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Cleaning up the Houses of Parliament 清理国会大厦
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_5
Christina Julios
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引用次数: 0
Preferences for and perceptions about politicians’ goals and how they impact women’s and men’s political ambition 对政治家目标的偏好和看法,以及它们如何影响女性和男性的政治抱负
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16423796696763
H. Coffé, Robin Devroe, Audrey Vandeleene, Bram Wauters
Women consistently report lower levels of nascent political ambition than men, which causes problems for the recruitment of women in politics. The aim of this study is to better understand the mechanisms behind this gender gap by simultaneously studying the extent to which gender differences in preferences for and perceptions about the typical goals attained through a political career (power, independence and communal goals) can explain gender differences in political ambition. Using data collected among Belgian political and social sciences students (N = 322), our results provide a strong confirmation of the gender gap in political ambition. We also find substantial gender differences in preferences for and perceptions about goals pursued through political careers. However, these individual-level differences in preferences and perceptions only marginally reduce the gender gap in political ambition, emphasising the need for active political recruitment.Key messagesThere is a gender gap in political ambition, even among political and social sciences students.Women are less attracted to the independence and power goals of a political mandate than men.Women are interested in achieving communal goals but believe that they are not central to a political mandate.Preferences for and perceptions about power goals explain political ambition but not the gender gap.
据报道,妇女的政治抱负一直低于男子,这给在政界招募妇女带来了问题。本研究的目的是更好地理解这种性别差距背后的机制,同时研究性别差异在多大程度上对政治生涯中实现的典型目标(权力、独立和共同目标)的偏好和看法可以解释政治抱负的性别差异。利用从比利时政治和社会科学专业学生(N = 322)中收集的数据,我们的结果有力地证实了政治抱负的性别差异。我们还发现,在政治生涯中追求的目标的偏好和看法上,性别差异很大。然而,这些个人偏好和观念上的差异只是略微减少了政治抱负上的性别差距,强调了积极的政治招募的必要性。关键信息在政治抱负方面存在性别差异,即使在政治和社会科学专业的学生中也是如此。女性不像男性那样被政治授权的独立性和权力目标所吸引。妇女对实现共同目标感兴趣,但认为她们不是政治任务的核心。对权力目标的偏好和认知可以解释政治野心,但不能解释性别差异。
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引用次数: 1
Conclusion: Heeding the #MeToo Lessons? 总结:吸取了#MeToo的教训吗?
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_7
Christina Julios
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引用次数: 0
The origins of gender-targeted public finance measures: the case of New Brunswick, Canada 以性别为目标的公共财政措施的起源:以加拿大新不伦瑞克为例
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16354220366241
Joanna Everitt, Quinn M. Albaugh
In recent years, there has been growing interest in policies that offer financial incentives to political parties to nominate women. Under what circumstances do political parties agree to adopt financial incentives for women’s representation? In this article, we conduct a feminist historical institutionalist case study of the adoption of gender-targeted public finance in the Canadian province of New Brunswick in 2017. We draw on a combination of: direct personal experience advocating for financial incentives for women candidates; interviews with party insiders, policymakers and actors within feminist organisations; and documentary evidence. The results have implications for understanding the potential for success of efforts to adopt financial incentives in other jurisdictions.Key messagesHistorical institutional choices, feminist actors and strategic political incentives led to gender-targeted public finance.Reforms that ‘tweak’ the system are easier to achieve than quotas or major system overhauls.Feminist actors and ideas are important but require the right sequence of events to produce change.Governments can be persuaded to adopt feminist policies when it is in their strategic interests.
近年来,人们对为政党提名女性候选人提供财政奖励的政策越来越感兴趣。政党在什么情况下同意对妇女代表采取财政奖励?在本文中,我们对2017年加拿大新不伦瑞克省采用性别目标公共财政的女性主义历史制度主义案例进行了研究。我们借鉴了以下几个方面:倡导对女性候选人给予经济奖励的直接个人经验;对党内人士、政策制定者和女权组织行动者的采访;还有书面证据。研究结果对了解在其他司法管辖区采取财政激励措施的成功可能性具有启示意义。历史制度选择、女权主义行动者和战略性政治激励导致了以性别为目标的公共财政。“调整”制度的改革比配额或重大制度改革更容易实现。女权主义演员和思想很重要,但需要正确的事件顺序来产生变化。在符合政府战略利益的情况下,可以说服政府采取女权主义政策。
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引用次数: 0
Women's Access, Representation and Leadership in the United Nations 妇女在联合国的机会、代表性和领导地位
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-83537-8
K. Haack
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引用次数: 2
Looking the other way: how ideology influences perceptions of sexual harassment 从另一个角度看:意识形态如何影响人们对性骚扰的看法
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16445951244136
Claire M. Gothreau, Clarisse Warren, Stephen P. Schneider
Little research has systematically examined the relationship between ideology and perceptions of sexual harassment. Recognising differences in the way in which sexual harassment and assault were discussed on political programming and social media by partisans, we posed the following questions: (1) ‘Is there an ideological difference in perceptions of observed sexual harassment?’; and (2) ‘Is there also an ideological difference in perceptions of personally experienced sexual harassment?’ Using data from two studies, we find that conservatives are less likely than liberals to perceive and label both ambiguous and unambiguous situations as sexual harassment. Our third study – a survey of adult women – demonstrates that compared to liberal women, conservative women report significantly fewer instances of personally experienced gender discrimination and sexual harassment than liberal women. These results indicate that both observed and lived experiences of sexual harassment are linked to one’s ideological belief structures.Key messagesConservatives are less likely than liberals to perceive and label both ambiguous and unambiguous workplace scenarios as sexual harassment.Conservative women report significantly fewer instances of sexual harassment and gender discrimination than liberal women.These findings have broad implications for policy support and political attitudes about gender discrimination and harassment.
很少有研究系统地考察意识形态和对性骚扰的看法之间的关系。认识到党派人士在政治节目和社交媒体上讨论性骚扰和性侵犯的方式存在差异,我们提出了以下问题:(1)“对观察到的性骚扰的看法是否存在意识形态差异?”;(2)“对个人经历的性骚扰的看法是否也存在意识形态差异?”“根据两项研究的数据,我们发现保守派比自由派更不可能将模棱两可和明确的情况视为性骚扰。”我们的第三项研究——一项对成年女性的调查——表明,与自由派女性相比,保守派女性报告的个人经历的性别歧视和性骚扰事件明显少于自由派女性。这些结果表明,性骚扰的观察和生活经历都与一个人的意识形态信仰结构有关。关键信息与自由主义者相比,保守派不太可能将模棱两可和明确的工作场所场景视为性骚扰。保守派女性报告的性骚扰和性别歧视事件明显少于自由派女性。这些发现对有关性别歧视和骚扰的政策支持和政治态度具有广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Left-Wing Populism and Feminist Politics 左翼民粹主义与女权主义政治
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-99232-3
P. Castaño
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引用次数: 1
The role of women’s descriptive representation on same-gender and proximity voting among women 妇女的描述性代表性对妇女同性投票和近距离投票的作用
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510822x16455561289679
Benjamin Ferland
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引用次数: 0
Not that niche: making room for the study of LGBTIQ people in political science 不是那个小众:在政治科学中为LGBTIQ人群的研究腾出空间
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16345581767345
Phillip M. Ayoub
Despite both unparalleled progress on and persistent backlash to LGBTI rights in world politics, LGBTIQ people are rarely centred in our work as political scientists. This article charts the status of LGBTIQ scholarship in political science, advocating the creation of new spaces for such scholarship in the field, including in the pages of journals like the European Journal of Politics and Gender. Drawing on recent studies of the profession and on the reflections of leading LGBTIQ thinkers on navigating their presence in the subfield, I argue that LGBTIQ scholars and their scholarship still face individual-level and structural discrimination in political science. This encompasses active and passive homophobia and transphobia in teaching, getting hired and promoted, gaining access to research funding, and the publication process.Key messagesThe article charts a brief history of the status of LGBTIQ scholarship in political science.The article advocates for new spaces for such scholarship in the field, including in the pages of journals like the European Journal of Politics and Gender.The article draws on recent studies of the profession and on the reflections of leading LGBTIQ thinkers on navigating their presence in the subfield.The article argues that LGBTIQ scholars and their scholarship still face discrimination in political science, and that this neglect is not without consequences for knowledge production in the field.
尽管在世界政治中,LGBTI的权利取得了空前的进步,也遭到了持续的反对,但LGBTIQ人群很少以我们作为政治科学家的工作为中心。本文描绘了LGBTIQ学术在政治学中的地位,提倡为这一领域的学术创造新的空间,包括在《欧洲政治与性别杂志》(European Journal of Politics and Gender)等期刊的页面上。根据最近对该专业的研究,以及主要LGBTIQ思想家对他们在该子领域的存在的反思,我认为LGBTIQ学者及其学术在政治学中仍然面临个人层面和结构性的歧视。这包括在教学、招聘和晋升、获得研究资金和出版过程中主动和被动的同性恋恐惧症和跨性别恐惧症。本文简要介绍了LGBTIQ学术在政治学中的地位。这篇文章主张在该领域为这类学术开辟新的空间,包括在《欧洲政治与性别杂志》(European Journal of Politics and Gender)等期刊的页面上。这篇文章借鉴了最近对该专业的研究,以及LGBTIQ主要思想家对他们在这个子领域的存在的思考。本文认为,LGBTIQ学者及其学术在政治学领域仍然面临歧视,这种忽视对该领域的知识生产并非没有影响。
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引用次数: 2
Gender norms, global hierarchies and the evolution of feminist foreign policy 性别规范、全球等级制度和女权主义外交政策的演变
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16354220233761
J. Thomson
Gender equality has long been adopted by states to indicate liberal values and respect for international norms. Feminist thought argues that the gendered hierarchies created by these norms underpin and sustain international relations. This article contributes to this literature on gendered norms and hierarchies through the case study of feminist foreign policy. It addresses four case-study countries who adopt feminist foreign policy – Sweden, Canada, France and Mexico – arguing that the developing norm of feminist foreign policy acts to signify liberal modernity and adherence to the international liberal order when deployed by states. It further argues that this deployment of feminist foreign policy contributes to existing gendered global hierarchies and these states’ positions on the world stage. As such, it contributes to the developing literature on feminist foreign policy and to wider work on norms and hierarchies around gender in global politics.Key messagesThe article provides a detailed comparative study of feminist foreign policy and its development in Sweden, Canada, France and Mexico.The article situates feminist foreign policy within the literature on global norms and hierarches, arguing that feminist foreign policy is as much about states’ positions on the world stage as it is about its policy content.The article argues that feminist foreign policy acts to signify these states’ adherence to the liberal world order and institutions, and their role as ‘good’ international actors.
性别平等长期以来一直被各国用来表示自由价值观和对国际规范的尊重。女权主义思想认为,这些规范创造的性别等级制度巩固和维持了国际关系。本文通过对女权主义外交政策的个案研究,对性别规范和等级制度的研究做出了贡献。它讨论了四个采用女权主义外交政策的案例研究国家——瑞典、加拿大、法国和墨西哥——认为女权主义外交政策的发展规范在国家部署时表明了自由主义的现代性和对国际自由主义秩序的遵守。它进一步认为,女权主义外交政策的这种部署有助于现有的性别全球等级制度和这些国家在世界舞台上的地位。因此,它有助于发展关于女权主义外交政策的文献,以及关于全球政治中性别规范和等级制度的更广泛工作。本文对瑞典、加拿大、法国和墨西哥的女权主义外交政策及其发展进行了详细的比较研究。这篇文章将女权主义外交政策置于关于全球规范和等级的文献中,认为女权主义外交政策既关乎国家在世界舞台上的立场,也关乎其政策内容。文章认为,女权主义外交政策的行为表明这些国家对自由世界秩序和制度的坚持,以及它们作为“良好”国际行动者的角色。
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引用次数: 5
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European Journal of Politics and Gender
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