The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for over two years. As territories that were captured at the beginning of the conflict are being deoccupied, the pressing issue of repopulating these areas emerges, especially concerning the youth. In this commentary, we critically examine the tripartite cooperation among universities, governments, and local self‐government bodies as a critical mechanism for encouraging the return of young people to Ukraine's deoccupied territories. Considering the inevitable exodus of youth due to occupation, we underscore the importance of early strategy conceptualization for their return. The discussion analyzes the roles and responsibilities of all key stakeholders, the necessity to balance national directives with local autonomy, and the ethical imperatives that should guide such endeavors. Although centered on the Ukrainian context, the insights from this research may prove valuable for other regions encountering similar challenges amidst globalization.
{"title":"EXTENDED COMMENTARY—Navigating the labyrinth of youth return to deoccupied territories in Ukraine: Stakeholders, strategies, and ethical imperatives","authors":"I. Bohdanov, Y. Suchikova","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12034","url":null,"abstract":"The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for over two years. As territories that were captured at the beginning of the conflict are being deoccupied, the pressing issue of repopulating these areas emerges, especially concerning the youth. In this commentary, we critically examine the tripartite cooperation among universities, governments, and local self‐government bodies as a critical mechanism for encouraging the return of young people to Ukraine's deoccupied territories. Considering the inevitable exodus of youth due to occupation, we underscore the importance of early strategy conceptualization for their return. The discussion analyzes the roles and responsibilities of all key stakeholders, the necessity to balance national directives with local autonomy, and the ethical imperatives that should guide such endeavors. Although centered on the Ukrainian context, the insights from this research may prove valuable for other regions encountering similar challenges amidst globalization.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141350161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Has Israel lost its way?","authors":"Jan K. Herman","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"76 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141350573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This commentary calls for a more critical relationship with human rights NGOs, specifically, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. I argue that their politics, positionality, and power are often obscured by their conflation as intrinsically imperfect organizations that yield power and influence with the moral principles of human rights and with international human rights law itself, which are popularly perceived as unimpeachable and sacred in a secular ethical way. I contend that this conflation—often a deliberate and strategic one espoused by the organizations themselves—undermines the integrity of their work and the capacity to hold them accountable for their human rights advocacy. I illustrate ways in which both organizations have neglected to respect human rights and, specifically, principles of equality and universality. I further argue that both organizations need to be humbler and more honest about the moral, legal, and practical limitations of their work and ways in which it can be compromised. This is due to the exigencies of donor dependency and the politics of fundraising, the social, cultural, and political contexts in which the organizations operate and the expectations and demands of their supporters, and the nature of human rights as a movement, body of law, and expression of moral idealism that can sometimes obscure its prejudices, assumptions, and pathologies of power.
{"title":"Improving human rights NGO ethics and accountability: A critique of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and human rights utopianism","authors":"N. Schimmel","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12035","url":null,"abstract":"This commentary calls for a more critical relationship with human rights NGOs, specifically, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. I argue that their politics, positionality, and power are often obscured by their conflation as intrinsically imperfect organizations that yield power and influence with the moral principles of human rights and with international human rights law itself, which are popularly perceived as unimpeachable and sacred in a secular ethical way. I contend that this conflation—often a deliberate and strategic one espoused by the organizations themselves—undermines the integrity of their work and the capacity to hold them accountable for their human rights advocacy. I illustrate ways in which both organizations have neglected to respect human rights and, specifically, principles of equality and universality. I further argue that both organizations need to be humbler and more honest about the moral, legal, and practical limitations of their work and ways in which it can be compromised. This is due to the exigencies of donor dependency and the politics of fundraising, the social, cultural, and political contexts in which the organizations operate and the expectations and demands of their supporters, and the nature of human rights as a movement, body of law, and expression of moral idealism that can sometimes obscure its prejudices, assumptions, and pathologies of power.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":" 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141366562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study analyzes Argentina−China relations based on the actions of the Argentine provinces between 2014 and 2023. The focus is on the double periphery provinces and the initiatives with Chinese actors, observing the transformations produced within the Argentine federal state and in the interstate relationship between the two countries. The methodological approach is qualitative with case studies through a sample of three provinces located in the double periphery of Argentina: Catamarca, Jujuy, and Salta. This study encompasses the period from the initiation of Comprehensive Strategic Relations between Argentina and China in July 2014, extending up to 2023, coinciding with the conclusion of President Alberto Fernández's term in office.
{"title":"China's role in the reconfiguration of Latin American peripheries: A case study of the Argentine provinces","authors":"Stella M. Juste","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12029","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes Argentina−China relations based on the actions of the Argentine provinces between 2014 and 2023. The focus is on the double periphery provinces and the initiatives with Chinese actors, observing the transformations produced within the Argentine federal state and in the interstate relationship between the two countries. The methodological approach is qualitative with case studies through a sample of three provinces located in the double periphery of Argentina: Catamarca, Jujuy, and Salta. This study encompasses the period from the initiation of Comprehensive Strategic Relations between Argentina and China in July 2014, extending up to 2023, coinciding with the conclusion of President Alberto Fernández's term in office.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"88 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141378393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 21st century has been accompanied by significant global changes that confound traditional diplomacy. This article focuses on modern diplomacy and the four main challenge areas it faces. These challenges necessitate diplomatic adaptation to remain relevant and effective. To achieve this modernization, the author suggests the implementation of a newly created hierarchy for the selection, training, deployment, ranking, and promotion of a more specialized diplomatic corps. This process is envisioned to occur within four streams of specialization, each with its own type of expert diplomat. This new diplomatic tool is called the Specialist Diplomatic Hierarchy (SDH).
{"title":"Four major challenges in modern diplomacy: How the specialist diplomatic hierarchy can help","authors":"Marc E. Oosthuizen","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12026","url":null,"abstract":"The 21st century has been accompanied by significant global changes that confound traditional diplomacy. This article focuses on modern diplomacy and the four main challenge areas it faces. These challenges necessitate diplomatic adaptation to remain relevant and effective. To achieve this modernization, the author suggests the implementation of a newly created hierarchy for the selection, training, deployment, ranking, and promotion of a more specialized diplomatic corps. This process is envisioned to occur within four streams of specialization, each with its own type of expert diplomat. This new diplomatic tool is called the Specialist Diplomatic Hierarchy (SDH).","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"38 24","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141107729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Segun Oshewolo, Roseline F. Oniemola, A. Azeez, R. Opeyeoluwa, Abiodun J. Macaulay
This article relies on the intellectual framework of “national role conceptions” to explain Nigeria's wide‐ranging international obligations. Although Nigeria has a rich foreign policy literature, this framework is rarely directly employed in analyzing the country's many external engagements and the motives behind them. Nigeria has always assumed international roles that are in tandem with its fundamental foreign policy objectives. These roles are inspired by the identities that the country has constructed and projected for itself overtime and the expectations of peers (or other actors). Nigeria's constructive external engagements and role performance notwithstanding, there have been some misalignments. These include the sorry state of Nigeria's foreign missions, domestic contradictions, and the fact that Nigeria has sometimes behaved sluggishly in its role performance. This work recommends that Nigeria's diplomatic missions must be adequately financed, the domestic contradictions leading to disputation over foreign policy roles must be addressed, and Nigeria must overcome its occasional complacencies in Africa.
{"title":"The framework of “role conceptions” and Nigeria's external engagements","authors":"Segun Oshewolo, Roseline F. Oniemola, A. Azeez, R. Opeyeoluwa, Abiodun J. Macaulay","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12023","url":null,"abstract":"This article relies on the intellectual framework of “national role conceptions” to explain Nigeria's wide‐ranging international obligations. Although Nigeria has a rich foreign policy literature, this framework is rarely directly employed in analyzing the country's many external engagements and the motives behind them. Nigeria has always assumed international roles that are in tandem with its fundamental foreign policy objectives. These roles are inspired by the identities that the country has constructed and projected for itself overtime and the expectations of peers (or other actors). Nigeria's constructive external engagements and role performance notwithstanding, there have been some misalignments. These include the sorry state of Nigeria's foreign missions, domestic contradictions, and the fact that Nigeria has sometimes behaved sluggishly in its role performance. This work recommends that Nigeria's diplomatic missions must be adequately financed, the domestic contradictions leading to disputation over foreign policy roles must be addressed, and Nigeria must overcome its occasional complacencies in Africa.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"116 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140994627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study asks whether existing standards of good governance have incorporated ideals and measures to manage communal diversity. The context is an intellectual landscape in which the efficacy of heterogeneity policies has typically been compared through their impact on the likelihood of violent conflict. Alternate approaches would fine‐tune the outcome variable and/or enlist new independent variables. The Ethnic Power Relations project provided measures of the groups' co‐determination position (egip, excl) and measures of empowerment through self‐governing start to follow suit, such as improved indicators of territorial autonomies, decentralization, and language use rights. We also crafted a measure of functional autonomies, based on the ENTA Network's case‐study collection. With the exception of territorial autonomies, all existing measures of policies that accommodate the difference tend to improve the group's relationships with other groups and with the country as a whole. They also correlate well with the general good governance indicators.
本研究提出的问题是，现有的善治标准是否包含了管理社区多样性的理想和措施。在这一背景下，人们通常通过异质性政策对暴力冲突可能性的影响来比较这些政策的有效性。其他方法会对结果变量进行微调和/或采用新的独立变量。民族权力关系项目提供了群体共同决定地位（egip，excl）的衡量标准，以及通过自治开始赋权的衡量标准，如领土自治、权力下放和语言使用权的改进指标。我们还以 ENTA 网络收集的案例研究为基础，制定了功能自治的衡量标准。除地域自治外，所有现有的照顾差异的政策措施都倾向于改善该群体与其他群体以及与整个国家的关系。它们与一般善治指标也有很好的相关性。
{"title":"Governing communal diversity as good governance","authors":"A. Koos, Kenneth Keulman","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12022","url":null,"abstract":"This study asks whether existing standards of good governance have incorporated ideals and measures to manage communal diversity. The context is an intellectual landscape in which the efficacy of heterogeneity policies has typically been compared through their impact on the likelihood of violent conflict. Alternate approaches would fine‐tune the outcome variable and/or enlist new independent variables. The Ethnic Power Relations project provided measures of the groups' co‐determination position (egip, excl) and measures of empowerment through self‐governing start to follow suit, such as improved indicators of territorial autonomies, decentralization, and language use rights. We also crafted a measure of functional autonomies, based on the ENTA Network's case‐study collection. With the exception of territorial autonomies, all existing measures of policies that accommodate the difference tend to improve the group's relationships with other groups and with the country as a whole. They also correlate well with the general good governance indicators.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":" 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140996719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a “bridge” to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a “check and balance” within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the “primary” external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a “middle ground” between competing interests and principles will be put to the test.
{"title":"India and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: In search of a middle ground","authors":"Shubhrajeet Konwer","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12024","url":null,"abstract":"The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a “bridge” to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a “check and balance” within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the “primary” external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a “middle ground” between competing interests and principles will be put to the test.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":" 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140997486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Observers generally characterize Indonesia's foreign policy as non‐aligned, hedging between the great powers. Indeed, Indonesian noncommittal behavior and seeming disinterest in regional power politics appear at odds for a country of that size. To explain that puzzle, I apply the concept of offshore balancer, traditionally used to describe British and US foreign policy. An offshore balancer is a state separated from continental politics by a body of water. Theory predicts that an offshore balancer will generally avoid continental commitments when the balance of power is stable. However, it will join the power competition fray if a threatening potential hegemon arises. Offshore balancers turn aggressive only if continental states are so weak that crossing the sea and expanding onshore becomes easy. First, I present the concept and its importance and justify its generalizability through a short overview of American, British, and Japanese foreign policies. Second, I review Indonesian history to check whether its behavior corresponds to that of an offshore balancer. Finally, I lay out what offshore balancing implies for understanding Indonesian foreign policy and its future.
{"title":"Indonesia, an offshore balancer in Southeast Asia?","authors":"Dylan Motin","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12027","url":null,"abstract":"Observers generally characterize Indonesia's foreign policy as non‐aligned, hedging between the great powers. Indeed, Indonesian noncommittal behavior and seeming disinterest in regional power politics appear at odds for a country of that size. To explain that puzzle, I apply the concept of offshore balancer, traditionally used to describe British and US foreign policy. An offshore balancer is a state separated from continental politics by a body of water. Theory predicts that an offshore balancer will generally avoid continental commitments when the balance of power is stable. However, it will join the power competition fray if a threatening potential hegemon arises. Offshore balancers turn aggressive only if continental states are so weak that crossing the sea and expanding onshore becomes easy. First, I present the concept and its importance and justify its generalizability through a short overview of American, British, and Japanese foreign policies. Second, I review Indonesian history to check whether its behavior corresponds to that of an offshore balancer. Finally, I lay out what offshore balancing implies for understanding Indonesian foreign policy and its future.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":" 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140995427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders.
{"title":"From pulpit to marketplace: The evolution of religious political parties in Pakistan","authors":"Kashif Hussain","doi":"10.1002/waf2.12021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12021","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"34 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140662671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：