Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16534538763121
S. J. Turnbull-Dugarte
{"title":"Rainbows and traffic lights: queer voters at the German ballot box","authors":"S. J. Turnbull-Dugarte","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16534538763121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16534538763121","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88022026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16523466058289
Annika Bergman Rosamond, Elsa Hedling
This article interrogates the digital storytelling of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Drawing on scholarship on state feminism and digital diplomacy, it shows how digital platforms offer opportunities to reproduce narratives of state feminism through storytelling. We propose that digital diplomacy is used to advance feminist foreign policy through emotional sense-making that requires the telling of personal stories. The article provides a narrative analysis of the stories of women and girls that symbolise and embody feminist foreign policy, and the way in which they are communicated by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article concludes by noting that the digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy allows the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to communicate to a wider digital audience. These stories, however, run the risk of obscuring the feminist ambitions of feminist foreign policy by insufficiently considering the gendered injustices that undergird the global gender order and by bringing together seemingly incompatible stories of feminist exceptionalism and success.
{"title":"The digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy: Sweden’s state feminism in digital diplomacy","authors":"Annika Bergman Rosamond, Elsa Hedling","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16523466058289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16523466058289","url":null,"abstract":"This article interrogates the digital storytelling of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Drawing on scholarship on state feminism and digital diplomacy, it shows how digital platforms offer opportunities to reproduce narratives of state feminism through storytelling. We propose that digital diplomacy is used to advance feminist foreign policy through emotional sense-making that requires the telling of personal stories. The article provides a narrative analysis of the stories of women and girls that symbolise and embody feminist foreign policy, and the way in which they are communicated by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article concludes by noting that the digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy allows the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to communicate to a wider digital audience. These stories, however, run the risk of obscuring the feminist ambitions of feminist foreign policy by insufficiently considering the gendered injustices that undergird the global gender order and by bringing together seemingly incompatible stories of feminist exceptionalism and success.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"43 9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72989545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-13DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16505525299538
M. Finnsdottir
Recent decades have seen an electoral resurgence of radical right parties in Europe. Despite their international reputations as gender-egalitarian welfare paradises, the Nordic nations are no exception to this trend. While Nordic radical right movements have appropriated gender-egalitarian language, the leadership and voting bases of these parties remains overwhelmingly male. The gender gap is generally understood as a reflection of gender differences in structural location and in values. This article examines the importance of attitudinal and structural influences on voting behaviour for men and women. I highlight the role of anti-immigrant sentiment, while also arguing that gender differences in voter demand for radical right politics are intimately linked to differences in party supply. In short, I endeavour to provide a nuanced view of the gender gap in radical right voting, while nonetheless highlighting the importance of anti-immigrant sentiment in radical right politics.
{"title":"Radical women? Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting in the Nordic countries","authors":"M. Finnsdottir","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16505525299538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16505525299538","url":null,"abstract":"Recent decades have seen an electoral resurgence of radical right parties in Europe. Despite their international reputations as gender-egalitarian welfare paradises, the Nordic nations are no exception to this trend. While Nordic radical right movements have appropriated gender-egalitarian language, the leadership and voting bases of these parties remains overwhelmingly male. The gender gap is generally understood as a reflection of gender differences in structural location and in values. This article examines the importance of attitudinal and structural influences on voting behaviour for men and women. I highlight the role of anti-immigrant sentiment, while also arguing that gender differences in voter demand for radical right politics are intimately linked to differences in party supply. In short, I endeavour to provide a nuanced view of the gender gap in radical right voting, while nonetheless highlighting the importance of anti-immigrant sentiment in radical right politics.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86273590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-12DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16499491831299
Ashlee Christoffersen
The Black feminist theory of intersectionality has fuelled critiques of siloed1 equality policy developed from the experiences of, and to serve the interests of, those who are disadvantaged in relation to one marker of inequality but privileged in relation to others. European gender equality policy is an important case in point, developed this way because intersectionally marginalised women (for example, Black women and women of colour) have been largely excluded from policy spaces, so the resulting hegemonic approach to inequalities has been to privilege a singular approach to gender. While dominant actors in the European gender equality arena not long ago explicitly voiced resistance and opposition to work on inequalities other than gender (Jacquot, 2015) and to intersectionality, this position is becoming less tenable: ‘without an intersectional approach ... the women’s movement will lack credibility’ (European Commission Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, 2020). The term ‘intersectionality’ is increasingly mobilised in European gender equality policy debates. However, here, the challenge of intersectionality is, antithetically, reduced to seeking to make gender equality policy ‘more intersectional’. Moreover, the particular and ongoing whitened, additive and depoliticised way in which intersectionality is being appropriated across different realms of European policy requires careful attention. The dominant constructed narrative concerning intersectionality in relation to European gender equality policy is that it is a ‘new’ theory that presents challenges to older ways of theorising and legislating on social inequalities – yet, ideas of intersectionality have a long tradition in Europe (Emejulu and Sobande, 2019). Equality policy developed in siloed ways not because intersectionality was a theory unknown to political actors of the time, but because siloed structures reflect the experiences and interests of dominant groups. In the UK, for example, where legislation concerning racial inequalities preceded legislation on gender, some white women parliamentarians wanted ‘sex’ and race to be separate, and made arguments promoting the idea that they are mutually exclusive, resting on racist beliefs in 2022
{"title":"Developments in the appropriation of intersectionality by white feminism in European policy","authors":"Ashlee Christoffersen","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16499491831299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16499491831299","url":null,"abstract":"The Black feminist theory of intersectionality has fuelled critiques of siloed1 equality policy developed from the experiences of, and to serve the interests of, those who are disadvantaged in relation to one marker of inequality but privileged in relation to others. European gender equality policy is an important case in point, developed this way because intersectionally marginalised women (for example, Black women and women of colour) have been largely excluded from policy spaces, so the resulting hegemonic approach to inequalities has been to privilege a singular approach to gender. While dominant actors in the European gender equality arena not long ago explicitly voiced resistance and opposition to work on inequalities other than gender (Jacquot, 2015) and to intersectionality, this position is becoming less tenable: ‘without an intersectional approach ... the women’s movement will lack credibility’ (European Commission Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, 2020). The term ‘intersectionality’ is increasingly mobilised in European gender equality policy debates. However, here, the challenge of intersectionality is, antithetically, reduced to seeking to make gender equality policy ‘more intersectional’. Moreover, the particular and ongoing whitened, additive and depoliticised way in which intersectionality is being appropriated across different realms of European policy requires careful attention. The dominant constructed narrative concerning intersectionality in relation to European gender equality policy is that it is a ‘new’ theory that presents challenges to older ways of theorising and legislating on social inequalities – yet, ideas of intersectionality have a long tradition in Europe (Emejulu and Sobande, 2019). Equality policy developed in siloed ways not because intersectionality was a theory unknown to political actors of the time, but because siloed structures reflect the experiences and interests of dominant groups. In the UK, for example, where legislation concerning racial inequalities preceded legislation on gender, some white women parliamentarians wanted ‘sex’ and race to be separate, and made arguments promoting the idea that they are mutually exclusive, resting on racist beliefs in 2022","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79240855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-05DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16498676658252
Christina Walcherberger, Jakob-Moritz Eberl, Julia Partheymüller, K. Paul, T. Stamm
{"title":"COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and gender","authors":"Christina Walcherberger, Jakob-Moritz Eberl, Julia Partheymüller, K. Paul, T. Stamm","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16498676658252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16498676658252","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87027491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-05DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16499363293389
K. Wright
{"title":"Where is Women, Peace and Security? NATO’s response to the Russia–Ukraine war","authors":"K. Wright","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16499363293389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16499363293389","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87123398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-05DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16490897406533
Ana Ballesteros-Pena, María Bustelo
This article aims to understand what happens when gender equality policies cross prison walls – a challenging domain that has traditionally been invisibilised and ignored in the scholarship on gender and politics. By analysing the formulation and post-adoption phases in Spain, four main conclusions are drawn: first, the formulation phase has been highly impacted by the absence of the feminist movement and gender experts, resulting in the adoption of traditional views about the nature and needs of women; second, the lack of knowledge about, or disagreement with, the goals of the public policies activates forms of resistance that block attempts to advance; third, the ideas included in policy documents can be ‘fixed’ in the implementation phase and can eventually shape future courses of action; and, finally, the persistent absence of the feminist movement in the post-adoption phase results in the lack of opportunities to change the course of action towards a more transformative path.
{"title":"Gender equality in prison reform in Spain: how a gender-biased, closed policy system prevents real change","authors":"Ana Ballesteros-Pena, María Bustelo","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16490897406533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16490897406533","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to understand what happens when gender equality policies cross prison walls – a challenging domain that has traditionally been invisibilised and ignored in the scholarship on gender and politics. By analysing the formulation and post-adoption phases in Spain, four main conclusions are drawn: first, the formulation phase has been highly impacted by the absence of the feminist movement and gender experts, resulting in the adoption of traditional views about the nature and needs of women; second, the lack of knowledge about, or disagreement with, the goals of the public policies activates forms of resistance that block attempts to advance; third, the ideas included in policy documents can be ‘fixed’ in the implementation phase and can eventually shape future courses of action; and, finally, the persistent absence of the feminist movement in the post-adoption phase results in the lack of opportunities to change the course of action towards a more transformative path.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75060951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16354049461534
Sarah Smith, Elena B. Stavrevska
This article examines the incorporation of intersectional perspectives – using intersectionality as theory and method – into the Women, Peace and Security agenda. We conduct a content analysis of the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and 98 current Women, Peace and Security national action plans. The analysis shows that intersectionality has been integrated into the Women, Peace and Security agenda to only a limited extent, despite more recent trends towards referencing the term in policy documents. Even where intersectionality or intersectional concerns are referenced, these tend to reinforce hegemonic categorisations based on sex difference. We therefore argue that policy and practice ought to incorporate intersectionality in its view of both power and identities, as well as in its organising frameworks, and thereby take into consideration how intersecting systems of power affect lived experiences for groups and individuals, their access to justice, and their ability to exercise agency.Key messagesWomen, Peace and Security policy to date has not sufficiently incorporated the lessons of intersectionality.Gender-just peace processes require the Women, Peace and Security agenda and peacebuilding to complicate gender in policymaking.Intersectionality, as derived from Black feminist theory, goes beyond including those marginalised by ‘difference’.Incorporating intersectionality prevents a single-axis approach, which is greatly needed in responses to conflict-affected communities.
{"title":"A different Women, Peace and Security is possible? Intersectionality in Women, Peace and Security resolutions and national action plans","authors":"Sarah Smith, Elena B. Stavrevska","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16354049461534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16354049461534","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the incorporation of intersectional perspectives – using intersectionality as theory and method – into the Women, Peace and Security agenda. We conduct a content analysis of the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and 98 current Women, Peace and Security national action plans. The analysis shows that intersectionality has been integrated into the Women, Peace and Security agenda to only a limited extent, despite more recent trends towards referencing the term in policy documents. Even where intersectionality or intersectional concerns are referenced, these tend to reinforce hegemonic categorisations based on sex difference. We therefore argue that policy and practice ought to incorporate intersectionality in its view of both power and identities, as well as in its organising frameworks, and thereby take into consideration how intersecting systems of power affect lived experiences for groups and individuals, their access to justice, and their ability to exercise agency.Key messagesWomen, Peace and Security policy to date has not sufficiently incorporated the lessons of intersectionality.Gender-just peace processes require the Women, Peace and Security agenda and peacebuilding to complicate gender in policymaking.Intersectionality, as derived from Black feminist theory, goes beyond including those marginalised by ‘difference’.Incorporating intersectionality prevents a single-axis approach, which is greatly needed in responses to conflict-affected communities.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89655861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16359327302509
Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström, Zin Mar Phyo
This article engages with emerging debates about feminist peace and uses this concept to assess the ability of the Women, Peace and Security agenda to achieve gender-just change. We advance a conception of feminist peace as political conditions that allow women affected by conflict to articulate their visions of change and influence the construction of post-war order. Applying this to a case study of Women, Peace and Security practice in Myanmar, we demonstrate that features of how international aid is organised, combined with the Myanmar government’s interest in excluding critical voices, limit the ability of Women, Peace and Security practices to contribute to feminist peace. This highlights the potential for illiberal post-war states to obstruct and co-opt the Women, Peace and Security agenda, and shows how the women most directly affected by armed conflict are often the least able to participate in, benefit from and inform Women, Peace and Security practices.Key messagesThe article examines to what extent Women, Peace and Security practices in Myanmar contribute to feminist peace.Feminist peace is theorised as political conditions that allow women’s experiences and priorities to inform peacebuilding.Findings show that Women, Peace and Security support is least likely to benefit the women most affected by war.This is compounded by illiberal government efforts to exclude critical voices.
{"title":"Feminist peace or state co-optation? The Women, Peace and Security agenda in Myanmar","authors":"Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström, Zin Mar Phyo","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16359327302509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16359327302509","url":null,"abstract":"This article engages with emerging debates about feminist peace and uses this concept to assess the ability of the Women, Peace and Security agenda to achieve gender-just change. We advance a conception of feminist peace as political conditions that allow women affected by conflict to articulate their visions of change and influence the construction of post-war order. Applying this to a case study of Women, Peace and Security practice in Myanmar, we demonstrate that features of how international aid is organised, combined with the Myanmar government’s interest in excluding critical voices, limit the ability of Women, Peace and Security practices to contribute to feminist peace. This highlights the potential for illiberal post-war states to obstruct and co-opt the Women, Peace and Security agenda, and shows how the women most directly affected by armed conflict are often the least able to participate in, benefit from and inform Women, Peace and Security practices.Key messagesThe article examines to what extent Women, Peace and Security practices in Myanmar contribute to feminist peace.Feminist peace is theorised as political conditions that allow women’s experiences and priorities to inform peacebuilding.Findings show that Women, Peace and Security support is least likely to benefit the women most affected by war.This is compounded by illiberal government efforts to exclude critical voices.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74407333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_2
Christina Julios
{"title":"Understanding Sexual Harassment in the #MeToo Era","authors":"Christina Julios","doi":"10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90576429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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