Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/00438200231172864
E. Norman
" Words Matter: Presidents Obama and Trump, Twitter, and U.S. Soft Power. Graph [9] concentrate on the issues that soured the initial optimism for a U.S.-U.K. free trade agreement between President Trump and Prime Minister Johnson which did not come to its planned fruition by 2020. EN Social Media Foreign Policy Twitter Soft Power Obama Trump Boris Johnson Humanitarian Intervention President Clinton Bosnia Kosovo China Sri-Lanka Kazakhstan South Korea ASEAN Sub-Saharan Africa Information Technology. NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.-U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of World Affairs is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
{"title":"NOTE FROM THE EDITOR","authors":"E. Norman","doi":"10.1177/00438200231172864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231172864","url":null,"abstract":"\" Words Matter: Presidents Obama and Trump, Twitter, and U.S. Soft Power. Graph [9] concentrate on the issues that soured the initial optimism for a U.S.-U.K. free trade agreement between President Trump and Prime Minister Johnson which did not come to its planned fruition by 2020. EN Social Media Foreign Policy Twitter Soft Power Obama Trump Boris Johnson Humanitarian Intervention President Clinton Bosnia Kosovo China Sri-Lanka Kazakhstan South Korea ASEAN Sub-Saharan Africa Information Technology. NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.-U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of World Affairs is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"248 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46895544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-29DOI: 10.1177/00438200231176818
Kofi Arhin, Daniel Stockemer, M. Normandin
With its emphasis on anti-immigration rhetoric and actions, protectionism, as well as populism, Donald Trump has transformed the Republican Party into a party that closely resembles populist radical right-wing parties in Europe. In this article, we first illustrate how the Republican Party has transformed into a radical right-wing party. Second, we examine the degree to which the Trump voter has the same or similar characteristics as the prototypical radical right-wing voter. To do so, we compare some key features of voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Trump voters. Through original survey research, we find that the two voter types are alike. Both AfD and Trump voters espouse anti-immigrant sentiment, reject globalization, and position themselves on the right on a left-right ideological scale. This implies that, both from a supply and demand side perspective, the Trump Republican Party has become a prototypical radical right-wing party.
{"title":"THE REPUBLICAN TRUMP VOTER","authors":"Kofi Arhin, Daniel Stockemer, M. Normandin","doi":"10.1177/00438200231176818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231176818","url":null,"abstract":"With its emphasis on anti-immigration rhetoric and actions, protectionism, as well as populism, Donald Trump has transformed the Republican Party into a party that closely resembles populist radical right-wing parties in Europe. In this article, we first illustrate how the Republican Party has transformed into a radical right-wing party. Second, we examine the degree to which the Trump voter has the same or similar characteristics as the prototypical radical right-wing voter. To do so, we compare some key features of voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Trump voters. Through original survey research, we find that the two voter types are alike. Both AfD and Trump voters espouse anti-immigrant sentiment, reject globalization, and position themselves on the right on a left-right ideological scale. This implies that, both from a supply and demand side perspective, the Trump Republican Party has become a prototypical radical right-wing party.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"572 - 602"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42100966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-29DOI: 10.1177/00438200231177711
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey
China's economic growth and related assertiveness are causing significant changes in the Asia Pacific strategic environment, producing policy responses from the region's major powers, and gaining linkage with 1914 Europe. This article revisits the analogy, made in 2014, between the Asia Pacific today and Europe of 1914 to theoretically explain Asia Pacific's strategic environment vis-à-vis China's rise and the responses of four Asia Pacific powers—the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. Using the notion of “security dilemma,” I argue that a perceived threat of China's newfound confidence expressed in military aggressions creates distrust, fear, and uncertainty in the Asia Pacific, resembling Germany and its ambitions in the first half of twentieth century Europe. However, the similarity does not necessarily mean that the two environments and periods would produce similar outcomes because the strategic conditions are different. Asia Pacific today is more constrained in alliances than twentieth century Europe. I conclude by critiquing the balance of power to propose a power-sharing mechanism in the region to ensure peace.
{"title":"IN A SECURITY DILEMMA","authors":"Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey","doi":"10.1177/00438200231177711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231177711","url":null,"abstract":"China's economic growth and related assertiveness are causing significant changes in the Asia Pacific strategic environment, producing policy responses from the region's major powers, and gaining linkage with 1914 Europe. This article revisits the analogy, made in 2014, between the Asia Pacific today and Europe of 1914 to theoretically explain Asia Pacific's strategic environment vis-à-vis China's rise and the responses of four Asia Pacific powers—the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. Using the notion of “security dilemma,” I argue that a perceived threat of China's newfound confidence expressed in military aggressions creates distrust, fear, and uncertainty in the Asia Pacific, resembling Germany and its ambitions in the first half of twentieth century Europe. However, the similarity does not necessarily mean that the two environments and periods would produce similar outcomes because the strategic conditions are different. Asia Pacific today is more constrained in alliances than twentieth century Europe. I conclude by critiquing the balance of power to propose a power-sharing mechanism in the region to ensure peace.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"656 - 686"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46551946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies surrounding transnational repression have taken an interest in the relationships between targeted citizens and their countries of origin, such as strategies used against individuals, and the legitimacy of exercising such extraterritorial powers. However, the role of the host state in facilitating this transnational repressive control is yet another area that requires greater academic attention. This article argues that a host state's policy silence and legal loopholes regarding the protection of political exiles against transnational repression practices can allow the country of origin to aggressively exercise control over the diaspora population beyond borders, causing spatial encroachment symbolically and materially in the host state. We use Thailand as a case study by examining certain areas of policy spaces that have potential impacts on the growth of transnational repression practices. The study concludes that the host state's reactions to such practices have strong implications for the expansion of repressive transnational powers.
{"title":"RETERRITORIALIZING THAILAND'S TRANSNATIONAL SPACE?","authors":"Wanaporn Techagaisiyavanit, Srisombat Chokprajakchat, Dhanakorn Mulaphong","doi":"10.1177/00438200231176821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231176821","url":null,"abstract":"Studies surrounding transnational repression have taken an interest in the relationships between targeted citizens and their countries of origin, such as strategies used against individuals, and the legitimacy of exercising such extraterritorial powers. However, the role of the host state in facilitating this transnational repressive control is yet another area that requires greater academic attention. This article argues that a host state's policy silence and legal loopholes regarding the protection of political exiles against transnational repression practices can allow the country of origin to aggressively exercise control over the diaspora population beyond borders, causing spatial encroachment symbolically and materially in the host state. We use Thailand as a case study by examining certain areas of policy spaces that have potential impacts on the growth of transnational repression practices. The study concludes that the host state's reactions to such practices have strong implications for the expansion of repressive transnational powers.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"717 - 746"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44668065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1177/00438200231168288
Mwoya Byaro, A. Kinyondo, Deusdedit A. Lemnge
This study examines the effect of population growth on aggregate domestic investments in 45 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 2000–2020. It applies the Quantile Method of Moments with fixed effects (i.e., MM-QR), which has the ability to identify both negative and positive effects while controlling for trade, HIV/AIDS prevalence, and economic growth. The findings show that SSA’s rapid population growth has a positive and statistically significant effect on aggregate domestic investments. Findings from this study show that an increase in population growth in the 10th to 60th quantiles is associated with an increase of domestic investment in SSA. This suggests that, as the population grows in SSA, it generates demand for domestic investments such as healthcare services, education, and other social services. Our findings also show that trade is positive and significant across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We find evidence that disease risks, such as the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, slowed the increase in domestic investment in the region across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We conclude by arguing that, since SSA's population growth will double in the near future, the region is bound to become world's next investment hub. In order to enable long-term domestic investments in the region, future policy options should take the challenges of population growth into account.
{"title":"DOES SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA'S RAPID POPULATION GROWTH HAVE POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE EFFECTS ON AGGREGATE DOMESTIC INVESTMENT?","authors":"Mwoya Byaro, A. Kinyondo, Deusdedit A. Lemnge","doi":"10.1177/00438200231168288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231168288","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the effect of population growth on aggregate domestic investments in 45 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 2000–2020. It applies the Quantile Method of Moments with fixed effects (i.e., MM-QR), which has the ability to identify both negative and positive effects while controlling for trade, HIV/AIDS prevalence, and economic growth. The findings show that SSA’s rapid population growth has a positive and statistically significant effect on aggregate domestic investments. Findings from this study show that an increase in population growth in the 10th to 60th quantiles is associated with an increase of domestic investment in SSA. This suggests that, as the population grows in SSA, it generates demand for domestic investments such as healthcare services, education, and other social services. Our findings also show that trade is positive and significant across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We find evidence that disease risks, such as the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, slowed the increase in domestic investment in the region across all quantiles (10th to 90th). We conclude by arguing that, since SSA's population growth will double in the near future, the region is bound to become world's next investment hub. In order to enable long-term domestic investments in the region, future policy options should take the challenges of population growth into account.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"806 - 824"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44794825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231167831
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey, Dennis Senam Amable
This article uses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to examine the asymmetric relationship between China and Kazakhstan under a proposed framework—symmetric interest. It breaks from the domination–submission, divergent stakes, interests, patterns, and misperception perspectives characterizing asymmetry to show how asymmetric relations in a non-external security context elucidate peaceful relations. Under what conditions do asymmetric relationships defy misperception and confrontation to produce peaceful cooperation? How is the BRI likely to manage China's asymmetric relationship with Kazakhstan? The study argues that asymmetric relations within domestic security and other non-external military security issue areas engender peaceful cooperation. This peaceful cooperation emerges because the stakes and interests of the parties become more symmetrical in absolute terms; thus managing misperceptions and associated confrontation. We propose a framework of symmetric interest and employ the cases of China and Kazakhstan to test the hypotheses and support the conclusion. Beyond providing an alternative perspective in the asymmetry literature, we lastly offer a discussion of the policy relevance.
{"title":"SYMMETRIC INTERESTS AND ATTENTION PATTERNS IN ASYMMETRY","authors":"Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey, Dennis Senam Amable","doi":"10.1177/00438200231167831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231167831","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to examine the asymmetric relationship between China and Kazakhstan under a proposed framework—symmetric interest. It breaks from the domination–submission, divergent stakes, interests, patterns, and misperception perspectives characterizing asymmetry to show how asymmetric relations in a non-external security context elucidate peaceful relations. Under what conditions do asymmetric relationships defy misperception and confrontation to produce peaceful cooperation? How is the BRI likely to manage China's asymmetric relationship with Kazakhstan? The study argues that asymmetric relations within domestic security and other non-external military security issue areas engender peaceful cooperation. This peaceful cooperation emerges because the stakes and interests of the parties become more symmetrical in absolute terms; thus managing misperceptions and associated confrontation. We propose a framework of symmetric interest and employ the cases of China and Kazakhstan to test the hypotheses and support the conclusion. Beyond providing an alternative perspective in the asymmetry literature, we lastly offer a discussion of the policy relevance.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"353 - 383"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45065702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231168319
Veena Ramachandran
The article engages in a critical reading of the political pattern of Sino-Sri Lankan bilateral engagement. China offers an alternate global order for Sri Lanka by underscoring political discourses like “harmonious world” and “building a community with a shared destiny or future for mankind.” Through these discourses, China attempts to present a “fair and equitable” international system to small states such as Sri Lanka to mobilize them against the universalization of the liberal order. This is part of China's goal to challenge the universalization of liberal values to indicate the Chinese economic and political model as aspirational for developing countries. However, it culminates as the “hegemony of harmony,” as China dictates the terms to protect its national interests, dissimulating cultural relativism and exceptionalism as the foundation of the Chinese-led global order. This article employs historical and descriptive analysis to explain the political nature of Sino-Sri Lankan engagement, elucidating China's specific strategies to harmonize Sri Lanka.
{"title":"HARMONIZATION TO EXCEPTIONALISM","authors":"Veena Ramachandran","doi":"10.1177/00438200231168319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231168319","url":null,"abstract":"The article engages in a critical reading of the political pattern of Sino-Sri Lankan bilateral engagement. China offers an alternate global order for Sri Lanka by underscoring political discourses like “harmonious world” and “building a community with a shared destiny or future for mankind.” Through these discourses, China attempts to present a “fair and equitable” international system to small states such as Sri Lanka to mobilize them against the universalization of the liberal order. This is part of China's goal to challenge the universalization of liberal values to indicate the Chinese economic and political model as aspirational for developing countries. However, it culminates as the “hegemony of harmony,” as China dictates the terms to protect its national interests, dissimulating cultural relativism and exceptionalism as the foundation of the Chinese-led global order. This article employs historical and descriptive analysis to explain the political nature of Sino-Sri Lankan engagement, elucidating China's specific strategies to harmonize Sri Lanka.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"384 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43919798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-05DOI: 10.1177/00438200231161631
Stephen Collins, J. DeWitt
Twitter is regarded today as an essential communication platform of U.S. diplomacy. Of all diplomatic tweets, those published by U.S. presidents carry the greatest weight and hold great potential to influence perceptions of the country. In this study, we conduct cross-presidential comparative analyses on an original dataset of over 2,000 tweets published by the first two presidents of the Twitter era. In particular, we test the commonly held notion that the substance and tone of Barack Obama's communication reflected positively on America's image abroad, with the potential to expand soft power—a vital foreign policy asset—while Donald Trump's communication reflected negatively on America's image, potentially eroding the nation's image and its soft power. Findings demonstrate that what and how presidents communicate on Twitter may produce profound and disparate impacts on America's image abroad and on U.S. soft power.
{"title":"WORDS MATTER","authors":"Stephen Collins, J. DeWitt","doi":"10.1177/00438200231161631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231161631","url":null,"abstract":"Twitter is regarded today as an essential communication platform of U.S. diplomacy. Of all diplomatic tweets, those published by U.S. presidents carry the greatest weight and hold great potential to influence perceptions of the country. In this study, we conduct cross-presidential comparative analyses on an original dataset of over 2,000 tweets published by the first two presidents of the Twitter era. In particular, we test the commonly held notion that the substance and tone of Barack Obama's communication reflected positively on America's image abroad, with the potential to expand soft power—a vital foreign policy asset—while Donald Trump's communication reflected negatively on America's image, potentially eroding the nation's image and its soft power. Findings demonstrate that what and how presidents communicate on Twitter may produce profound and disparate impacts on America's image abroad and on U.S. soft power.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46035861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.1177/00438200231161383
M. R. Khan, Fardaus Ara
The number of female MPs elected by direct vote in Bangladesh's Parliament is abysmally low due to the low level of female candidates in the parliamentary elections. This study addresses the underrepresentation of female candidates in the election following the supply- and demand-side model of Norris and Lovenduski. We focus on the continuing patriarchal social and political culture, dynastic politics, campaign funding, and violence as supply-side factors and political parties and nominations, quotas/reserved seats, and rule compliance as demand-side factors that affect the candidate nomination process in Bangladesh. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with female and male MPs of the Bangladesh Parliament and aspirant female politicians who hold different party positions. The study argues that the patriarchal nature of politics and culture controls the supply and demand-side factors of candidate selection and discriminates against female candidates to vie in the general constituencies.
{"title":"FEMALE CANDIDATES AND THE BANGLADESH PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS","authors":"M. R. Khan, Fardaus Ara","doi":"10.1177/00438200231161383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231161383","url":null,"abstract":"The number of female MPs elected by direct vote in Bangladesh's Parliament is abysmally low due to the low level of female candidates in the parliamentary elections. This study addresses the underrepresentation of female candidates in the election following the supply- and demand-side model of Norris and Lovenduski. We focus on the continuing patriarchal social and political culture, dynastic politics, campaign funding, and violence as supply-side factors and political parties and nominations, quotas/reserved seats, and rule compliance as demand-side factors that affect the candidate nomination process in Bangladesh. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with female and male MPs of the Bangladesh Parliament and aspirant female politicians who hold different party positions. The study argues that the patriarchal nature of politics and culture controls the supply and demand-side factors of candidate selection and discriminates against female candidates to vie in the general constituencies.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"414 - 441"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41654434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.1177/00438200231159150
Florencia Rubiolo, Franco L. Aguirre
This article addresses South Korea's foreign policy toward ASEAN from a middle power approach. Using role theory, we argue that South Korea is developing a regional role to diversify its traditional ties, mitigate local constraints, and materialize its regional interests. We analyze the economic and political dimensions according to the share of trade and investment flows to the region and the development of cooperation initiatives and institutional ties. In the latter, we focus on Moon's presidency and the New Southern Policy, including a reference to the official development assistance. We also address its role in the South China Sea conflict to examine the strategic restrictions in this scenario. We state two main constraints: the need to keep the United States as a safety-guarantee partner and the critical role of China as an economic partner. Finally, we explore the challenges that a power competition scenario poses for Seoul within Southeast Asia.
{"title":"SOUTH KOREA AS A MIDDLE POWER IN EAST ASIA?","authors":"Florencia Rubiolo, Franco L. Aguirre","doi":"10.1177/00438200231159150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231159150","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses South Korea's foreign policy toward ASEAN from a middle power approach. Using role theory, we argue that South Korea is developing a regional role to diversify its traditional ties, mitigate local constraints, and materialize its regional interests. We analyze the economic and political dimensions according to the share of trade and investment flows to the region and the development of cooperation initiatives and institutional ties. In the latter, we focus on Moon's presidency and the New Southern Policy, including a reference to the official development assistance. We also address its role in the South China Sea conflict to examine the strategic restrictions in this scenario. We state two main constraints: the need to keep the United States as a safety-guarantee partner and the critical role of China as an economic partner. Finally, we explore the challenges that a power competition scenario poses for Seoul within Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"442 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44762701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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