Pub Date : 2021-06-29DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8086
Natalia Tikhоnova
The economic crisis caused by the pandemic has had a profound impact on the economic situation and the employment of Russians. However the most common among its consequences appeared to be pay cuts and increased workload rather than the transition to telecommuting. The social security of employees has also decreased. Meanwhile certain effects of the crisis were present within different professional groups to varying degrees. Manual workers, especially those employed in the private sector of the economy, were, relatively speaking, more prone to face the most severe consequences. Working Russians’ situation deteriorated parallel to a further decline in their resourcefulness. From this perspective, the working portion of the general population is divided into three groups: high-resource managers and professionals; semi-professionals and ordinary office personnel occupying an intermediate position in terms of their recourses; mostly low-resource and no-resource trade and manual workers. Since the gains on resources in Russia for members of the mass layer of the population are relatively small and tend to decline in all of them, the role of the labor market in the strategies that Russians employ in order to improve their well-being is gradually decreasing, while the spread of passive and non-constructive strategies is growing. The low resourcefulness of the country’s general population also causes universality of means to improve material status among members of different professional groups. At the same time, within the different professional groups individual resourcefulness significantly affects the choice of means for improving material status, or the refusal to take any actions for that purpose. This, taking into account the specifics of the resources possessed by members of different professional groups, ensures their unequal resistance to consequences of the crisis and different effectiveness of their actions when it comes to improving their situation, which leads to the differences between them deepening even further.
{"title":"Consequences of the 2020–2021 Crisis for Different Professional Groups in Russian Society","authors":"Natalia Tikhоnova","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8086","url":null,"abstract":"The economic crisis caused by the pandemic has had a profound impact on the economic situation and the employment of Russians. However the most common among its consequences appeared to be pay cuts and increased workload rather than the transition to telecommuting. The social security of employees has also decreased. Meanwhile certain effects of the crisis were present within different professional groups to varying degrees. Manual workers, especially those employed in the private sector of the economy, were, relatively speaking, more prone to face the most severe consequences. Working Russians’ situation deteriorated parallel to a further decline in their resourcefulness. From this perspective, the working portion of the general population is divided into three groups: high-resource managers and professionals; semi-professionals and ordinary office personnel occupying an intermediate position in terms of their recourses; mostly low-resource and no-resource trade and manual workers. Since the gains on resources in Russia for members of the mass layer of the population are relatively small and tend to decline in all of them, the role of the labor market in the strategies that Russians employ in order to improve their well-being is gradually decreasing, while the spread of passive and non-constructive strategies is growing. The low resourcefulness of the country’s general population also causes universality of means to improve material status among members of different professional groups. At the same time, within the different professional groups individual resourcefulness significantly affects the choice of means for improving material status, or the refusal to take any actions for that purpose. This, taking into account the specifics of the resources possessed by members of different professional groups, ensures their unequal resistance to consequences of the crisis and different effectiveness of their actions when it comes to improving their situation, which leads to the differences between them deepening even further.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49331840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-29DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8087
I. Tartakovskaya
This article examines the impact of the new coronavirus pandemic on interpersonal trust relationships, as well as trust in government institutions and official sources of information. The empirical base for the study is comprised of “diaries of professionals” — 34 diaries which were kept by social science experts from March 25 to June 10 2020 (“first wave”), and then from the 20th to the 30th of September 2020 (“second wave”) — belonging to sociologists, philosophers, philologists, anthropologists, political scientists, historians, orientalists. Thus, a collection of thick descriptions was collected, representing a mix between a personal diary and research reflective autoethnography. Based on the review of the scientific discussion on the problem of trust, a significant conclusion is made about the contradictions between “trust” itself, which implies the possibility of choice and pertains mainly to interpersonal relations, and ‘confidence’ in social and state institutions, which implies much less agency of the subject of trust. It is concluded that the epidemic has greatly exacerbated the problem of lack of trust, noted in the context of the spread of “post-truth” and “fake news” at a global level, but especially noticeable in Russia, where this deficit significantly undermines the very possibility of basic solidarity. The authors of the diaries, as researchers, note that “comfortable” forms of a trust prevail in their social milieu, which creates some uncertain illusion of security. People tend to trust those who help maintain their identity and relieve fear, as well as their familiar “trusted” sources. However, many of them sense the diminished reliability of these “pillars of trust” in a new unpredictable situation.
{"title":"Trust in the Face of a Pandemic: In Search for a Common Ground","authors":"I. Tartakovskaya","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8087","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the impact of the new coronavirus pandemic on interpersonal trust relationships, as well as trust in government institutions and official sources of information. The empirical base for the study is comprised of “diaries of professionals” — 34 diaries which were kept by social science experts from March 25 to June 10 2020 (“first wave”), and then from the 20th to the 30th of September 2020 (“second wave”) — belonging to sociologists, philosophers, philologists, anthropologists, political scientists, historians, orientalists. Thus, a collection of thick descriptions was collected, representing a mix between a personal diary and research reflective autoethnography. Based on the review of the scientific discussion on the problem of trust, a significant conclusion is made about the contradictions between “trust” itself, which implies the possibility of choice and pertains mainly to interpersonal relations, and ‘confidence’ in social and state institutions, which implies much less agency of the subject of trust. It is concluded that the epidemic has greatly exacerbated the problem of lack of trust, noted in the context of the spread of “post-truth” and “fake news” at a global level, but especially noticeable in Russia, where this deficit significantly undermines the very possibility of basic solidarity. The authors of the diaries, as researchers, note that “comfortable” forms of a trust prevail in their social milieu, which creates some uncertain illusion of security. People tend to trust those who help maintain their identity and relieve fear, as well as their familiar “trusted” sources. However, many of them sense the diminished reliability of these “pillars of trust” in a new unpredictable situation.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41638466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-29DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8092
M. Maslovskiy
The main subject matter of Johann Arnason’s book is multiple modernities. The author discusses various theoretical approaches towards modern societies and offers an original conceptualization of historical processes. He analyzes patterns of modernity in the fields of economy, politics and culture, as well as sequences of various modernity types. Particular attention is devoted to social transformations in the Eurasian region. Arnason carefully examines the formation and historical dynamics of the Soviet and Chinese versions of “alternative” communist modernity. Finally, he discusses global modernity and the need to reconsider its trajectory in light of communist experience.
{"title":"[Rev.] Arnason J. The Labyrinth of Modernity: Horizons, Pathways and Mutations. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefeld, 2020","authors":"M. Maslovskiy","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8092","url":null,"abstract":"The main subject matter of Johann Arnason’s book is multiple modernities. The author discusses various theoretical approaches towards modern societies and offers an original conceptualization of historical processes. He analyzes patterns of modernity in the fields of economy, politics and culture, as well as sequences of various modernity types. Particular attention is devoted to social transformations in the Eurasian region. Arnason carefully examines the formation and historical dynamics of the Soviet and Chinese versions of “alternative” communist modernity. Finally, he discusses global modernity and the need to reconsider its trajectory in light of communist experience.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42689951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-29DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8083
Yulia Tumeneva, K. Vergeles
Measurement in social sciences implies that the measured feature is quantitative, or in other words that it is possible not only to arrange the values of any given attribute, but also to express the difference between ordered magnitudes using a certain unit of measurement. However the need to verify this basic assumption is often ignored. And though there are a few possible excuses for this, but fundamentally this neglect distracts the social sciences from its main task of exploring reality. In this work, one of the requirements for the ordinal structure of motives was checked, namely the requirement of transitivity: if a > b and b > c, then a > c. If transitivity is not observed, then motives cannot be evaluated even on an ordinal scale (“more – less”, “stronger – weaker”), not to mention their quantitative measurement, which all methods that use Likert scales are supposedly tailored to. On a sample of 250 students, it was shown that about half of the respondents established transitivity when arranging their motives (internal, external and social ones), which justifies the use of ordinal scales for motivation assessment, at least for these motives and for two values: “more” and “less”; however, even in these cases, further validation of the assumptions about additivity when it comes to measuring motives is required to justify the use of Likert scales. The other part of the respondents (about 40%) could neither distinguish nor arrange their motives, therefore not only measuring, but even defining the order of their motives in these cases is impossible. It is concluded that the transitivity error is associated with the individual characteristics of the respondents and requires further study as a systematic error.
{"title":"Studying the Transitivity of Motivation Ratings","authors":"Yulia Tumeneva, K. Vergeles","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8083","url":null,"abstract":"Measurement in social sciences implies that the measured feature is quantitative, or in other words that it is possible not only to arrange the values of any given attribute, but also to express the difference between ordered magnitudes using a certain unit of measurement. However the need to verify this basic assumption is often ignored. And though there are a few possible excuses for this, but fundamentally this neglect distracts the social sciences from its main task of exploring reality. In this work, one of the requirements for the ordinal structure of motives was checked, namely the requirement of transitivity: if a > b and b > c, then a > c. If transitivity is not observed, then motives cannot be evaluated even on an ordinal scale (“more – less”, “stronger – weaker”), not to mention their quantitative measurement, which all methods that use Likert scales are supposedly tailored to. On a sample of 250 students, it was shown that about half of the respondents established transitivity when arranging their motives (internal, external and social ones), which justifies the use of ordinal scales for motivation assessment, at least for these motives and for two values: “more” and “less”; however, even in these cases, further validation of the assumptions about additivity when it comes to measuring motives is required to justify the use of Likert scales. The other part of the respondents (about 40%) could neither distinguish nor arrange their motives, therefore not only measuring, but even defining the order of their motives in these cases is impossible. It is concluded that the transitivity error is associated with the individual characteristics of the respondents and requires further study as a systematic error.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45614990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-29DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8088
S. Neizvestny
In recent decades, almost all areas of human activity are undergoing rapid digitalization and the introduction of artificial intelligence, which fundamentally affect social relations within society. In addition to the obvious benefits of using human-like intelligence in the modern digital world, there may also be negative consequences associated, first of all, with the processes of making important, large-scale management decisions by the cyber-management of a digital society. The problem of the impact on social security of decision-making by artificial intelligence in a digital society has not been sufficiently studied. The article considers the main social aspects of the problems related to the consequences of artificial intelligence making decisions. The main focus is the impact of decisions made by cyber managers on the social stability of a digital society. Some features of the emerging social relations “human – artificial intelligence”, “Manager – Cyber-manager” are considered. Based on analyzing the impact of the consequences of decision-making by artificial intelligence on social relations, a number of changes in the training system for digitalization processes are proposed, and requirements for the competence of specialists in developing and operating human-like intelligence are formulated. Based on the practical requirements of the modern IT sphere, the author has developed and introduced into the educational process a number of cycles of interdisciplinary lectures and practical seminars for future IT specialists in a digital society. A number of solutions to pedagogical problems related to the development of the analytical and creative abilities of future specialists, of architects and developers of cyber-systems and of managerial decision-making are proposed.
{"title":"Social Aspects of the Consequences of Artificial Intelligence Decision Making in a Digital Society","authors":"S. Neizvestny","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.2.8088","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, almost all areas of human activity are undergoing rapid digitalization and the introduction of artificial intelligence, which fundamentally affect social relations within society. In addition to the obvious benefits of using human-like intelligence in the modern digital world, there may also be negative consequences associated, first of all, with the processes of making important, large-scale management decisions by the cyber-management of a digital society. The problem of the impact on social security of decision-making by artificial intelligence in a digital society has not been sufficiently studied. The article considers the main social aspects of the problems related to the consequences of artificial intelligence making decisions. The main focus is the impact of decisions made by cyber managers on the social stability of a digital society. Some features of the emerging social relations “human – artificial intelligence”, “Manager – Cyber-manager” are considered. Based on analyzing the impact of the consequences of decision-making by artificial intelligence on social relations, a number of changes in the training system for digitalization processes are proposed, and requirements for the competence of specialists in developing and operating human-like intelligence are formulated. Based on the practical requirements of the modern IT sphere, the author has developed and introduced into the educational process a number of cycles of interdisciplinary lectures and practical seminars for future IT specialists in a digital society. A number of solutions to pedagogical problems related to the development of the analytical and creative abilities of future specialists, of architects and developers of cyber-systems and of managerial decision-making are proposed.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45665398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7642
Andrey Korotayev, Patrick S Sawyer, L. Grinin, Daniil M. Romanov, A. Shishkina
Previous studies have revealed a somewhat paradoxical strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the intensity of anti-government demonstrations observed for the vast majority of countries (indeed, it turns out that the better people live, the more likely they are to join anti-government protests). The goal of this article is to identify possible causes of this unusual correlation. Our tests show that the processes of democratization and urbanization, as well as the expansion of formal education, are likely to be the main factors determining the positive relationship between per capita GDP and the intensity of antigovernment demonstrations, as urbanization, democratization, and expansion of education lead to an increase in the intensity of protests. Moreover, when controlling for these factors, the relationship between per capita GDP and anti-government protests becomes negative. Thus, high per capita GDP turns out to be a direct (proximate) significant negative factor affecting the intensity of anti-government demonstrations, but at thesame time it is an ultimate, even more significant positive factor in the intensity of protests. The growth of per capita GDP is quite naturally accompanied by an increase in the level of urbanization, democratization and education, which more than compensates for the direct inhibiting effect on the protests on the part of the growing per capita GDP (at least for low- and middle-income countries). In addition, the negative binomial regression model that we propose can explain not only the strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the intensity of protests, which can be traced for a range of GDP per capita values of less than $20,000, but also the weaker negative correlation recorded for the range exceeding $20,000. The fact is that in rich countries urbanization, democratization and education indicators reach saturation levels and the vast majority of high-income countries have more or less similar levels for all three indicators. As a result, for a zone of per capita GDP values of more than $20,000, we are essentially dealing with automatic control of the correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of protests for factors of democratization, education and urbanization, and, as our model predicts, the final effect of GDP per capita on the intensity of protests for high-income countries becomes negative, not positive.
{"title":"Socio-economic Development and Anti-government Protests in Light of a New Quantitative Analysis of Global Databases","authors":"Andrey Korotayev, Patrick S Sawyer, L. Grinin, Daniil M. Romanov, A. Shishkina","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7642","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies have revealed a somewhat paradoxical strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the intensity of anti-government demonstrations observed for the vast majority of countries (indeed, it turns out that the better people live, the more likely they are to join anti-government protests). The goal of this article is to identify possible causes of this unusual correlation. Our tests show that the processes of democratization and urbanization, as well as the expansion of formal education, are likely to be the main factors determining the positive relationship between per capita GDP and the intensity of antigovernment demonstrations, as urbanization, democratization, and expansion of education lead to an increase in the intensity of protests. Moreover, when controlling for these factors, the relationship between per capita GDP and anti-government protests becomes negative. Thus, high per capita GDP turns out to be a direct (proximate) significant negative factor affecting the intensity of anti-government demonstrations, but at thesame time it is an ultimate, even more significant positive factor in the intensity of protests. The growth of per capita GDP is quite naturally accompanied by an increase in the level of urbanization, democratization and education, which more than compensates for the direct inhibiting effect on the protests on the part of the growing per capita GDP (at least for low- and middle-income countries). In addition, the negative binomial regression model that we propose can explain not only the strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the intensity of protests, which can be traced for a range of GDP per capita values of less than $20,000, but also the weaker negative correlation recorded for the range exceeding $20,000. The fact is that in rich countries urbanization, democratization and education indicators reach saturation levels and the vast majority of high-income countries have more or less similar levels for all three indicators. As a result, for a zone of per capita GDP values of more than $20,000, we are essentially dealing with automatic control of the correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of protests for factors of democratization, education and urbanization, and, as our model predicts, the final effect of GDP per capita on the intensity of protests for high-income countries becomes negative, not positive.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48903176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7640
A. Klimova, E. Terentev
This article presents the results of an experimental study on how the transition from PAPI to CAPI modes affected data quality in longitudinal household surveys. The study was conducted in 2018–2019 within the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS–HSE). In the previous paper, which was based on data from the 26th wave of the RLMS HSE, it was shown that the use of CAPI leads to a significant decrease in the rate of non-substantive responses (“Don’t know”), as well as significant differences in sensitive questions. This paper was aimed at verifying these findings using new data collected during the 27th wave of the RLMS–HSE. The results show that the use of CAPI leads to a decrease in the rate of non-substantive responses, which helps to improve data quality. However, it was shown that the use of CAPI could lead to an increase in social desirability bias.
{"title":"Comparison of Data Quality between PAPI and CAPI Modes of Data Collection in Longitudinal Household Surveys: RLMS–HSE Experiment Results","authors":"A. Klimova, E. Terentev","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7640","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the results of an experimental study on how the transition from PAPI to CAPI modes affected data quality in longitudinal household surveys. The study was conducted in 2018–2019 within the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS–HSE). In the previous paper, which was based on data from the 26th wave of the RLMS HSE, it was shown that the use of CAPI leads to a significant decrease in the rate of non-substantive responses (“Don’t know”), as well as significant differences in sensitive questions. This paper was aimed at verifying these findings using new data collected during the 27th wave of the RLMS–HSE. The results show that the use of CAPI leads to a decrease in the rate of non-substantive responses, which helps to improve data quality. However, it was shown that the use of CAPI could lead to an increase in social desirability bias.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48403060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7651
V. Gavriliuk
This article presents a review of a textbook for universities which reflects classic and relevant knowledge about education — the basic social institution of the global world. The theoretical foundations for branch science, its history, subject matter and functions have been outlined in the textbook. This review details the specifics of the authors’ approach towards presenting the social knowledge about education development stages, while presenting a variety of theoretical directions and models in their dynamics — from their genesis and to the present day. The originality of the textbook is reflected not only in the research ideas, but also in the civic position of the authors, in them identifying the problems of international competition between education systems, as well as the most acute issues inherent to Russian education. The latter include susceptibility to ill-conceived reforms, a backward technical base, low social status of teachers, lacking teacher motivation at schools, unwillingness to solve emerging complex problems, an intergenerational cultural gap, and a low demand for scientific knowledge. The book contains the authors’ teaching materials for constructing the “Sociology of Education” training course, while offering a reliable glossary of scientific terms. The textbook will be in demand both for the process of educating college and postgraduate students, and within the professional sociological community.
{"title":"[Rev.] Sotsiologiya Obrazovaniya: Uchebnik i Praktikum dlya Vuzov. [Sociology of Education: Textbook and Workbook for Universities.] Ed. by A.M. Osipov. Moscow: Yurayt publ., 2020","authors":"V. Gavriliuk","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7651","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a review of a textbook for universities which reflects classic and relevant knowledge about education — the basic social institution of the global world. The theoretical foundations for branch science, its history, subject matter and functions have been outlined in the textbook. This review details the specifics of the authors’ approach towards presenting the social knowledge about education development stages, while presenting a variety of theoretical directions and models in their dynamics — from their genesis and to the present day. The originality of the textbook is reflected not only in the research ideas, but also in the civic position of the authors, in them identifying the problems of international competition between education systems, as well as the most acute issues inherent to Russian education. The latter include susceptibility to ill-conceived reforms, a backward technical base, low social status of teachers, lacking teacher motivation at schools, unwillingness to solve emerging complex problems, an intergenerational cultural gap, and a low demand for scientific knowledge. The book contains the authors’ teaching materials for constructing the “Sociology of Education” training course, while offering a reliable glossary of scientific terms. The textbook will be in demand both for the process of educating college and postgraduate students, and within the professional sociological community.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47779240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7646
A. Malinov, E. Dolgova
This article sets the task of actualizing a fragment of the unpublished work “General methodology of the Humanities” by Nikolay Kareyev (1850–1931). Kareyev’s role in the history of Russian sociology is unique in that he was not only working to popularize the new science of society, but he was also its first historian. The history of Russian sociology for Kareyev, in fact, coincided with some facts from his own biography: Kareyev knew the first Russian sociologists and was one of the founders of a new scientific discipline. In the work “General methodology of the Humanities”, written at the time of reading his educational course at Petrograd University, Nikolay Kareyev summed up his methodological thoughts, paying particular attention to sociology. He considered it a discipline that synthesizes the achievements of the social sciences. By his reasoning, these social sciences were political economics, law and politics (state studies). The view of sociology as an integrating or synthesizing discipline granted it a methodological function. According to Kareyev, the sociological method is in fact a “higher synthesis” or eclectic method. Due to censorship restrictions, the manuscript of the “General methodology of the Humanities” was not published in the 1920’s. Its typescript is stored in the manuscript research department of the Russian state library. As of today the text of the manuscript has only partially been published. The research article is accompanied by the publication of an excerpt from the chapter six “Theoretical Humanities”, dedicated to the synthesizing methodology of sociology.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7645
A. Zemtsov
This paper is dedicated to studying the subjective meanings and motivations which modern Russians attribute to the normative view on the role of the “strong hand”. It was explored as one of the key characteristics of authoritarianism in the Russian people’s political culture. The author studies its internal structure, to what extent this view is in demand, how exactly this notion is reproduced and rationalized at a discourse level. This view was investigated using critical discourse analysis, while identifying the implicit power balance based on data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with respondents from regional and district centers as well as from rural areas – these were people from the most conservative social groups (according to quantitative study findings based on data from the “Levada-Center”). Upon investigation it turns out that the “strong hand” discourse structure is extremely contradictory and heterogeneous. On one hand, at an abstract value level, it is very popular and continuously being reproduced. The “strong hand” consists of seven essential elements, subjective meanings: “continuity”, “order”, “rigidity”, “no alternative”, “personification”, “anti-establishment”, “folk character”. On the other hand, at a personal level, such an orientation can lose a significant amount of its potency when the context is broadened, supplemented with institutional alternatives etc. However stable alternatives do not seem to be appearing in the field of discourse. The author concludes that the demand for a strong hand is not an effect of a “special” political culture, but rather a combination of many factors: preserving the authoritarian regime’s institutions, citizens` rational strategies for adapting to them, a failed democratic transition, the painful reforms of the 1990’s, the intentional exploitation of this orientation by the political elite, etc. However, there are reasons to assume that this authoritarian orientation is in a severe state of crisis. It has no effect on the political regime’s legitimization for which the “strong hand” is the most important symbolic resource.
{"title":"The end of the “Strong Hand”? Critical Discourse-Analysis of the Alignment in the Political Culture of the Russian People","authors":"A. Zemtsov","doi":"10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.4.7645","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is dedicated to studying the subjective meanings and motivations which modern Russians attribute to the normative view on the role of the “strong hand”. It was explored as one of the key characteristics of authoritarianism in the Russian people’s political culture. The author studies its internal structure, to what extent this view is in demand, how exactly this notion is reproduced and rationalized at a discourse level. This view was investigated using critical discourse analysis, while identifying the implicit power balance based on data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with respondents from regional and district centers as well as from rural areas – these were people from the most conservative social groups (according to quantitative study findings based on data from the “Levada-Center”). Upon investigation it turns out that the “strong hand” discourse structure is extremely contradictory and heterogeneous. On one hand, at an abstract value level, it is very popular and continuously being reproduced. The “strong hand” consists of seven essential elements, subjective meanings: “continuity”, “order”, “rigidity”, “no alternative”, “personification”, “anti-establishment”, “folk character”. On the other hand, at a personal level, such an orientation can lose a significant amount of its potency when the context is broadened, supplemented with institutional alternatives etc. However stable alternatives do not seem to be appearing in the field of discourse.\u0000The author concludes that the demand for a strong hand is not an effect of a “special” political culture, but rather a combination of many factors: preserving the authoritarian regime’s institutions, citizens` rational strategies for adapting to them, a failed democratic transition, the painful reforms of the 1990’s, the intentional exploitation of this orientation by the political elite, etc. However, there are reasons to assume that this authoritarian orientation is in a severe state of crisis. It has no effect on the political regime’s legitimization for which the “strong hand” is the most important symbolic resource.","PeriodicalId":35261,"journal":{"name":"Sotsiologicheskiy Zhurnal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48892807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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