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The importance of the space force: Where strategic doctrine meets grand strategy 太空部队的重要性:战略理论与大战略的结合
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-25 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12002
L. Colucci, Colonel J. D. Fulmer
This article demonstrates the importance, roles, and responsibilities of the United States Space Force. It focuses on the need for its creation and its role as the fundamental lynchpin to American national security and prosperity now and in the future. The road ahead can only be successful while working with America's allies and ensuring that there are norms and rules of civilized behavior in, from, and to space. The authors propose 11 enduring principles for the Space Force that interconnect and enhance American grand strategy while dealing with potential adversaries and the need to bond this mission to the American public.
本文阐述了美国太空部队的重要性、作用和责任。文章重点论述了建立太空部队的必要性,以及太空部队作为美国国家安全和繁荣的根本支柱在当前和未来所发挥的作用。只有与美国的盟友合作,并确保在太空、从太空进入太空和进入太空时都有文明行为的规范和规则,前方的道路才能成功。作者为太空部队提出了 11 项持久原则,这些原则在应对潜在对手的同时,相互联系并加强了美国的大战略,同时还提出了将这一使命与美国公众联系起来的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
The emptiness at the heart of international law 国际法核心的空虚
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-25 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12001
Peter Hulsroj
“What is not prohibited is allowed” is the principle at the heart of international law. Yet the principle is empty. It originates in the Lotus judgment of the Permanent Court of International Justice of 1927 where Turkey was allowed to prosecute a French citizen at the expense of the authority of France to have exclusive jurisdiction. This article recounts the history of “what is not prohibited is allowed” and explains where it has led us astray and where it is in the process of doing so. It recalls that the intention of the creators of the Permanent Court of International Justice was very different, namely that equitable balancing would take place when no specific international law norm could be identified. The article suggests how, through an Advisory Opinion by the International Court of Justice, equitable balancing can be re‐established as the fallback principle when international law is otherwise silent.
"法无禁止即可为 "是国际法的核心原则。然而,这一原则是空洞的。它起源于 1927 年常设国际法院的莲花判决,在该判决中,土耳其被允许起诉一名法国公民,而法国却牺牲了拥有专属管辖权的权威。本文回顾了 "法无明文者不为罪 "的历史,并解释了它在哪些方面使我们误入歧途,以及在哪些方面正在误入歧途。文章回顾,常设国际法院创建者的初衷与此大相径庭,即在无法确定具体国际法准则的情况下进行公平平衡。文章提出了如何通过国际法院的咨询意见,在国际法没有其他规定的情况下,重新将公平兼顾确立为备用原则。
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引用次数: 0
Gentlemen, you can't fight in here. Or can you?: How cyberspace operations impact international security 先生们,你们不能在这里打架。网络空间行动如何影响国际安全?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12004
Sam Maesschalck
The military now views cyberspace as a new warfare domain, with constant cyber operations potentially causing significant consequences. Internationally, countries are heavily involved in cyberspace, but international law lags behind this evolution, raising questions about its application and retaliation measures. This article investigates international law in cyberspace and cyber operations in warfare and terrorism, exploring recent calls for increased legislation. The impact of cyberspace nonregulation on international security is examined from both positive and negative perspectives. It argues that solving anonymity and attribution issues requires state collaboration, with an initial step of cooperation against cyber‐terrorism. The conclusion emphasizes the necessity of cyberspace regulation and legislation for international and national security, offering a starting point for discussion.
军方现在将网络空间视为一个新的战争领域,持续的网络行动可能会造成重大后果。在国际上,各国都在大力参与网络空间,但国际法却滞后于这一演变,引发了有关国际法适用和报复措施的问题。本文研究了网络空间国际法以及战争和恐怖主义中的网络行动,探讨了最近关于加强立法的呼吁。文章从积极和消极两个角度探讨了网络空间无管制对国际安全的影响。报告认为,解决匿名和归属问题需要国家合作,第一步是合作打击网络恐怖主义。结论强调了网络空间监管和立法对国际和国家安全的必要性,为讨论提供了一个起点。
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引用次数: 0
Gentlemen, you can't fight in here. Or can you?: How cyberspace operations impact international security 先生们,你们不能在这里打架。网络空间行动如何影响国际安全?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12004
Sam Maesschalck
The military now views cyberspace as a new warfare domain, with constant cyber operations potentially causing significant consequences. Internationally, countries are heavily involved in cyberspace, but international law lags behind this evolution, raising questions about its application and retaliation measures. This article investigates international law in cyberspace and cyber operations in warfare and terrorism, exploring recent calls for increased legislation. The impact of cyberspace nonregulation on international security is examined from both positive and negative perspectives. It argues that solving anonymity and attribution issues requires state collaboration, with an initial step of cooperation against cyber‐terrorism. The conclusion emphasizes the necessity of cyberspace regulation and legislation for international and national security, offering a starting point for discussion.
军方现在将网络空间视为一个新的战争领域,持续的网络行动可能会造成重大后果。在国际上,各国都在大力参与网络空间,但国际法却滞后于这一演变,引发了有关国际法适用和报复措施的问题。本文研究了网络空间国际法以及战争和恐怖主义中的网络行动,探讨了最近关于加强立法的呼吁。文章从积极和消极两个角度探讨了网络空间无管制对国际安全的影响。报告认为,解决匿名和归属问题需要国家合作,第一步是合作打击网络恐怖主义。结论强调了网络空间监管和立法对国际和国家安全的必要性,为讨论提供了一个起点。
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引用次数: 0
Whipsawed by Woori and Washington: South Korea's growing challenges in handling Middle Eastern affairs 被友利和华盛顿鞭打:韩国在处理中东事务中面临日益严峻的挑战
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12007
Shirzad Azad
The history of the past two decades has proved that top Korean leaders can make a real difference in terms of their previous experiences and personal engagement in securing the Republic of Korea's (ROK) vested interests in the Middle East. For decades, South Korea had handed over its day‐to‐day interactions with Middle Eastern countries to the Korean bureaucracy led by the relevant departments and subaltern officials at the foreign ministry and other state institutions. This approach, however, seems rather dysfunctional today, requiring key Korean officials, especially the president, to get involved personally in the ROK's increasingly multifaceted relationships with Middle Eastern nations. This article reappraises the new Korean orientation by highlighting some of the major developments involving both sides during the past several years. The main argument is that the ROK is facing increasingly serious difficulties in sorting out its policy behaviors toward Middle Eastern countries as Korea is striving to strike a delicate balance between its own expanding commercial interests in the region and what the United States expects from South Korea with regard to the topsy‐turvy world of politics in the Middle East.
过去二十年的历史证明,韩国最高领导人在确保大韩民国(ROK)在中东的既得利益方面的以往经验和个人参与可以带来真正的改变。几十年来,韩国一直将与中东国家的日常互动交给由外交部和其他国家机构的相关部门和下级官员领导的韩国官僚机构。然而,这种方式在今天看来已相当失灵,它要求韩国的主要官员,尤其是总统,亲自参与到韩国与中东国家日益多元化的关系中来。本文通过强调过去几年中涉及双方的一些重大发展,重新评估了韩国的新定位。主要论点是,韩国在理清其对中东国家的政策行为方面正面临着越来越严重的困难,因为韩国正努力在其自身在该地区不断扩大的商业利益与美国对韩国在中东政治乱局中的期望之间取得微妙的平衡。
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引用次数: 0
Whipsawed by Woori and Washington: South Korea's growing challenges in handling Middle Eastern affairs 被友利和华盛顿鞭打:韩国在处理中东事务中面临日益严峻的挑战
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12007
Shirzad Azad
The history of the past two decades has proved that top Korean leaders can make a real difference in terms of their previous experiences and personal engagement in securing the Republic of Korea's (ROK) vested interests in the Middle East. For decades, South Korea had handed over its day‐to‐day interactions with Middle Eastern countries to the Korean bureaucracy led by the relevant departments and subaltern officials at the foreign ministry and other state institutions. This approach, however, seems rather dysfunctional today, requiring key Korean officials, especially the president, to get involved personally in the ROK's increasingly multifaceted relationships with Middle Eastern nations. This article reappraises the new Korean orientation by highlighting some of the major developments involving both sides during the past several years. The main argument is that the ROK is facing increasingly serious difficulties in sorting out its policy behaviors toward Middle Eastern countries as Korea is striving to strike a delicate balance between its own expanding commercial interests in the region and what the United States expects from South Korea with regard to the topsy‐turvy world of politics in the Middle East.
过去二十年的历史证明,韩国最高领导人在确保大韩民国(ROK)在中东的既得利益方面的以往经验和个人参与可以带来真正的改变。几十年来,韩国一直将与中东国家的日常互动交给由外交部和其他国家机构的相关部门和下级官员领导的韩国官僚机构。然而,这种方式在今天看来已相当失灵,它要求韩国的主要官员,尤其是总统,亲自参与到韩国与中东国家日益多元化的关系中来。本文通过强调过去几年中涉及双方的一些重大发展,重新评估了韩国的新定位。主要论点是,韩国在理清其对中东国家的政策行为方面正面临着越来越严重的困难,因为韩国正努力在其自身在该地区不断扩大的商业利益与美国对韩国在中东政治乱局中的期望之间取得微妙的平衡。
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引用次数: 0
Dalits and their territorial rights in India 印度的达利特人及其领土权利
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12010
Md Nurul Momen, Md Abu Shahen
A caste is one of the conventional four social strata into which Hindu society seperates its members. The scriptures from ancient India make reference to it. The four classes are the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (rulers, administrators, and warriors; also known as Rajanyas), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, businessmen, and farmers), and the Shudras are the lowest of the caste system (laboring classes). However, an individual of the lowest class in traditional Indian society falls outside of the Hindu caste system and is subject to severe social restrictions. This commentary is divided into three parts; the first part highlights the caste system, the second part examines the constitutional and legislative safeguards for them, and the third part illustrates the current social disparity of Dalits in India.
种姓是印度社会传统的四个社会阶层之一,印度社会将其成员划分为不同的种姓。古印度的经文中就提到了种姓。四个等级分别是婆罗门(祭司)、刹帝利(统治者、管理者和战士;也称为拉贾尼亚)、吠舍(工匠、商人、商人和农民),首陀罗是种姓制度中最低级的(劳动阶层)。然而,在印度传统社会中,属于最底层的个人不属于印度种姓制度,会受到严格的社会限制。本评论分为三个部分:第一部分强调种姓制度,第二部分研究宪法和立法对他们的保障,第三部分说明印度达利特人目前的社会差距。
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引用次数: 0
Dalits and their territorial rights in India 印度的达利特人及其领土权利
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12010
Md Nurul Momen, Md Abu Shahen
A caste is one of the conventional four social strata into which Hindu society seperates its members. The scriptures from ancient India make reference to it. The four classes are the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (rulers, administrators, and warriors; also known as Rajanyas), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, businessmen, and farmers), and the Shudras are the lowest of the caste system (laboring classes). However, an individual of the lowest class in traditional Indian society falls outside of the Hindu caste system and is subject to severe social restrictions. This commentary is divided into three parts; the first part highlights the caste system, the second part examines the constitutional and legislative safeguards for them, and the third part illustrates the current social disparity of Dalits in India.
种姓是印度社会传统的四个社会阶层之一,印度社会将其成员划分为不同的种姓。古印度的经文中就提到了种姓。四个等级分别是婆罗门(祭司)、刹帝利(统治者、管理者和战士;也称为拉贾尼亚)、吠舍(工匠、商人、商人和农民),首陀罗是种姓制度中最低级的(劳动阶层)。然而,在印度传统社会中,属于最底层的个人不属于印度种姓制度,会受到严格的社会限制。本评论分为三个部分:第一部分强调种姓制度,第二部分研究宪法和立法对他们的保障,第三部分说明印度达利特人目前的社会差距。
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引用次数: 0
Governance for a sustainable future: The state of the art in Japan By AdachiYukio, UsamiMakoto (Eds.), Singapore: Springer. 2023. pp. 364. €139.99. ISBN 9789819947706 可持续未来的治理:AdachiYukio, UsamiMakoto (Eds.),新加坡:Springer.pp.364. €139.99.ISBN 9789819947706
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12009
Stefano Greco
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引用次数: 0
Governance for a sustainable future: The state of the art in Japan By AdachiYukio, UsamiMakoto (Eds.), Singapore: Springer. 2023. pp. 364. €139.99. ISBN 9789819947706 可持续未来的治理:AdachiYukio, UsamiMakoto (Eds.),新加坡:Springer.pp.364. €139.99.ISBN 9789819947706
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1002/waf2.12009
Stefano Greco
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引用次数: 0
期刊
World Affairs
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