Traveling around Croatia, I was stunned by its beauty. However, I noticed that there were few Chinese tourists in Croatia. How can we bring more Chinese tourists to Croatia? How can we make them happy and comfortable in Croatia? And, at the same time, how can we avoid polluting this tract of pure land? Based on first-hand research work, I make a SWOT analysis of the Chinese tourist source market of Croatia and put forward related countermeasures from the perspective of a native Chinese. The positioning of tourism in Croatia should be ingeniously packaged. I recommend developing diversified and specialized tourist products, various marketing and promotional activities, simple and flexible visa policies and regulations, and other related measures to further explore the Chinese tourist source market of Croatia.
{"title":"SWOT Analysis and Related Countermeasures for Croatia to Explore the Chinese Tourist Source Market","authors":"Wang Qian","doi":"10.1515/CIRR-2017-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/CIRR-2017-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Croatia is a land endowed with rich and diversified natural and cultural tourist resources. Traveling around Croatia, I was stunned by its beauty. However, I noticed that there were few Chinese tourists in Croatia. How can we bring more Chinese tourists to Croatia? How can we make them happy and comfortable in Croatia? And, at the same time, how can we avoid polluting this tract of pure land? Based on first-hand research work, I make a SWOT analysis of the Chinese tourist source market of Croatia and put forward related countermeasures from the perspective of a native Chinese. The positioning of tourism in Croatia should be ingeniously packaged. I recommend developing diversified and specialized tourist products, various marketing and promotional activities, simple and flexible visa policies and regulations, and other related measures to further explore the Chinese tourist source market of Croatia.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"169 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/CIRR-2017-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45301200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article analyses China’s 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives from Latvia’s perspective. Although the initiatives provide engagement on a large scale, it is challenging to achieve the task of achieving a synergy between a variety of stakeholders and interests in the context of a diversity of visions and agendas. The strategic dimension of transcontinental initiatives complicates further the building of synergy. Connectivity is an important and promising principle of both initiatives and transcontinental infrastructural linkages are especially high on the agenda. Mutually beneficial progress, however, must yet be achieved. In times of uncertainty, Central and Eastern European countries, including Latvia, are engaged in a balancing process of potential economic benefits and strategic implications of the 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives.
{"title":"Towards a Balanced Synergy of Visions and Interests: Latvia’s Perspectives in 16+1 and Belt and Road Initiatives","authors":"Andris Sprūds","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article analyses China’s 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives from Latvia’s perspective. Although the initiatives provide engagement on a large scale, it is challenging to achieve the task of achieving a synergy between a variety of stakeholders and interests in the context of a diversity of visions and agendas. The strategic dimension of transcontinental initiatives complicates further the building of synergy. Connectivity is an important and promising principle of both initiatives and transcontinental infrastructural linkages are especially high on the agenda. Mutually beneficial progress, however, must yet be achieved. In times of uncertainty, Central and Eastern European countries, including Latvia, are engaged in a balancing process of potential economic benefits and strategic implications of the 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"37 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45686609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyzes the opportunities of the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road”, for the development of the Baltic Sea macro-region (BSR), as a single transport cluster. One of the objectives of the initiative is to strengthen transport linkages from the Pacific Ocean to the Baltic Sea Region. Thus, the contemporary macro-regional approach to the development of EU macro-regions can provide an additional impulse to the creation of formal macro-regional inter-cooperation, via in this case, the project that will advance the transport infrastructure of the region. This study examines the situation of the railway sector in the BSR in the period 2004–2015, through hierarchical cluster analysis, to identify countries with similar trends in cargo flow turnover. Taking into account the favorable geographical position of Poland, its transport performance and advanced (in comparison to other Baltic Sea region countries) relations with China, it is concluded that Poland’s conditions are more suitable to promote economic integration with its closest neighbors – the Baltic countries-through the creation of formal macro-regional railway transport within the Rail Baltic project.
{"title":"The Baltic Sea Macro-Regional Transport Cluster as an Element of the Silk Road Economic Belt","authors":"Olga Nežerenko, O. Koppel","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyzes the opportunities of the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road”, for the development of the Baltic Sea macro-region (BSR), as a single transport cluster. One of the objectives of the initiative is to strengthen transport linkages from the Pacific Ocean to the Baltic Sea Region. Thus, the contemporary macro-regional approach to the development of EU macro-regions can provide an additional impulse to the creation of formal macro-regional inter-cooperation, via in this case, the project that will advance the transport infrastructure of the region. This study examines the situation of the railway sector in the BSR in the period 2004–2015, through hierarchical cluster analysis, to identify countries with similar trends in cargo flow turnover. Taking into account the favorable geographical position of Poland, its transport performance and advanced (in comparison to other Baltic Sea region countries) relations with China, it is concluded that Poland’s conditions are more suitable to promote economic integration with its closest neighbors – the Baltic countries-through the creation of formal macro-regional railway transport within the Rail Baltic project.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"77 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41318165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article1 focuses on the perceptions of the Chinese and its partners on the Belt and Road Initiative. The author summarizes the existing foreign opinions about the initiative, one “inequality” of the market, three goals that China wants to achieve and two ways in which China wants to create domestic stability. In fact, the difference between foreign and Chinese perceptions is based on the relative national condition of the two sides, the perception of great powers, and the combination of domestic needs and foreign policy. Finally, the author points out that there are three paradoxes which exist in the differences between China and its partners, which is the biggest challenge of the Belt and Road Initiative.
{"title":"The Challenge of Different Perceptions on the Belt and Road Initiative","authors":"Ma Junchi","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article1 focuses on the perceptions of the Chinese and its partners on the Belt and Road Initiative. The author summarizes the existing foreign opinions about the initiative, one “inequality” of the market, three goals that China wants to achieve and two ways in which China wants to create domestic stability. In fact, the difference between foreign and Chinese perceptions is based on the relative national condition of the two sides, the perception of great powers, and the combination of domestic needs and foreign policy. Finally, the author points out that there are three paradoxes which exist in the differences between China and its partners, which is the biggest challenge of the Belt and Road Initiative.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"149 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48450980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the “16+1 Cooperation” insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.
{"title":"China-CEEC Cooperation: China’s Building of a New Type of International Relations","authors":"Liu Zuokui","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the “16+1 Cooperation” insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"19 - 34"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48978197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi, ) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, ) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China’s continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China’s accession to WTO in 2001 marked China’s full integration into the global economy and since then the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism “16+1”, with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the “16+1” China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.
{"title":"China’s Belt and Road Initiative Extension to Central and Eastern European Countries - Sixteen Nations, Five Summits, Many Challenges","authors":"Marsela Musabelliu","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi, ) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, ) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China’s continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China’s accession to WTO in 2001 marked China’s full integration into the global economy and since then the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism “16+1”, with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the “16+1” China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"57 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48821545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives (“One Belt, One Road”) are of significance in enhancing China’s open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by “One Belt, One Road” and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.
{"title":"The Security Challenges of the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative and China’s Choices","authors":"Haiquan Liu","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives (“One Belt, One Road”) are of significance in enhancing China’s open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by “One Belt, One Road” and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"129 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47970763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents.
{"title":"Using Patent Development, Education Policy and Research and Development Expenditure Policy to Increase Technological Competitiveness of Small European Union Member States","authors":"S. Ferraro, P. Dutt, T. Kerikmäe","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"126 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41731119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The aim of this article is to explore the conceptualisation of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing tools within European Union gender equality policymaking. In the first part, the article looks at these soft law measures applied within intergovernmental cooperation. Stemming from the extensive body of literature, the study approaches these measures as a form of scientific knowledge, which is diversely applied within policymaking. Next, the article directs various points of criticism at these policymaking tools through different variables that may hinder knowledge use. The second section of this article further focuses on the Open Method of Coordination and the role of the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) in relation to gender equality policies. The empirical part of this article is focused on the criticism of EIGE’s External Evaluation Report and the different conceptualisations of scientific knowledge use which are presented within this audit document. As such, this article aims to contribute to a new conceptualisation of the technocratic tools of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing within the highly ideological area of gender equality policies.
{"title":"The Struggle of Benchmarking and Ranking Gender Equality: The Case of the European Institute for Gender Equality","authors":"Veronika Valkovičová","doi":"10.1515/cirr-2017-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this article is to explore the conceptualisation of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing tools within European Union gender equality policymaking. In the first part, the article looks at these soft law measures applied within intergovernmental cooperation. Stemming from the extensive body of literature, the study approaches these measures as a form of scientific knowledge, which is diversely applied within policymaking. Next, the article directs various points of criticism at these policymaking tools through different variables that may hinder knowledge use. The second section of this article further focuses on the Open Method of Coordination and the role of the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) in relation to gender equality policies. The empirical part of this article is focused on the criticism of EIGE’s External Evaluation Report and the different conceptualisations of scientific knowledge use which are presented within this audit document. As such, this article aims to contribute to a new conceptualisation of the technocratic tools of benchmarking, ranking and good practice sharing within the highly ideological area of gender equality policies.","PeriodicalId":35243,"journal":{"name":"Croatian International Relations Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"38 - 9"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/cirr-2017-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49550006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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