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Ambiguous belonging: Media practices among Syrians in Denmark 模糊的归属:丹麦叙利亚人的媒体实践
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00013_1
Zenia Yonus
This article presents two prevailing media orientations among Syrian migrants in Denmark. The purpose is to show how Syrians relate to, and evaluate, mediated content, and how it relates to political action. The orientations are dyadic, and represent both news about the conflict in Syria, as well as Danish politics – migration policies in particular. The first is the ambivalent-localizing orientation that mirrors the twofold orientation towards both Danish and Syrian political events; and the second is the informed-obliterate, in which Syrians choose to drop out of media content about Syria due to mental health issues, or fear for their families still in Syria. The study shows how media practices among diasporic Syrians in Denmark are multidimensional, and puts forward the complexities of identity processes between here and there, between political activism and demobilization, and between gratitude for being safe and never feeling safe. The argument is that, these multi-local processes involve multiple interdependent factors, diverse encounters, as well as a variety of struggles in belonging. Syrians consequently lack agency as well as social, media and political recognition.
本文介绍了在丹麦的叙利亚移民中两种主流的媒体取向。目的是展示叙利亚人如何与调解内容联系和评估,以及它如何与政治行动联系起来。这些方向是两分式的,既代表了叙利亚冲突的新闻,也代表了丹麦的政治——尤其是移民政策。首先是矛盾的本土化取向,反映了丹麦和叙利亚政治事件的双重取向;第二种是“知情抹杀”,即叙利亚人出于心理健康问题或对仍在叙利亚的家人的担忧,选择退出有关叙利亚的媒体内容。这项研究表明,在丹麦的叙利亚侨民中,媒体的使用是多方面的,并提出了这里与那里之间、政治活动与遣散之间、对安全的感激与从未感到安全之间的身份认同过程的复杂性。其论点是,这些多地方过程涉及多种相互依存的因素,不同的遭遇,以及归属的各种斗争。因此,叙利亚人既缺乏机构,也缺乏社会、媒体和政治上的认可。
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引用次数: 4
Digitally mediated martyrdom: The role of the visual in political Arab activist culture 数字媒介的殉道:视觉在阿拉伯政治活动家文化中的作用
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00002_1
Kelly Lewis
Digitally mediated images depicting death and martyrdom as a trope of resistance and contestation against oppressive regimes emerged as recurring and critical instruments of dissent during the Arab uprisings of 2010‐11. While the trope of death and martyrdom as a form of political expression and resistance is not a new phenomenon in the Middle East, the affordances of digital and social media technologies have brought forth new opportunities for activists and everyday citizens to construct, circulate and communicate martyr narratives. Drawing from literature in visual politics, digital activist culture, and media and communication, this textual and iconographical analysis of visual tropes focuses on the brutal killing of Egyptian youth Khaled Said, on his construction as a posthumous injustice symbol, and on his subsequent transformation as a martyr of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. Activists and everyday citizens participated in symbolically resurrecting Said in and through digitally mediated images and transforming him into a martyr to represent the popular struggle for social justice and universal human rights. The article examines how Said is made a martyr through complex creative processes of recurrent visual appropriation, mediation, re-appropriation and remediation. It shows that the creative authorship of martyrdom is increasingly hybridized, decentralized and driven by a memetic protest dynamic. The article proposes the term ‘digitally mediated martyrdom’ to designate the emergence of a new kind of visually oriented, socially constructed and ritualized protest dynamic. It develops the conceptual framework for understanding digitally mediated martyrdom as a contemporary political practice within activist cultures and popular social justice movements. It also argues digitally mediated martyrdom represents the emergence of a new and transnational protest dynamic.
在2010年至2011年的阿拉伯起义期间,以数字媒介为媒介的图像将死亡和殉道描绘为抵抗和对抗压迫性政权的隐喻,成为反复出现的表达异见的关键工具。虽然将死亡和殉道比喻为政治表达和抵抗的一种形式在中东并不是一个新现象,但数字和社交媒体技术的发展为活动人士和普通公民提供了构建、传播和传播殉道叙事的新机会。从视觉政治、数字激进主义文化、媒体和传播的文学作品中,本文对视觉隐喻进行了文本和图像分析,重点关注埃及青年Khaled Said被残忍杀害,他作为死后不公正象征的建构,以及他随后作为2011年埃及革命烈士的转变。积极分子和普通公民通过数字媒介图像象征性地复活了赛义德,并将他变成了一个烈士,代表了争取社会正义和普遍人权的民众斗争。本文考察了赛义德是如何通过反复的视觉挪用、调解、再挪用和补救等复杂的创作过程而成为殉道者的。它表明,殉道的创造性作者越来越混杂,分散,并受到模因抗议动态的驱动。文章提出了“数字媒介的殉难”一词,以指定一种新的以视觉为导向、社会建构和仪式化的抗议动态的出现。它发展了理解数字媒介殉道作为一种当代政治实践在激进主义文化和流行的社会正义运动的概念框架。它还认为,数字媒介的殉道代表了一种新的跨国抗议动态的出现。
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引用次数: 0
Redefining #YourAverageMuslim woman: Muslim female digital activism on social media 重新定义# your average穆斯林女性:社交媒体上的穆斯林女性数字行动主义
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00004_1
Inaash Islam
Orientalist discourses have largely shaped how Muslim women have come to be represented in western visual media as oppressed, subjugated or foreign. However, with the advent of social media platforms, Muslim women are utilizing social media spaces to rearticulate the controlling images promulgated through orientalist narratives. This article examines the complex relationship visual media shares with Muslim women and demonstrates that the lens of orientalism continues to structure the imaginaries that shape visual representations of Muslim women in art, news and film. This article addresses how visual platforms and social media spaces such as YouTube are being utilized by Muslim women to undertake digital activism that seeks to subvert essentialist narratives. At the centre of this discussion is YouTuber Dina Tokio’s (2017) documentary, titled ‘#YourAverageMuslim’, which tackles western preconceived notions, and instead offers a redefined version of the ‘Muslim woman’ predicated on resisting three narratives: (1) Muslim-Woman-As-Oppressed, (2) Muslim-Woman-As-Subjugated and (3) Muslim-Woman-As-Foreign-Other. This documentary clearly demonstrates how Muslim women are using social media platforms in specific ways to shape the discourses around Muslim women. In doing so they are demonstrating their agentic capabilities, taking control of their representations, and speaking for themselves instead of being spoken for by others.
东方主义话语在很大程度上塑造了穆斯林女性如何在西方视觉媒体中被描绘成被压迫的、被征服的或外来的。然而,随着社交媒体平台的出现,穆斯林女性正在利用社交媒体空间重新表达通过东方主义叙事传播的控制形象。本文考察了视觉媒体与穆斯林女性之间的复杂关系,并证明东方主义的镜头继续构建着艺术、新闻和电影中塑造穆斯林女性视觉表现的想象。本文探讨了穆斯林女性如何利用YouTube等视觉平台和社交媒体空间来开展数字行动主义,试图颠覆本质主义叙事。这场讨论的中心是youtube用户Dina Tokio(2017)的纪录片,名为“# youraveragemmuslim”,它解决了西方先入为主的观念,而是提供了一个重新定义的“穆斯林女性”,基于抵制三种叙事:(1)穆斯林女性被压迫者,(2)穆斯林女性被征服者和(3)穆斯林女性被外国他者。这部纪录片清楚地展示了穆斯林女性如何以特定的方式使用社交媒体平台来塑造围绕穆斯林女性的话语。在这样做的过程中,他们展示了自己的代理能力,控制了自己的表现,为自己说话,而不是被别人说话。
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引用次数: 11
A new transnational arena? An analysis of cross-border web traffic towards professional online news sites in the Arab world 一个新的跨国舞台?阿拉伯世界专业在线新闻网站跨境网络流量分析
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00001_1
Andrea Haeuptli
In recent years, Arab news industries have been confronted with an unparalleled increase in demand for journalistic offers. In parallel, Internet penetration throughout the Arab world has increased significantly, leading to a shift of consumption away from traditional channels towards the digital realm. This article addresses the impact of those recent developments on a shared transnational communicative arena throughout the Arab world. It includes geographically disaggregated traffic data of 630 inductively collected professional online news sources. Using a network analysis approach, it has been assessed that indeed, cross-border consumption of professional online news is a common and general feature in the region. Traffic flows between the countries are highly diversified without patterns of sub-segmentation. At the same time, the strength of traffic flows reflects the traditional leading role of the media industries in the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Yet, weaker traffic flows between the other Arab countries are common and diverse, leading to a high overall integration of the Arab transnational communicative arena within the digital realm.
近年来,阿拉伯新闻行业面临着对新闻工作机会空前增长的需求。与此同时,整个阿拉伯世界的互联网普及率显著提高,导致消费从传统渠道转向数字领域。本文探讨这些最新发展对整个阿拉伯世界共享的跨国交流领域的影响。它包括归纳收集的630个专业在线新闻来源的地理分类流量数据。使用网络分析方法,我们评估了专业在线新闻的跨境消费确实是该地区的一个共同和普遍特征。两国之间的交通流量高度多样化,没有细分模式。与此同时,流量的强度反映了阿联酋、埃及、沙特阿拉伯和卡塔尔等国媒体行业的传统主导作用。然而,其他阿拉伯国家之间较弱的流量是共同的和多样化的,导致阿拉伯跨国交流领域在数字领域的高度整体整合。
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引用次数: 3
Social media and power in the Arab world: From dominant ideology to popular agency 阿拉伯世界的社交媒体与权力:从主流意识形态到大众机构
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00003_1
Mazhar al-Zo’by
Conceptualizing the social and political possibilities of digital mass-mediated communication in modern societies has generated a critical debate, ranging from proponents who conceive of its promising profound potential to sceptics who dismiss it as a trivial sociopolitical vacuity. For some observers in the field, social media has been mobilized to maintain hegemonic structures through a ‘weaponization’ of popular narratives on behalf of the dominant political elite. For others, social media discourse has signalled the end of grand narratives of political ideology, and has ultimately ushered in the age of subjective digital narcissism not unlike that of consumer culture in late capitalist societies. Beyond these two broader frameworks of inquiry, this article seeks to investigate the critical agency, popular sovereignty and transformative possibilities in socio-digital discourse in the modern Arab Gulf region. Recognizing the dominant and residual ideology within social media narratives, the article deploys Raymond Williams’ critical and insightful concept of ‘structures of feeling’ in order to critically assess the alternative emergent collective expressions that diverge from, yet respond to, hegemonic and dominant discourse. One of the main goals of this article, therefore, is to go beyond the conventional analysis of ‘utopian versus dystopian’ binary instrumentalization of social media in the region, to challenge the claim that media (both as technology and as technique) determine social and political consciousness. More specifically, and in contrast to McLuhan’s famed dictum that ‘the medium is the message’, this article contends that digital and social media virtues and contributions are not confined to the instrumental communication that serves practical purposes. Rather, and more fundamentally, digital and social media involve the practices and lived experiences of individuals, culture and society, especially those that constitute the formations of collective and emergent identities.
将现代社会中数字大众媒介传播的社会和政治可能性概念化,引发了一场激烈的辩论,既有支持者认为它具有巨大的潜力,也有怀疑论者认为它是微不足道的社会政治空虚。对于该领域的一些观察家来说,社会媒体已经被动员起来,通过代表占主导地位的政治精英的流行叙事的“武器化”来维持霸权结构。对其他人来说,社交媒体话语标志着政治意识形态宏大叙事的终结,并最终迎来了主观数字自恋时代,这与资本主义社会晚期的消费文化时代没什么不同。除了这两个更广泛的调查框架之外,本文还试图调查现代阿拉伯海湾地区社会数字话语中的关键机构、人民主权和变革可能性。认识到社会媒体叙事中的主导意识形态和残余意识形态,本文运用了雷蒙德·威廉姆斯(Raymond Williams)批判性和富有洞察力的“感觉结构”概念,以批判性地评估与霸权和主导话语不同,但又对其做出回应的另类新兴集体表达。因此,本文的主要目标之一是超越对该地区社交媒体的“乌托邦与反乌托邦”二元工具化的传统分析,挑战媒体(作为技术和技术)决定社会和政治意识的说法。更具体地说,与麦克卢汉的著名格言“媒介即信息”相反,本文认为,数字和社交媒体的优点和贡献并不局限于服务于实际目的的工具性交流。更根本的是,数字和社交媒体涉及个人、文化和社会的实践和生活经验,特别是那些构成集体和新兴身份的形式。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the ‘online’: Iranian women’s non-movement of resistance 在“网络”之外:伊朗女性的非抵抗运动
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00005_1
Helia Asgari, K. Sarikakis
In many undemocratic countries where conservative law and patriarchal ideas are in place, women are considered second-class citizens particularly in domains of public life. After Iran’s Islamic revolution, Iranian women were confronted with a theocratic regime, which imposed laws and norms, which limited women’s activities and violated earned liberties. The activities of women under non-democratic states and patriarchal systems are thwarted by the repressive measures of authoritarian states as well as patriarchal society and hostile attitudes of ordinary men and women. New normative frameworks and practices imposed gender segregation in various aspects. During these years, women attempt to resist these policies, not by deliberate, organized campaigns but through daily practices in public life. Asef Bayat calls these kinds of resistance and activities ‘social non-movement’. This article focuses on a rather under-researched form of social activism and attempts to describe the way in which social media might be supportive tools for women aiming to build active networks and communicative spaces to deliberate on challenges to their lives. At the same time, these spaces function as the civic training ground where representations of political demands for social change are put forth. This article discusses ways in which social media have been used as platforms where women’s demands, among others, hold identity dimensions as well as violation of their basic and human rights.
在许多实行保守法律和父权观念的不民主国家,妇女被视为二等公民,特别是在公共生活领域。在伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,伊朗妇女面对的是一个神权政权,这个政权强加了法律和规范,限制了妇女的活动,侵犯了她们应得的自由。在非民主国家和父权制度下,妇女的活动受到专制国家的镇压措施、父权社会和普通男女的敌对态度的阻挠。新的规范框架和做法在各个方面实行性别隔离。这些年来,妇女试图抵制这些政策,但不是通过有意的、有组织的运动,而是通过公共生活中的日常实践。Asef Bayat称这些抵抗和活动为“社会非运动”。本文关注的是一种尚未得到充分研究的社会行动主义形式,并试图描述社交媒体可能成为女性的支持工具的方式,这些女性旨在建立活跃的网络和交流空间,以讨论她们生活中的挑战。与此同时,这些空间作为公民训练场地,在这里提出社会变革的政治要求。本文讨论了社交媒体如何被用作女性诉求的平台,其中包括身份维度,以及对其基本权利和人权的侵犯。
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引用次数: 2
Ikhwanweb: A digital archive for a post-Islamist movement? Ikhwanweb:后伊斯兰运动的数字档案?
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00006_1
Paolo d’Urbano
The article looks at Ikhwanweb, the English website of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), from its early days and through the years before the 25th January revolution. The archive is used as a theoretical concept to capture both the symbolic and material struggles that the MB faced while trying to articulate its political vision. As a nodal point where power and knowledge intersect, the concept of the archive was first theorized by Foucault and Derrida. Ikhwanweb is examined as a digital archive, a site for both knowledge and memory production. The first section deals with the main analytical concept; the second tells the troubled history of the material infrastructure required to run the website. Then two main threads are identified and examined. The need to distantiate the organization from political violence and that of reaching out ‘the West’ shaped the content of Ikhwanweb. The website also allowed the group to interact directly with policy-making circles and research institutions. Can this be said to be part of that process Bayat calls post-Islamism? The concluding section reflects on this question and suggests a more ambivalent picture.
这篇文章回顾了埃及穆斯林兄弟会(MB)的英文网站Ikhwanweb,从其成立之初到1月25日革命前的几年。该档案被用作一个理论概念,以捕捉MB在试图阐明其政治愿景时所面临的象征性和物质斗争。作为权力与知识相交的节点,档案概念最早由福柯和德里达理论化。Ikhwanweb被视为一个数字档案,一个知识和记忆生产的网站。第一部分阐述了主要的分析概念;第二部分讲述了运行网站所需的物质基础设施的麻烦历史。然后对两个主线进行了识别和检查。将该组织与政治暴力划清界限的需要以及与“西方”接触的需要塑造了Ikhwanweb的内容。该网站还允许该小组直接与决策圈和研究机构互动。这可以说是巴亚特所谓的后伊斯兰主义进程的一部分吗?结论部分反映了这个问题,并提出了一个更加矛盾的画面。
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引用次数: 0
Hashtag Unity: Qatar’s digital nationalism in the Gulf crisis 标签团结:海湾危机中卡塔尔的数字民族主义
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.43_1
Nurgul Oruc
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引用次数: 3
Reshaping representation of race relations in the age of new media: A case study of Chapeltown in Leeds, UK 新媒体时代种族关系再现的重塑:以英国利兹市查普尔敦为例
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.87_1
I. Raja
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引用次数: 0
The democratic consequences of online media consumption in post-revolutionary Egypt 革命后埃及网络媒体消费的民主后果
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.65_1
Alaa A. El-Shamy
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research
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