Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1177/00438200231187411
N. Schimmel
As South Africa approaches 30 years of democracy, it is important to pause to reflect and analyze the trajectory of human rights since the fall of the apartheid regime and the advent of multiracial democracy. Although there was a large global movement against apartheid, this movement's vigilance for human rights in South Africa quickly declined and dissolved with the advent of South African democracy. There is little critical engagement with South Africa's contemporary human rights record and policies by global human rights activists, nongovernmental organizations, and civil society and still less active campaigning in defense of the human rights of South Africans, especially South Africa's most vulnerable and disadvantaged black majority. The energy that was summoned to protest apartheid and to boycott it never returned since the advent of democracy. This commentary explores the current state of human rights in South Africa, their prospects, and challenges to their respect, protection, and fulfillment.
{"title":"COMMENTARY – THE STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA APPROACHING 30 YEARS OF POST-APARTHEID DEMOCRACY: SUCCESSES, FAILURES, AND PROSPECTS","authors":"N. Schimmel","doi":"10.1177/00438200231187411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231187411","url":null,"abstract":"As South Africa approaches 30 years of democracy, it is important to pause to reflect and analyze the trajectory of human rights since the fall of the apartheid regime and the advent of multiracial democracy. Although there was a large global movement against apartheid, this movement's vigilance for human rights in South Africa quickly declined and dissolved with the advent of South African democracy. There is little critical engagement with South Africa's contemporary human rights record and policies by global human rights activists, nongovernmental organizations, and civil society and still less active campaigning in defense of the human rights of South Africans, especially South Africa's most vulnerable and disadvantaged black majority. The energy that was summoned to protest apartheid and to boycott it never returned since the advent of democracy. This commentary explores the current state of human rights in South Africa, their prospects, and challenges to their respect, protection, and fulfillment.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47827754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-11DOI: 10.1177/00438200231191254
Dr. Emma R. Norman
{"title":"NOTE FROM THE EDITOR","authors":"Dr. Emma R. Norman","doi":"10.1177/00438200231191254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231191254","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135442509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.1177/00438200231178323
T. Tavor, Sharon Teitler-Regev
The COVID-19 virus created a health crisis that led to one of the biggest economic crises in the world. This study analyzes the effects of different variables on the stock indexes of 15 different countries grouped into five areas/regions: Europe, the United States, South America, New Zealand, and Asia. The variables include data regarding COVID-19 on infections and death as well as news regarding government actions. The descriptive statistics and the regression analysis expose differences between the areas across all the variables. The variables with the strongest effects are the number of infected people and the number of recoveries, except for South America where only the number of infected people had the strongest effect. In addition, in the United States and New Zealand, infection of famous people and/or people in key positions is the most significant variable, while in Asia and South America it was the behavior of the public and in Europe it was the restrictions on the education system.
{"title":"HOW COVID-19 AND GOVERNMENT ACTIONS AFFECTED STOCK INDEXES","authors":"T. Tavor, Sharon Teitler-Regev","doi":"10.1177/00438200231178323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231178323","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 virus created a health crisis that led to one of the biggest economic crises in the world. This study analyzes the effects of different variables on the stock indexes of 15 different countries grouped into five areas/regions: Europe, the United States, South America, New Zealand, and Asia. The variables include data regarding COVID-19 on infections and death as well as news regarding government actions. The descriptive statistics and the regression analysis expose differences between the areas across all the variables. The variables with the strongest effects are the number of infected people and the number of recoveries, except for South America where only the number of infected people had the strongest effect. In addition, in the United States and New Zealand, infection of famous people and/or people in key positions is the most significant variable, while in Asia and South America it was the behavior of the public and in Europe it was the restrictions on the education system.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"603 - 626"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45748728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-26DOI: 10.1177/00438200231178852
A. Kupatadze
According to conventional wisdom, organized criminal activity is perpetrated primarily by non-state, private actors who are occasionally [or not] protected by corrupt government officials. From this perspective, a hard distinction is made between those who provide protection to criminals (e.g., politicians or law enforcement officials) and the criminals themselves (e.g., smugglers or producers of counterfeit goods). It further treats the involvement of state-affiliated actors as a by-product of corruption in public office, rather than, in some places, a feature of it. This article builds on emerging evidence that state representatives play a far more direct role in supervising, organizing and sometimes managing crime than assumed in the majority of the literature. It shows that there are inherent theoretical, policy-level biases that misguide the analytical thinking about organized crime in the Global South, and argues that there is a need to reconsider existing approaches to develop more accommodative definitions of organized crime.
{"title":"BEYOND CONVENTIONAL BOUNDARIES","authors":"A. Kupatadze","doi":"10.1177/00438200231178852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231178852","url":null,"abstract":"According to conventional wisdom, organized criminal activity is perpetrated primarily by non-state, private actors who are occasionally [or not] protected by corrupt government officials. From this perspective, a hard distinction is made between those who provide protection to criminals (e.g., politicians or law enforcement officials) and the criminals themselves (e.g., smugglers or producers of counterfeit goods). It further treats the involvement of state-affiliated actors as a by-product of corruption in public office, rather than, in some places, a feature of it. This article builds on emerging evidence that state representatives play a far more direct role in supervising, organizing and sometimes managing crime than assumed in the majority of the literature. It shows that there are inherent theoretical, policy-level biases that misguide the analytical thinking about organized crime in the Global South, and argues that there is a need to reconsider existing approaches to develop more accommodative definitions of organized crime.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"747 - 775"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43799203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-21DOI: 10.1177/00438200231177461
Youjin Oh, Changmin Lee, Inhye Heo
South Korea's mortgage loan policy, which represents a regulatory policy for stabilizing the housing market, has changed significantly in accordance with changes in presidency and partisanship. Which partisan government's housing policy has been most effective in stabilizing the market? To answer this question, we discuss the different partisanships of Korea's conservative and progressive parties, their policy preferences, and the previous governments’ key housing policies. Thereafter, we concretize the research methodology and examine the housing volatility witnessed since 1987, using the Markov-switching regression. The results reveal that the market was highly unstable when the progressive government actively promoted regulation in favor of “governmentalist” partisanship. Moreover, the policy was mostly effective in lowering apartment prices in Seoul, which was the regulation's primary target all along. Based on these findings, we conclude with some policy implications of the study. Given that governmentalist partisanship heightens volatility in the housing market, housing market policies should be designed to hedge the negative externalities of partisanship.
{"title":"PARTISANSHIP, REGULATION, AND VOLATILITY IN SOUTH KOREA'S HOUSING MARKET","authors":"Youjin Oh, Changmin Lee, Inhye Heo","doi":"10.1177/00438200231177461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231177461","url":null,"abstract":"South Korea's mortgage loan policy, which represents a regulatory policy for stabilizing the housing market, has changed significantly in accordance with changes in presidency and partisanship. Which partisan government's housing policy has been most effective in stabilizing the market? To answer this question, we discuss the different partisanships of Korea's conservative and progressive parties, their policy preferences, and the previous governments’ key housing policies. Thereafter, we concretize the research methodology and examine the housing volatility witnessed since 1987, using the Markov-switching regression. The results reveal that the market was highly unstable when the progressive government actively promoted regulation in favor of “governmentalist” partisanship. Moreover, the policy was mostly effective in lowering apartment prices in Seoul, which was the regulation's primary target all along. Based on these findings, we conclude with some policy implications of the study. Given that governmentalist partisanship heightens volatility in the housing market, housing market policies should be designed to hedge the negative externalities of partisanship.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"776 - 805"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47599354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231181119
Thomas Kruiper
Margaret Doxey (1975) wrote much of her influential work on sanctions in an era characterized by young international institutions, against the backdrop of the geopolitical tensions of the Cold War. The 16 women who contribute to the book Multilateral Sanctions Revisited (Charron and Portela 2022) honor Doxey’s scholarship in a time of re-emerging global tensions. Indeed, since the 2014 annexation of Crimea, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has imposed only two new sanctions regimes, on South Sudan (in 2015) and Mali (in 2017). That is a steep decline from the peak of United Nations (UN) sanctions activity in the 1990s and 2000s. This engaging book makes an important contribution to the literature by recognizing two diverging but interrelated trends. Contemporary sanctions are smarter than ever, but they fail to make up for the eroding moral legitimacy of measures imposed outside of the framework of the UN. First, the sophistication of targeted sanctions increasingly constrains targets, pushing them further into the margins of the international system. Thanks to the contributions of panels of experts, financial institutions, counterterrorism intelligence, certification schemes, and the ombudsperson, the senders of sanctions stay on top of a complex cat-and-mouse game with the individuals, entities, and regimes that try to evade them. Zuzana Hudáková notes that scholars recognize more than 100 types of targeted sanctions, labeled in terms of their targets, activities, commodities, economic sectors, or geographical regions (Biersteker et al. 2018).
{"title":"BOOK REVIEW: Multilateral Sanctions Revisited: Lessons Learned from Margaret Doxey","authors":"Thomas Kruiper","doi":"10.1177/00438200231181119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231181119","url":null,"abstract":"Margaret Doxey (1975) wrote much of her influential work on sanctions in an era characterized by young international institutions, against the backdrop of the geopolitical tensions of the Cold War. The 16 women who contribute to the book Multilateral Sanctions Revisited (Charron and Portela 2022) honor Doxey’s scholarship in a time of re-emerging global tensions. Indeed, since the 2014 annexation of Crimea, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has imposed only two new sanctions regimes, on South Sudan (in 2015) and Mali (in 2017). That is a steep decline from the peak of United Nations (UN) sanctions activity in the 1990s and 2000s. This engaging book makes an important contribution to the literature by recognizing two diverging but interrelated trends. Contemporary sanctions are smarter than ever, but they fail to make up for the eroding moral legitimacy of measures imposed outside of the framework of the UN. First, the sophistication of targeted sanctions increasingly constrains targets, pushing them further into the margins of the international system. Thanks to the contributions of panels of experts, financial institutions, counterterrorism intelligence, certification schemes, and the ombudsperson, the senders of sanctions stay on top of a complex cat-and-mouse game with the individuals, entities, and regimes that try to evade them. Zuzana Hudáková notes that scholars recognize more than 100 types of targeted sanctions, labeled in terms of their targets, activities, commodities, economic sectors, or geographical regions (Biersteker et al. 2018).","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"830 - 833"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47402197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231180260
N. Schimmel
An outstanding work of rigorous, original interdisciplinary scholarship, Can We Unlearn Racism will be of interest to, and merits the attention of, a wide cross-section of scholars—from sociologists, political scientists, and historians, to anthropologists and scholars of communication and African Studies. Its analysis of communication and discourse is particularly compelling and extremely astute and revealing of deep, complex, and nuanced social attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, and emotions. Although clearly oriented as a work of sociology, social psychologists will find much of interest here, and Boersema’s (2022) analysis of emotions—individual and collective—and how they inform Afrikaaner identity and white supremacy are another unique and particularly well-executed feature of the book. Its broad reach and the relevance of its scholarship to so many different fields is one of the book’s most notable strengths and exceptional qualities that makes it stand out in the field of African Studies. Boersema is a keen observer of South Africa and South Africans with extensive knowledge based on long-term field work that took place over many years and multiple trips. His knowledge is grounded in substantive and serious engagement that informs formidable scholarship. Written with insight, clarity, and verve, this is a work of genuinely innovative scholarship that contributes substantially and consequently to understanding South Africa’s history and contemporary social reality and is one of the most important works of scholarship on South Africa in recent years. It illustrates with lucid analysis the tenacity of racism, its malleability and adaptability, and the ways in which culture and discourse recreate racism in new forms, defend and justify it, and do so often through the strategic and manipulative use of anti-racist discourse and
{"title":"BOOK REVIEW: Can We Unlearn Racism? What South Africa Teaches Us About Whiteness","authors":"N. Schimmel","doi":"10.1177/00438200231180260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231180260","url":null,"abstract":"An outstanding work of rigorous, original interdisciplinary scholarship, Can We Unlearn Racism will be of interest to, and merits the attention of, a wide cross-section of scholars—from sociologists, political scientists, and historians, to anthropologists and scholars of communication and African Studies. Its analysis of communication and discourse is particularly compelling and extremely astute and revealing of deep, complex, and nuanced social attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, and emotions. Although clearly oriented as a work of sociology, social psychologists will find much of interest here, and Boersema’s (2022) analysis of emotions—individual and collective—and how they inform Afrikaaner identity and white supremacy are another unique and particularly well-executed feature of the book. Its broad reach and the relevance of its scholarship to so many different fields is one of the book’s most notable strengths and exceptional qualities that makes it stand out in the field of African Studies. Boersema is a keen observer of South Africa and South Africans with extensive knowledge based on long-term field work that took place over many years and multiple trips. His knowledge is grounded in substantive and serious engagement that informs formidable scholarship. Written with insight, clarity, and verve, this is a work of genuinely innovative scholarship that contributes substantially and consequently to understanding South Africa’s history and contemporary social reality and is one of the most important works of scholarship on South Africa in recent years. It illustrates with lucid analysis the tenacity of racism, its malleability and adaptability, and the ways in which culture and discourse recreate racism in new forms, defend and justify it, and do so often through the strategic and manipulative use of anti-racist discourse and","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"825 - 829"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49249471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231181141
N. H. Quyet
The past decade has seen a notable increase in tensions in the South China Sea. Superficially the new situation has been triggered by Chinese territorial claims centering around the “Nine Dash Line.” While there is a large body of literature digging out China's strategic interests behind its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters, it falls short of an overall investigation of Beijing's maritime grand strategy—in which the South China Sea occupies a critical position. The aim of this article is therefore to examine the geostrategic, geopolitical, and geoeconomic significance of the South China Sea which comes to the fore in China's grand strategy. It argues that these sea waters are critical in Beijing's plans to establish and protect its status as a global maritime power in light of the sea energy reservoir, fisheries, and other vital maritime economic interests to reinforce its economic powerhouse. Beijing's power projection and its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters have also served in the pursuit of controlling vital sea lanes of communication in the Indian Ocean. Significantly, the South China Sea preoccupies Beijing's leadership's strategic pursuit of being a global sea power as a balancing act vis-a-vis the United States in the Indo-Pacific region and intensifying the blockade of Taiwan.
{"title":"CHINESE STRATEGY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA","authors":"N. H. Quyet","doi":"10.1177/00438200231181141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231181141","url":null,"abstract":"The past decade has seen a notable increase in tensions in the South China Sea. Superficially the new situation has been triggered by Chinese territorial claims centering around the “Nine Dash Line.” While there is a large body of literature digging out China's strategic interests behind its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters, it falls short of an overall investigation of Beijing's maritime grand strategy—in which the South China Sea occupies a critical position. The aim of this article is therefore to examine the geostrategic, geopolitical, and geoeconomic significance of the South China Sea which comes to the fore in China's grand strategy. It argues that these sea waters are critical in Beijing's plans to establish and protect its status as a global maritime power in light of the sea energy reservoir, fisheries, and other vital maritime economic interests to reinforce its economic powerhouse. Beijing's power projection and its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters have also served in the pursuit of controlling vital sea lanes of communication in the Indian Ocean. Significantly, the South China Sea preoccupies Beijing's leadership's strategic pursuit of being a global sea power as a balancing act vis-a-vis the United States in the Indo-Pacific region and intensifying the blockade of Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"687 - 716"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46078110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-04DOI: 10.1177/00438200231177462
Hyun-Joung Kim
The Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) policy, a representative biodefense policy, was legislated in the United States in 2001 based on lessons learned from Amerithrax, whereas Korea's EUA policy was based on lessons learned from the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome outbreak in 2015. Due to these divergent origins, the U.S. EUA's homeland security objectives were specialized to deal with highly pathogenic biological agents that could be exploited for bioterrorism, whereas the Korean EUA pursues disease containment purposes to strengthen mass-testing practices. During the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. EUA revealed limitations in its integration with public health surveillance, laboratory partnerships, and insurance systems, which hampered the rapid expansion of testing capacities. Thereafter, once the limitations of the EUA were circumvented, the testing capacity of the United States began to catch up with that of South Korea, and later skyrocketed after solving these issues.
{"title":"THE RED FLAG OF EMERGENCY USE AUTHORIZATION (EUA)","authors":"Hyun-Joung Kim","doi":"10.1177/00438200231177462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231177462","url":null,"abstract":"The Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) policy, a representative biodefense policy, was legislated in the United States in 2001 based on lessons learned from Amerithrax, whereas Korea's EUA policy was based on lessons learned from the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome outbreak in 2015. Due to these divergent origins, the U.S. EUA's homeland security objectives were specialized to deal with highly pathogenic biological agents that could be exploited for bioterrorism, whereas the Korean EUA pursues disease containment purposes to strengthen mass-testing practices. During the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. EUA revealed limitations in its integration with public health surveillance, laboratory partnerships, and insurance systems, which hampered the rapid expansion of testing capacities. Thereafter, once the limitations of the EUA were circumvented, the testing capacity of the United States began to catch up with that of South Korea, and later skyrocketed after solving these issues.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"627 - 655"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49533324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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