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Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research最新文献

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Social media and power in the Arab world: From dominant ideology to popular agency 阿拉伯世界的社交媒体与权力:从主流意识形态到大众机构
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00003_1
Mazhar al-Zo’by
Conceptualizing the social and political possibilities of digital mass-mediated communication in modern societies has generated a critical debate, ranging from proponents who conceive of its promising profound potential to sceptics who dismiss it as a trivial sociopolitical vacuity. For some observers in the field, social media has been mobilized to maintain hegemonic structures through a ‘weaponization’ of popular narratives on behalf of the dominant political elite. For others, social media discourse has signalled the end of grand narratives of political ideology, and has ultimately ushered in the age of subjective digital narcissism not unlike that of consumer culture in late capitalist societies. Beyond these two broader frameworks of inquiry, this article seeks to investigate the critical agency, popular sovereignty and transformative possibilities in socio-digital discourse in the modern Arab Gulf region. Recognizing the dominant and residual ideology within social media narratives, the article deploys Raymond Williams’ critical and insightful concept of ‘structures of feeling’ in order to critically assess the alternative emergent collective expressions that diverge from, yet respond to, hegemonic and dominant discourse. One of the main goals of this article, therefore, is to go beyond the conventional analysis of ‘utopian versus dystopian’ binary instrumentalization of social media in the region, to challenge the claim that media (both as technology and as technique) determine social and political consciousness. More specifically, and in contrast to McLuhan’s famed dictum that ‘the medium is the message’, this article contends that digital and social media virtues and contributions are not confined to the instrumental communication that serves practical purposes. Rather, and more fundamentally, digital and social media involve the practices and lived experiences of individuals, culture and society, especially those that constitute the formations of collective and emergent identities.
将现代社会中数字大众媒介传播的社会和政治可能性概念化,引发了一场激烈的辩论,既有支持者认为它具有巨大的潜力,也有怀疑论者认为它是微不足道的社会政治空虚。对于该领域的一些观察家来说,社会媒体已经被动员起来,通过代表占主导地位的政治精英的流行叙事的“武器化”来维持霸权结构。对其他人来说,社交媒体话语标志着政治意识形态宏大叙事的终结,并最终迎来了主观数字自恋时代,这与资本主义社会晚期的消费文化时代没什么不同。除了这两个更广泛的调查框架之外,本文还试图调查现代阿拉伯海湾地区社会数字话语中的关键机构、人民主权和变革可能性。认识到社会媒体叙事中的主导意识形态和残余意识形态,本文运用了雷蒙德·威廉姆斯(Raymond Williams)批判性和富有洞察力的“感觉结构”概念,以批判性地评估与霸权和主导话语不同,但又对其做出回应的另类新兴集体表达。因此,本文的主要目标之一是超越对该地区社交媒体的“乌托邦与反乌托邦”二元工具化的传统分析,挑战媒体(作为技术和技术)决定社会和政治意识的说法。更具体地说,与麦克卢汉的著名格言“媒介即信息”相反,本文认为,数字和社交媒体的优点和贡献并不局限于服务于实际目的的工具性交流。更根本的是,数字和社交媒体涉及个人、文化和社会的实践和生活经验,特别是那些构成集体和新兴身份的形式。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the ‘online’: Iranian women’s non-movement of resistance 在“网络”之外:伊朗女性的非抵抗运动
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00005_1
Helia Asgari, K. Sarikakis
In many undemocratic countries where conservative law and patriarchal ideas are in place, women are considered second-class citizens particularly in domains of public life. After Iran’s Islamic revolution, Iranian women were confronted with a theocratic regime, which imposed laws and norms, which limited women’s activities and violated earned liberties. The activities of women under non-democratic states and patriarchal systems are thwarted by the repressive measures of authoritarian states as well as patriarchal society and hostile attitudes of ordinary men and women. New normative frameworks and practices imposed gender segregation in various aspects. During these years, women attempt to resist these policies, not by deliberate, organized campaigns but through daily practices in public life. Asef Bayat calls these kinds of resistance and activities ‘social non-movement’. This article focuses on a rather under-researched form of social activism and attempts to describe the way in which social media might be supportive tools for women aiming to build active networks and communicative spaces to deliberate on challenges to their lives. At the same time, these spaces function as the civic training ground where representations of political demands for social change are put forth. This article discusses ways in which social media have been used as platforms where women’s demands, among others, hold identity dimensions as well as violation of their basic and human rights.
在许多实行保守法律和父权观念的不民主国家,妇女被视为二等公民,特别是在公共生活领域。在伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,伊朗妇女面对的是一个神权政权,这个政权强加了法律和规范,限制了妇女的活动,侵犯了她们应得的自由。在非民主国家和父权制度下,妇女的活动受到专制国家的镇压措施、父权社会和普通男女的敌对态度的阻挠。新的规范框架和做法在各个方面实行性别隔离。这些年来,妇女试图抵制这些政策,但不是通过有意的、有组织的运动,而是通过公共生活中的日常实践。Asef Bayat称这些抵抗和活动为“社会非运动”。本文关注的是一种尚未得到充分研究的社会行动主义形式,并试图描述社交媒体可能成为女性的支持工具的方式,这些女性旨在建立活跃的网络和交流空间,以讨论她们生活中的挑战。与此同时,这些空间作为公民训练场地,在这里提出社会变革的政治要求。本文讨论了社交媒体如何被用作女性诉求的平台,其中包括身份维度,以及对其基本权利和人权的侵犯。
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引用次数: 2
Ikhwanweb: A digital archive for a post-Islamist movement? Ikhwanweb:后伊斯兰运动的数字档案?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/jammr_00006_1
Paolo d’Urbano
The article looks at Ikhwanweb, the English website of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), from its early days and through the years before the 25th January revolution. The archive is used as a theoretical concept to capture both the symbolic and material struggles that the MB faced while trying to articulate its political vision. As a nodal point where power and knowledge intersect, the concept of the archive was first theorized by Foucault and Derrida. Ikhwanweb is examined as a digital archive, a site for both knowledge and memory production. The first section deals with the main analytical concept; the second tells the troubled history of the material infrastructure required to run the website. Then two main threads are identified and examined. The need to distantiate the organization from political violence and that of reaching out ‘the West’ shaped the content of Ikhwanweb. The website also allowed the group to interact directly with policy-making circles and research institutions. Can this be said to be part of that process Bayat calls post-Islamism? The concluding section reflects on this question and suggests a more ambivalent picture.
这篇文章回顾了埃及穆斯林兄弟会(MB)的英文网站Ikhwanweb,从其成立之初到1月25日革命前的几年。该档案被用作一个理论概念,以捕捉MB在试图阐明其政治愿景时所面临的象征性和物质斗争。作为权力与知识相交的节点,档案概念最早由福柯和德里达理论化。Ikhwanweb被视为一个数字档案,一个知识和记忆生产的网站。第一部分阐述了主要的分析概念;第二部分讲述了运行网站所需的物质基础设施的麻烦历史。然后对两个主线进行了识别和检查。将该组织与政治暴力划清界限的需要以及与“西方”接触的需要塑造了Ikhwanweb的内容。该网站还允许该小组直接与决策圈和研究机构互动。这可以说是巴亚特所谓的后伊斯兰主义进程的一部分吗?结论部分反映了这个问题,并提出了一个更加矛盾的画面。
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引用次数: 0
Hashtag Unity: Qatar’s digital nationalism in the Gulf crisis 标签团结:海湾危机中卡塔尔的数字民族主义
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.43_1
Nurgul Oruc
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引用次数: 3
Reshaping representation of race relations in the age of new media: A case study of Chapeltown in Leeds, UK 新媒体时代种族关系再现的重塑:以英国利兹市查普尔敦为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.87_1
I. Raja
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引用次数: 0
The democratic consequences of online media consumption in post-revolutionary Egypt 革命后埃及网络媒体消费的民主后果
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.65_1
Alaa A. El-Shamy
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引用次数: 1
Brides vs fighters in the media lens: Orientalism, Islamophobia and gender in media discourse on international recruits to ISIS 媒体镜头中的新娘与战士:关于ISIS国际新兵的媒体话语中的东方主义、伊斯兰恐惧症和性别
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.12.1.115_1
A. Azeez
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引用次数: 3
Elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran: A source of democratic learning and moderation 伊朗伊斯兰共和国的选举:民主学习和节制的源泉
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.11.2.157_1
Naser Ghobadzadeh
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引用次数: 5
Civic resilience during conflict: Syria’s local councils 冲突中的公民复原力:叙利亚地方议会
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.11.2.135_1
L. Saleh
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引用次数: 5
Harakat Mujtama’ al-Silm: Democratic learning in Algeria Harakat Mujtama ' al-Silm:阿尔及利亚的民主学习
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-11-01 DOI: 10.1386/JAMMR.11.2.199_1
Youcef Bouandel
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research
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