This article examines the relationship between fake news and social media as increasingly important sources of news, at a time when mainstream media no longer have exclusive control over news production and dissemination. It has been evident that few media outlets and professionals tend to draw conflicting news about COVID-19 from social media feeds, which are largely produced by common citizens with mostly no journalism training. This pervasive use makes social media key sources to scores of media outlets for news, whether it is related to COVID-19 or public affairs issues, even though it is susceptible to torrents of credibility and accuracy issues. As a result, of the overwhelming spread of fake news on coronavirus, which is contributing to framing events from several angles, media professionals are now obliged to track and vet information circulating on social media. Due to the scale of disinformation spreading on the Web, it has become imperative that the credibility and accuracy of news is thoroughly verified. Media organizations have already been putting in place various mechanisms to monitor false news. This article will attempt to identify and assess these monitoring efforts in the Arab world. For this purpose, I have put together a list of Arab observatories launched on the internet in order to monitor fake news circulating in relation to COVID-19, and to discuss their methods of monitoring work, in the context of mobilization carried out by governments and many organizations such as the World Health Organization. This article is pinned down on social responsibility approach which helps pave the way the different propositions to combat fake news and avoid abuses in social media uses. This article proposes an evaluation of the monitoring initiative via-a-vis fake news and proposes a set of guidelines for improving the work of such monitoring bodies. Hence, this research reveals that social media outlets have diversified their goals to match the power of the conventional media in disseminating information and bringing up issues for debate. However, in the light of the framework of social responsibility, social media actors have to constantly develop a set of ethical practices to be observed by users, establish codes of conduct regulating content production, and lay down a code of integrity to assure accuracy in news and information transmission.
{"title":"Social media and the COVID-19 pandemic: The dilemma of fake news clutter vs. social responsibility","authors":"Moez Ben Messaoud","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00023_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00023_1","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the relationship between fake news and social media as increasingly important sources of news, at a time when mainstream media no longer have exclusive control over news production and dissemination. It has been evident that few media outlets and professionals tend to draw conflicting news about COVID-19 from social media feeds, which are largely produced by common citizens with mostly no journalism training. This pervasive use makes social media key sources to scores of media outlets for news, whether it is related to COVID-19 or public affairs issues, even though it is susceptible to torrents of credibility and accuracy issues.\u0000As a result, of the overwhelming spread of fake news on coronavirus, which is contributing to framing events from several angles, media professionals are now obliged to track and vet information circulating on social media. Due to the scale of disinformation spreading on the Web, it has become imperative that the credibility and accuracy of news is thoroughly verified. Media organizations have already been putting in place various mechanisms to monitor false news.\u0000This article will attempt to identify and assess these monitoring efforts in the Arab world. For this purpose, I have put together a list of Arab observatories launched on the internet in order to monitor fake news circulating in relation to COVID-19, and to discuss their methods of monitoring work, in the context of mobilization carried out by governments and many organizations such as the World Health Organization.\u0000This article is pinned down on social responsibility approach which helps pave the way the different propositions to combat fake news and avoid abuses in social media uses. This article proposes an evaluation of the monitoring initiative via-a-vis fake news and proposes a set of guidelines for improving the work of such monitoring bodies. Hence, this research reveals that social media outlets have diversified their goals to match the power of the conventional media in disseminating information and bringing up issues for debate. However, in the light of the framework of social responsibility, social media actors have to constantly develop a set of ethical practices to be observed by users, establish codes of conduct regulating content production, and lay down a code of integrity to assure accuracy in news and information transmission.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72502536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social media increasingly play a role in transforming activist movements in the Arab world into digital forms. This study examines the link between adherence of network members to digital communication ethics and the level of the movements’ success based on the conceptual grounding in communication theories of Jürgen Habermas and Taha Abdurrahman. We tried to evaluate the link between the success of online social movement actors and their ethical contents by asking: What are the ethical implications of online social movements that do succeed in actualizing their goals? Do social network users discuss communication ethics to agree on terms of use within these movements? What are the important issues of communicative action and challenges of rational discussion in Arab social media use? We used two case studies: the hashtag #with_the_teacher launched to support teachers’ rights in Jordan in 2019, and a Twitter network of Arab users discussing digital communication ethics. We used mixed-methods and case studies approaches; data collected from Twitter were analysed using social network analysis followed by qualitative content analysis. Key findings demonstrate positive effects of activists’ engagement in social networks, and that commitment to digital communication ethics, whether stemming from secular or religious frames of reference, is significant for the success of online social movements. The case of #with_the_teacher network proved itself to be an example of successful digital protest and ideal model for rational ethical communication. Content analysis revealed that teachers formed a social network that exhibited strong solidarity and cohesion, and relied – perhaps unconsciously – on rules and principles of ethical discussion, including truthfulness, credibility, transparency, respect, accuracy and responsibility. Content analysis of the ‘communication ethics’ network demonstrated that the majority of content was religiously oriented, produced mainly by religious figures, educational institutions, or accounts with pseudonyms that are influential by the sheer number of their followers.
{"title":"Communication ethics for online social movements: A study on Arab social networks on Twitter","authors":"Asma H. Malkawi, Khamis Ambusaidi","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00027_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00027_1","url":null,"abstract":"Social media increasingly play a role in transforming activist movements in the Arab world into digital forms. This study examines the link between adherence of network members to digital communication ethics and the level of the movements’ success based on the conceptual grounding in communication theories of Jürgen Habermas and Taha Abdurrahman. We tried to evaluate the link between the success of online social movement actors and their ethical contents by asking: What are the ethical implications of online social movements that do succeed in actualizing their goals? Do social network users discuss communication ethics to agree on terms of use within these movements? What are the important issues of communicative action and challenges of rational discussion in Arab social media use? We used two case studies: the hashtag #with_the_teacher launched to support teachers’ rights in Jordan in 2019, and a Twitter network of Arab users discussing digital communication ethics. We used mixed-methods and case studies approaches; data collected from Twitter were analysed using social network analysis followed by qualitative content analysis. Key findings demonstrate positive effects of activists’ engagement in social networks, and that commitment to digital communication ethics, whether stemming from secular or religious frames of reference, is significant for the success of online social movements. The case of #with_the_teacher network proved itself to be an example of successful digital protest and ideal model for rational ethical communication. Content analysis revealed that teachers formed a social network that exhibited strong solidarity and cohesion, and relied – perhaps unconsciously – on rules and principles of ethical discussion, including truthfulness, credibility, transparency, respect, accuracy and responsibility. Content analysis of the ‘communication ethics’ network demonstrated that the majority of content was religiously oriented, produced mainly by religious figures, educational institutions, or accounts with pseudonyms that are influential by the sheer number of their followers.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86500950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Review of: Routledge Handbook on Arab Media, Noureddine Miladi and Noha Mellor (eds) (2021) London: Routledge, 528 pp., ISBN 978-0-42942-708-4, e-book, ISBN 978-1-13838-548-1, h/bk, £190
{"title":"Routledge Handbook on Arab Media, Noureddine Miladi and Noha Mellor (eds) (2021)","authors":"Helena Hägglund","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00029_5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00029_5","url":null,"abstract":"Review of: Routledge Handbook on Arab Media, Noureddine Miladi and Noha Mellor (eds) (2021)\u0000London: Routledge, 528 pp.,\u0000ISBN 978-0-42942-708-4, e-book, ISBN 978-1-13838-548-1, h/bk, £190","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86246631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article recognizes the potential and possibilities of digital media in COVID-19 crisis management in different democratic systems. It is the comparative analysis of information management during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland, the United Kingdom and Italy. From the theoretical approach, the crisis management usually deals with two main models. The first one is defined as the post-reactive model, which is based on reacting to events after the first symptoms of the crisis and the communication model remains the top-down process. The second one is described as the pro-reactive model, which is based on building a dialogue space with the participatory community and it is the bottom-up communication process. In this case, the community becomes an active partner in bridging the crisis. The main goal of the proposed article is to examine the ways in which digital media influences the quality of strategic communication management in local public spaces and what type of crisis management strategy is applied to each political culture. The article discusses the pros and cons of information distributed through digital platforms by both the media and public institutions in terms of community awareness and crisis governance. The article applies a mixed method approach, which includes content analysis (media and governmental digital services), interviews (with the authorities’ members and media representatives) and social media network analysis (mainly Facebook). The analysis has been ongoing since the beginning of the pandemic in Europe (March–September 2020). The research has demonstrated that the shape and distribution of information during the pandemic were of great importance for the quality of information strategy activities. The problem was noticeable disinformation at all levels, which was the result of a lack of control over the message and the pursuit of sensation or conspiracy. It was clearly observed that without the support of crisis communication during the pandemic by the media, mainly digital platforms, it would be impossible to implement it. In all three countries, social media was the ‘information management centre’ in the COVID-19 era, but the activity of individual municipalities was slightly different. As far as the urbanized and semi-urbanized level is concerned, some consistency can be observed. In all three cases, communication on social media platforms was conducted very intensively and with the use of various tools (texts, statistics, instructional videos, scientific articles, infographics, etc.). All the ‘organizers’ of the local public sphere (presidents, mayors, journalists, service representatives) tried to keep in touch with the inhabitants.
{"title":"The significance of digital media in local public space crisis management: The case of Poland, the United Kingdom and Italy","authors":"Ilona Biernacka-Ligieza","doi":"10.1386/JAMMR_00024_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JAMMR_00024_1","url":null,"abstract":"This article recognizes the potential and possibilities of digital media in COVID-19 crisis management in different democratic systems. It is the comparative analysis of information management during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland, the United Kingdom and Italy. From the theoretical approach, the crisis management usually deals with two main models. The first one is defined as the post-reactive model, which is based on reacting to events after the first symptoms of the crisis and the communication model remains the top-down process. The second one is described as the pro-reactive model, which is based on building a dialogue space with the participatory community and it is the bottom-up communication process. In this case, the community becomes an active partner in bridging the crisis. The main goal of the proposed article is to examine the ways in which digital media influences the quality of strategic communication management in local public spaces and what type of crisis management strategy is applied to each political culture. The article discusses the pros and cons of information distributed through digital platforms by both the media and public institutions in terms of community awareness and crisis governance. The article applies a mixed method approach, which includes content analysis (media and governmental digital services), interviews (with the authorities’ members and media representatives) and social media network analysis (mainly Facebook). The analysis has been ongoing since the beginning of the pandemic in Europe (March–September 2020). The research has demonstrated that the shape and distribution of information during the pandemic were of great importance for the quality of information strategy activities. The problem was noticeable disinformation at all levels, which was the result of a lack of control over the message and the pursuit of sensation or conspiracy. It was clearly observed that without the support of crisis communication during the pandemic by the media, mainly digital platforms, it would be impossible to implement it. In all three countries, social media was the ‘information management centre’ in the COVID-19 era, but the activity of individual municipalities was slightly different. As far as the urbanized and semi-urbanized level is concerned, some consistency can be observed. In all three cases, communication on social media platforms was conducted very intensively and with the use of various tools (texts, statistics, instructional videos, scientific articles, infographics, etc.). All the ‘organizers’ of the local public sphere (presidents, mayors, journalists, service representatives) tried to keep in touch with the inhabitants.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87903028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study focuses on a series of events related to the sudden disappearance of bloggers in Pakistan on 7 January 2017. Following the incident, the broadcast media reported that the bloggers were sharing blasphemous content and were involved in anti-state activities. This revelation triggered online conversations that questioned their sympathizers’ patriotism and loyalty to Islam. The study locates how this led to the emergence of several hashtag-led publics on Twitter. While focusing two hashtags that polarized the publics on the issue, the study utilizes discourse analysis to evaluate the discourses generated by the conservative and the liberal publics on patriotism and national identity. This study finds that while conflating national identity with Islam, the conservative discourse constitutes angry, threat-like closed statements that allowed no room for disagreement. Liberal publics, on the other hand, use strategic speaking to create anti-state discourse on patriotism. Despite the heated exchange between the two publics, I argue that on this occasion (event-led), Twitter offered the opportunity for initiating counter-narratives that refuse to translate patriotism in the idiom of religion. I see this as an occasional, episodic, yet unprecedented form of public sphering in Pakistani context that brings both liberals and conservatives in direct contact with each other.
{"title":"Patriotism and Islam on social media: How Pakistani publics revisit their allegiance to the state","authors":"M. Cheema","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00017_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00017_1","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on a series of events related to the sudden disappearance of bloggers in Pakistan on 7 January 2017. Following the incident, the broadcast media reported that the bloggers were sharing blasphemous content and were involved in anti-state activities. This revelation\u0000 triggered online conversations that questioned their sympathizers’ patriotism and loyalty to Islam. The study locates how this led to the emergence of several hashtag-led publics on Twitter. While focusing two hashtags that polarized the publics on the issue, the study utilizes discourse\u0000 analysis to evaluate the discourses generated by the conservative and the liberal publics on patriotism and national identity. This study finds that while conflating national identity with Islam, the conservative discourse constitutes angry, threat-like closed statements that allowed no room\u0000 for disagreement. Liberal publics, on the other hand, use strategic speaking to create anti-state discourse on patriotism. Despite the heated exchange between the two publics, I argue that on this occasion (event-led), Twitter offered the opportunity for initiating counter-narratives that\u0000 refuse to translate patriotism in the idiom of religion. I see this as an occasional, episodic, yet unprecedented form of public sphering in Pakistani context that brings both liberals and conservatives in direct contact with each other.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74447477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the first encounters between the East and the West, many Western artistic productions have been produced to introduce the Orient to the Occident. Antoine Galland’s translation of the oriental folkloric tales, known as One Thousand and One Nights marked a cultural transfer through introducing an exotic, colourful and adventurous, yet unsafe, life-threatening and mysterious image of the Orient. Scholars question the authenticity of the translation, and reject the true belonging of the tale of Aladdin’s Wonderful Lamp to the oriental cultural heritage suggesting its Western construction. This fabrication suggests the existence of several discourses that are to be unfolded with the critical discourse analysis of the pictorial and textual discourse of the tale and its several filmic adaptations. The tale was fully or partially adapted in several cinematographic productions during the last century. For example, while Aladin (1906) faithfully adapted part of the original tale, the 1992 version directed by Clements and Musker is a loosely inspiration perceived through an orientalist filter. The aim of this article is to investigate the authenticity and disclose the discourses concealed in Galland’s translation and its 1992 filmic adaptation, the critical discourse analysis in addition to Edward Saïd’s Orientalism provide the theoretical framework to analyse the excerpts from the translation and scenes from the film, in order to disclose the colonial, orientalist and feminist discourses they encapsulate.
{"title":"Authenticity and discourses in Aladdin (1992)","authors":"Abderrahmene Bourenane","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00021_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00021_1","url":null,"abstract":"Since the first encounters between the East and the West, many Western artistic productions have been produced to introduce the Orient to the Occident. Antoine Galland’s translation of the oriental folkloric tales, known as One Thousand and One Nights marked a cultural\u0000 transfer through introducing an exotic, colourful and adventurous, yet unsafe, life-threatening and mysterious image of the Orient. Scholars question the authenticity of the translation, and reject the true belonging of the tale of Aladdin’s Wonderful Lamp to the oriental cultural\u0000 heritage suggesting its Western construction. This fabrication suggests the existence of several discourses that are to be unfolded with the critical discourse analysis of the pictorial and textual discourse of the tale and its several filmic adaptations. The tale was fully or partially adapted\u0000 in several cinematographic productions during the last century. For example, while Aladin (1906) faithfully adapted part of the original tale, the 1992 version directed by Clements and Musker is a loosely inspiration perceived through an orientalist filter. The aim of this article is to investigate\u0000 the authenticity and disclose the discourses concealed in Galland’s translation and its 1992 filmic adaptation, the critical discourse analysis in addition to Edward Saïd’s Orientalism provide the theoretical framework to analyse the excerpts from the translation and\u0000 scenes from the film, in order to disclose the colonial, orientalist and feminist discourses they encapsulate.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73145369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article contributes to the growing research on transnational and global media events by focusing on the role of translation in the process of mediated meaning-making of the so-called Arab Spring. Furthermore, the article focuses on the role of traditional media channels (television), and questions conflation of the Arab Spring and the Arab world. Therefore, a database was created of the English television coverage on Egypt’s and Syria’s uprisings done by ‘Russia Today’ and ‘Al Jazeera’. The coverage was analysed using narrative and discourse analysis focusing on the role of media reports translation. This analysis included different translations and also considered the impact of these translations on the overall framing of the media event. It demonstrated how translation positioned the narrative structure of media events and their internal dynamic; how these dynamics were reconfigured through recontextualization; how participants were repositioned; and how the competition impacted the further dynamics of the media event.
{"title":"Media events and translation: The case of the Arab Spring","authors":"C. Morgner, Haitham Aldreabi","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00016_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00016_1","url":null,"abstract":"This article contributes to the growing research on transnational and global media events by focusing on the role of translation in the process of mediated meaning-making of the so-called Arab Spring. Furthermore, the article focuses on the role of traditional media channels (television),\u0000 and questions conflation of the Arab Spring and the Arab world. Therefore, a database was created of the English television coverage on Egypt’s and Syria’s uprisings done by ‘Russia Today’ and ‘Al Jazeera’. The coverage was analysed using narrative and discourse\u0000 analysis focusing on the role of media reports translation. This analysis included different translations and also considered the impact of these translations on the overall framing of the media event. It demonstrated how translation positioned the narrative structure of media events and their\u0000 internal dynamic; how these dynamics were reconfigured through recontextualization; how participants were repositioned; and how the competition impacted the further dynamics of the media event.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77508081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study compares RT Arabic and Sky News Arabia websites in their coverage of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria violent organization known as ISIS from 1 June 2014 until 30 June 2016, in terms of framing type and the image reflected about ISIS. The quantitative content analysis of the news articles shows similarities and few differences in the news coverage of ISIS. The study suggests that RT and Sky News share a few features in framing ISIS but still differ significantly. The two websites adopt mainly the conflict frame in presenting ISIS issues; however, they report ISIS differently when it comes to violence and human interest frames. The findings also reveal that RT and Sky News differ partially in the image reflected about ISIS on their websites. RT has exaggerated ISIS’s image more distinctly than Sky News. Besides, even though threat is the most dominant discourse about ISIS in the two websites, RT promotes ISIS as powerful and exaggerates its strength in its coverage more than Sky News.
{"title":"Framing terrorism: A comparative content analysis of ISIS news on RT Arabic and Sky News Arabia websites","authors":"Daleen Jehad Al Ibrahim, Yibin Shi","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00020_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00020_1","url":null,"abstract":"This study compares RT Arabic and Sky News Arabia websites in their coverage of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria violent organization known as ISIS from 1 June 2014 until 30 June 2016, in terms of framing type and the image reflected about ISIS. The quantitative content analysis\u0000 of the news articles shows similarities and few differences in the news coverage of ISIS. The study suggests that RT and Sky News share a few features in framing ISIS but still differ significantly. The two websites adopt mainly the conflict frame in presenting ISIS issues; however, they report\u0000 ISIS differently when it comes to violence and human interest frames. The findings also reveal that RT and Sky News differ partially in the image reflected about ISIS on their websites. RT has exaggerated ISIS’s image more distinctly than Sky News. Besides, even though threat is the\u0000 most dominant discourse about ISIS in the two websites, RT promotes ISIS as powerful and exaggerates its strength in its coverage more than Sky News.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74739652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Self-proclaimed ‘Islamic State’ (ISIS) hit the news headlines across the globe in the post-Arab Uprisings period. Its main aim was to replace the ‘colonialist borders’ of the Middle East created with the Sykes–Picot agreement in 1916. One of the atrocities of this terror network was against a minority in Iraq, the Yazidis. Whereas other victims of ISIS, such as Alawites, Druze, Ismailis and Turkmen, have not been covered thoroughly in the British and US media, Yazidis – in particular Yazidi women – dominated the titles. Notwithstanding, the framing of the Yazidis has been influential in the engagement of the Obama administration against ISIS’ move in the Levant; the Kurdish minority is still under threat today because of their ethnic and religious identity. This article discusses how agenda-setting effects the news media’s power to shape individual attitudes and public opinion. The Guardian’s agenda-setting is discussed in this article as a credible, ‘most liberal’ and ‘most trusted’ news brand in the United Kingdom. A content analysis of news articles regarding the plight of Yazidi population in Iraq and its continuous coverage mostly focusing on Yazidi women was conducted, with the articles published at the time when the crisis broke out. The authors of this article apply the notions of an ‘East–West’ divide and ‘Othering’ to frame ISIS’ move in Mount Sinjar, Iraq. The study emphasizes that The Guardian not only set the agenda by prioritizing the circumstances of the Yazidi population, but also deployed frameworks of ‘orientalist’ depictions of Yazidi women as slaves of ISIS.
{"title":"Covering ISIS in the British media: Exploring agenda-setting in The Guardian newspaper","authors":"T. Doğan, Sare Selvi Ozturk Dogan","doi":"10.1386/jammr_00019_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00019_1","url":null,"abstract":"Self-proclaimed ‘Islamic State’ (ISIS) hit the news headlines across the globe in the post-Arab Uprisings period. Its main aim was to replace the ‘colonialist borders’ of the Middle East created with the Sykes–Picot agreement in 1916. One of the atrocities\u0000 of this terror network was against a minority in Iraq, the Yazidis. Whereas other victims of ISIS, such as Alawites, Druze, Ismailis and Turkmen, have not been covered thoroughly in the British and US media, Yazidis – in particular Yazidi women – dominated the titles. Notwithstanding,\u0000 the framing of the Yazidis has been influential in the engagement of the Obama administration against ISIS’ move in the Levant; the Kurdish minority is still under threat today because of their ethnic and religious identity. This article discusses how agenda-setting effects the news\u0000 media’s power to shape individual attitudes and public opinion. The Guardian’s agenda-setting is discussed in this article as a credible, ‘most liberal’ and ‘most trusted’ news brand in the United Kingdom. A content analysis of news articles regarding\u0000 the plight of Yazidi population in Iraq and its continuous coverage mostly focusing on Yazidi women was conducted, with the articles published at the time when the crisis broke out. The authors of this article apply the notions of an ‘East–West’ divide and ‘Othering’\u0000 to frame ISIS’ move in Mount Sinjar, Iraq. The study emphasizes that The Guardian not only set the agenda by prioritizing the circumstances of the Yazidi population, but also deployed frameworks of ‘orientalist’ depictions of Yazidi women as slaves of ISIS.","PeriodicalId":36098,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89585383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：