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Violence and Disposability at the Intersection of Twin Pandemics. 双大流行病交汇处的暴力与处置
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221121646
Ashley M Howard

COVID-19 and anti-Black violence represent interlocking pandemics animated by necropolitics, the power to determine who lives and who dies. By expanding our understanding of violence to include its structural and cultural forms alongside direct bodily harm, we must also expand our commitment to end violence. Labor educators, organizers, and workers are uniquely positioned to articulate this more expansive definition and advocate for the eradication of violence in all its forms.

COVID-19和反黑人暴力代表了由死亡政治(necropolitics)——决定谁生谁死的权力——推动的环环相扣的流行病。通过扩大我们对暴力的理解,包括其结构和文化形式以及直接的身体伤害,我们还必须扩大我们对结束暴力的承诺。劳动教育工作者、组织者和工人具有独特的地位,可以阐明这一更广泛的定义,并倡导消除一切形式的暴力。
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引用次数: 0
At Work in a Pandemic: Black Workers' Experiences of Safety on the Job. 流行病中的工作:黑人工人的工作安全经验
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221121632
Clare Hammonds, Jasmine Kerrissey

Race and labor scholars have argued that precarious, dangerous work, along with the work of social reproduction, has long been disproportionately placed on Black workers. This research examines how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted essential in-person workers differently by race. Using data collected from approximately 8,000 respondents in five survey waves, we find that Black essential and in-person workers were far more likely to experience safety concerns on the job than white workers, from inadequate sick leave and protective gear in the early pandemic to customers who refused to mask in later months. This pattern extended to stress off the job, where Black workers were more likely to have experienced food, childcare, and housing insecurities. Black workers were also more likely to be interested in unionization. These findings point to distinct ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has collided with Black workers' struggle for economic inequality and amplified existing patterns of labor market inequality.

种族和劳工学者认为,长期以来,不稳定、危险的工作,以及社会再生产工作,一直不成比例地放在黑人工人身上。这项研究考察了新冠肺炎大流行如何因种族而对必要的住院工作人员产生不同的影响。使用从五波调查中约8000名受访者那里收集的数据,我们发现,与白人工人相比,黑人必要的和面对面的工人在工作中更容易遇到安全问题,从疫情早期的病假和防护装备不足,到后来几个月拒绝戴口罩的顾客。这种模式延伸到了工作之外的压力,黑人工人更有可能经历食物、育儿和住房的不安全感。黑人工人也更有可能对加入工会感兴趣。这些发现指出了新冠肺炎大流行与黑人工人为经济不平等而斗争的不同方式,并放大了现有的劳动力市场不平等模式。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Crying the News: A History of America’s Newsboys by DiGirolamo Vincent 书评:迪吉罗拉莫·文森特的《为新闻哭泣:美国报童的历史》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x221130254
H. Schwartz
Vincent DiGirolamo’s Crying the News is a monumental achievement–a beautifully written, richly illustrated, exhaustively researched book that should stand as the definitive history of its subject for years to come. This volume covers the experiences of “newsies”: thousands of newsboys, and the small minority of newsgirls, throughout most of American history. There was no commercial electronic media in the United States until about 1920, when radio broadcasts began to reach numerous listeners. Until then, most Americans received their information about war, peace, politics, economics, sports, and other entertainment from printed newspapers. DiGirolamo shows that over time, the country’s newsies became the foundation upon which America’s modern newspaper industry was built. Although he does not neglect the Early National Period, DiGirolamo focuses mainly on the years between the 1830s and the 1940s, when the newspaper business’s street sales and home deliveries were at their height. Thus, his volume is divided into three main chronological sections: Children of the Penny, 1833–1865; Children of the Breach, 1866–1899; and Children of the State, 1900–1940. DiGirolamo consistently uses stories about individuals to illuminate important topics, ranging from racial discrimination, sexism, crime, and violence to newsboys’ living and working conditions. Thus, Crying the News is at once social, cultural, and labor history, as well as a children’s history since most newsboys and newsgirls were between the ages of 5 and 16. Most were poor children of Irish, Jewish, and Italian immigrants; some were the descendants of former Black slaves. During the 19th century, these young workers developed their own youth culture as loud, brash, often bedraggled, sometimes rakish news criers. Child labor reformers protested on behalf of young news peddlers, especially during the Progressive Era (1890–1917). The reformers’ demands, usually offered from a middle-class perspective, did not always please the newsies themselves. In any case, through most of the years under study, reform efforts met with little long-term success. Newspaper owners worked tirelessly throughout the 19th century to deny their news sellers any rights as workers by framing them as little entrepreneurs, incipient capitalists, or independent contractors. Today this labor would be called “gig work.” Book Reviews
文森特·迪吉罗拉莫(Vincent DiGirolamo)的《哭泣的新闻》(Crying the News)是一部不朽的成就——这是一本文笔优美、插图丰富、研究详尽的书,应该在未来几年成为该主题的权威历史。本卷涵盖了“报童”的经历:在美国历史的大部分时间里,成千上万的报童和少数报童。直到1920年左右,美国才有商业电子媒体,当时广播开始接触到无数听众。在那之前,大多数美国人从印刷报纸上获得有关战争、和平、政治、经济、体育和其他娱乐的信息。DiGirolamo表明,随着时间的推移,美国的新闻业成为美国现代报业的基础。尽管迪吉罗拉莫没有忽视早期民族时期,但他主要关注19世纪30年代至40年代之间的几年,当时报业的街头销售和送货上门正处于鼎盛时期。因此,他的书分为三个主要的时间段:《便士的孩子》,1833-1865;《违约之子》,1866-1899年;《国家儿童》,1900-1940年。DiGirolamo一贯使用关于个人的故事来阐述重要话题,从种族歧视、性别歧视、犯罪和暴力到报童的生活和工作条件。因此,《哭闹新闻》既是一部社会、文化和劳动史,也是一部儿童史,因为大多数报童和报童都在5岁至16岁之间。大多数是爱尔兰、犹太和意大利移民的穷孩子;有些是前黑奴的后裔。在19世纪,这些年轻的工人发展了他们自己的青年文化,成为大声、粗鲁、经常邋遢、有时甚至是放荡的新闻播音员。童工改革者代表年轻的新闻小贩进行抗议,尤其是在进步时代(1890–1917)。改革者的要求通常是从中产阶级的角度提出的,但并不总是能取悦新闻界。无论如何,在研究的大部分时间里,改革努力几乎没有取得长期成功。在整个19世纪,报社老板不知疲倦地工作,通过将新闻销售商定义为小企业家、初期资本家或独立承包商,剥夺他们作为工人的任何权利。今天,这种劳动被称为“零工”。书评
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Cold Millions by Walter Jess 书评:沃尔特·杰斯的《冰冷的百万》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x221136306
Bill Barry
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Bridging the Divide: Working-Class Culture in a Middle-Class Society by Metzgar Jack 梅茨加·杰克书评:《弥合鸿沟:中产阶级社会中的工人阶级文化》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/0160449x221133479
John Lepley
employer cause by touting the myth of the “self-made man” who had started life as a humble newsboy. DiGirolamo acknowledges that some successful people had once been newsboys, but he argues that this was hardly the norm. Although not well-remembered today, young newspaper sellers frequently organized themselves into collective bargaining agencies such as the Knights of Labor, the American Federation of Labor, the radical Industrial Workers of the World, and, in the mid-1930s, the Committee for Industrial Organization. In the early 1920s, there was even a short-lived Boston News Stand Girls’ Union. Newsie unions frequently struck, usually over what amounted to wage cuts or the termination of the right to return unsold papers. Occasionally these work stoppages turned violent. Sometimes newspaper owners or their agents employed heavy-handed adult enforcers to attack newsboy strikers and destroy their unions. Alternatively, around 1910, industry executives attempted to undermine newsie unionism by sponsoring “newsboy clubs” and “newsboy republics” that offered excursions, summer camps, lessons in “Americanization,” and other diversions. Additional praiseworthy aspects of Crying the News are DiGirolamo’s use of illustrations and the impressive extent of his research. The book contains 178 images, 33 reproduced as color plates. DiGirolamo explicates each picture while skillfully integrating references to them into his text. His research is exhaustive. Some 106 of the 698 pages in the book are devoted to endnotes. DiGirolamo has examined hundreds of diaries, memoirs, novels, newspaper accounts, poems, paintings, posters, lithographs, photographs, films, and archival resources, as well as dissertations, books, and scholarly articles relevant to his work. Crying the News also has two helpful indexes, one for names and one for subjects. This book should be consulted by all researchers, teachers, and students interested in labor studies, child labor, social and cultural history, and labor history and activism. Lay readers of American history will also enjoy this well-written and accessible narrative.
雇主通过吹捧“白手起家的人”的神话而引起的事业,他最初是一个谦逊的报童。DiGirolamo承认,一些成功人士曾经是报童,但他认为这很难成为常态。尽管在今天还不为人所知,但年轻的报纸销售商经常组织自己加入集体谈判机构,如劳工骑士团、美国劳工联合会、激进的世界工业工人,以及20世纪30年代中期的工业组织委员会。在20世纪20年代初,甚至有一个短命的波士顿报摊女孩联盟。新闻工会经常罢工,通常是因为减薪或终止归还未售出报纸的权利。偶尔这些停工会演变成暴力事件。有时,报社老板或其代理人雇佣了严厉的成年执法人员来攻击报童罢工者并摧毁他们的工会。或者,1910年左右,行业高管试图通过赞助“报童俱乐部”和“报童共和国”来破坏报童工会主义,这些俱乐部提供短途旅行、夏令营、“美国化”课程和其他娱乐活动。DiGirolamo对插图的使用和他令人印象深刻的研究程度是《哭泣的新闻》值得称赞的其他方面。这本书包含178幅图像,其中33幅以彩色图版形式复制。DiGirolamo对每一幅图片都进行了阐述,同时巧妙地将对它们的引用融入了他的文本中。他的研究详尽无遗。该书698页中约有106页专门用于尾注。DiGirolamo研究了数百本日记、回忆录、小说、报纸报道、诗歌、绘画、海报、石版画、照片、电影和档案资源,以及与他的作品相关的学位论文、书籍和学术文章。《哭泣的新闻》还有两个有用的索引,一个是名字索引,另一个是主题索引。所有对劳工研究、童工、社会和文化史、劳工史和激进主义感兴趣的研究人员、教师和学生都应该查阅这本书。美国历史的普通读者也会喜欢这种文笔优美、通俗易懂的叙述。
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of Teachers’ Unions on Teacher Stress: Evidence from District-Teacher Matched Data 教师工会对教师压力的影响——来自地区教师匹配数据的证据
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221134549
E. Han, Emma García
This study examines the effect of teachers’ unions on the stress that teachers experience in their schools. Relying on a nationally representative district-teacher matched dataset in pre-pandemic periods, we employ principal factor analysis to assess to teacher stress and use both contractual status and union membership to measure union strength. Based on multilevel linear model, we find that teachers’ unions are negatively associated with teacher stress. We then exploit natural experiments that occurred in several U.S. states to identify the effect of legal and institutional changes weakening the strength of teachers’ unions on teacher stress. Using the difference-in-difference estimation, we find that the new legislation in these states significantly increases teacher stress, and that the magnitudes of this negative impacts are greater for male, experienced, more qualified, and STEM-subject teachers.
这项研究考察了教师工会对教师在学校经历的压力的影响。基于疫情前具有全国代表性的地区教师匹配数据集,我们采用主因子分析来评估教师压力,并使用合同状态和工会成员身份来衡量工会实力。基于多水平线性模型,我们发现教师工会与教师压力呈负相关。然后,我们利用美国几个州的自然实验来确定法律和制度变化削弱教师工会力量对教师压力的影响。利用差异估计的差异,我们发现这些州的新立法显著增加了教师的压力,而且这种负面影响对男性、有经验、更有资格和STEM学科教师的影响更大。
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引用次数: 0
The Decline of U.S. Labor Unions: Import Competition and NLRB Elections 美国工会的衰落:进口竞争与国家劳资关系委员会选举
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221126534
Zachary Schaller
Why has private sector union participation fallen away so much in the United States since the late 1950s? Featuring an improved dataset on National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) representation elections, I present evidence that import penetration accounts for approximately 40 percent of the decline in union formation for U.S. manufacturing. This estimate translates to 4.6 percent of the decline in private sector union density. The effect is driven by trade with low-income countries and, to some extent, other high-income countries. China is not a factor early on, but their strong import growth since 2000 can account for about 12 percentage points of the total decline.
为什么自20世纪50年代末以来,美国私营部门的工会参与度下降得如此之多?通过改进国家劳工关系委员会(NLRB)代表选举的数据集,我提出证据表明,进口渗透约占美国制造业工会形成下降的40%。这一估计相当于私营部门工会密度下降的4.6%。这种影响是由与低收入国家的贸易推动的,在某种程度上,也与其他高收入国家的贸易有关。中国在早期并不是一个因素,但自2000年以来,中国强劲的进口增长可以占到总降幅的约12个百分点。
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引用次数: 1
“A Question of Freedom”: Black Workers, Union Membership, and Political Participation “自由问题”:黑人工人、工会成员和政治参与
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221126169
Tiamba Wilkerson
Despite the historic connection between labor and citizenship rights for Black people, the specific role of labor organizations in mobilizing Black workers remains understudied. This research examines the effect of union membership on Black political and civic engagement. Analyzing survey data from 1973 to 1994, results show Black union members were significantly more likely than Black nonunion workers to participate in a range of political activities, and to greater degrees, especially members with less education. Understanding unions as important sites of political activism for Black workers is critical for the growth and maintenance of both the labor movement and the Black freedom struggle.
尽管劳工和黑人公民权利之间存在历史联系,但劳工组织在动员黑人工人方面的具体作用仍然研究不足。这项研究考察了工会成员对黑人政治和公民参与的影响。分析1973年至1994年的调查数据,结果显示,黑人工会成员比黑人非工会工人更有可能参与一系列政治活动,而且参与程度更高,尤其是受教育程度较低的成员。理解工会是黑人工人政治激进主义的重要场所,对于劳工运动和黑人自由斗争的发展和维持至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Toward a Theory of Super-Exploitation: The Subproletariat, Harold “Hal” Baron, and the Crisis of the Political Economy of Black Labor 走向超级剥削理论:次无产阶级、哈罗德·“哈尔”·巴伦与黑人劳工的政治经济危机
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221123534
Augustus C. Wood
This article argues that the African American working class can be conceptualized as a subproletariat: a subsection of the working class generally restricted to unstable, unskilled, low-wage, non-union, and “dirty” labor. The restructuring of capital during various periods in the U.S. history always strategically positioned the vast majority of Black people in subproletarian labor. Under the current crisis in the political economy of Black labor, uneven development and economic dislocation have deepened the lack of stable, skilled, living wage jobs in poor Black regions of the USA. This article expands on the earlier work of Joe Trotter and Harold “Hal” Baron to build a framework to understand this phenomenon. This paper proposes that Black labor and the Black working class provide the most succinct starting points to understanding the complexities of contemporary forms of anti-Black racial oppression.
这篇文章认为,非裔美国工人阶级可以被概念化为一个子变量:工人阶级的一个子部分通常局限于不稳定、非技术、低工资、非工会和“肮脏”的劳动力。在美国历史的各个时期,资本的重组总是将绝大多数黑人战略性地定位在次部落劳动中。在当前黑人劳动力政治经济危机下,不均衡的发展和经济错位加深了美国黑人贫困地区缺乏稳定、有技能、有生活工资的工作。本文扩展了Joe Trotter和Harold“Hal”Baron早期的工作,以建立一个理解这一现象的框架。本文提出,黑人劳工和黑人工人阶级为理解当代反黑人种族压迫形式的复杂性提供了最简洁的起点。
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引用次数: 0
What Is Left to Be Done? The Marxist-Humanism of Charles Denby (1907–1983) – Black Worker-Editor 还有什么要做?查尔斯·丹比的马克思主义人道主义(1907–1983)——黑人工人编辑
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-25 DOI: 10.1177/0160449X221123518
Lou Turner
Achilles heel is enclosed not in the “ general ” class struggle, but in the speci fi cs of the “ additive ” of color in these class struggles. Precisely because of this, the theory of liberation must be as comprehensive as when Marx fi rst unfurled the banner of Humanism. (Dunayevskaya 1963, 26). progressive, historical role of capitalism may be summed up in two brief postulates: increases in the productive forces of social labor and the socialization of labor. 596)
阿喀琉斯之踵并不包含在“一般”阶级斗争中,而是包含在这些阶级斗争中颜色的“添加剂”中。正因为如此,解放理论必须像马克思第一次打出人道主义旗帜时那样全面。(Dunayevskaya 1963,26)。资本主义的进步历史作用可以概括为两个简单的假设:社会劳动生产力的增加和劳动的社会化。596)
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引用次数: 0
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