{"title":"Editors' Note","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0000","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"60 1","pages":"1 - 1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90759675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
permanence, as demonstrated for example by having placed stone inscriptions on mountaintops describing his accomplishments and (according to later legend) sending explorers out to find an elixir of immortality. Thousands of bronze–iron arrowheads, very similar to the bronze–bronze arrowheads, have been found in Chinese sites from the Warring States period and perhaps even earlier (see “Table of sites and remains” pp. 164–295, column 3; Barnard and Satō 1975:119); I believe it is correct to say that very few arrowheads made entirely of bronze, or perhaps none at all, are known in Chinese archaeology outside of this tomb complex. The bronze–iron arrowheads have the bronze tip cast onto the iron tang, just as the tips of the arrowheads in this study were cast onto bronze tangs. It is difficult to see a practical reason for the division of an arrowhead into two bronze parts (but see pp. 94–95), but it could be explained if we suppose that, within an ongoing, very large-scale production of bronze–iron arrowheads, bronze tangs were substituted for iron tangs to meet the demands of an obsessed Emperor for his tomb. Measurement of 126 ferrules, classified in three types, indicates close uniformity of outer dimensions but less uniformity of inner dimensions for each type. This is no doubt because the outer mould for the ferrule would have been used repeatedly, while the core would have been made separately for each casting. Foundrymen prefer a crushable mould-core because castings shrink as they solidify. At the other end of the long weapons, spearheads and dagger-axe heads were too few for statistical study, but the studies here of these artifacts do give more information on this type of artifact than we have otherwise had. One entire halberd was found, with ferrule, wooden shaft, spearhead, and daggeraxe head; its total length is 2.87 m. Appendices (pp. 151–221) give the details of dimensions, inscriptions, and exact find location of each of the hundreds of artifacts treated in the study. The conclusions to this study concerning standardization and production organization are general and rather tentative, but they will no doubt have a place in future wider studies of Qin production based on epigraphy, historical sources, and excavations of workshops. The great contribution of the book is its study and extended demonstration of a complex of methods to approach these questions. Its intensive study of the artifacts themselves will be widely useful in Chinese archaeology.
永恒性，例如他在山顶上刻上了描述他成就的石碑，并(根据后来的传说)派遣探险家去寻找长生不老药。在战国时期甚至更早的中国遗址中发现了数千个与青铜-青铜箭头非常相似的青铜-青铜箭头(见“遗址和遗迹表”第164-295页，第3栏;Barnard and sat' 1975:119);我认为，在中国考古学中，除了这个古墓群之外，很少有完全由青铜制成的箭头，或者可能根本没有。青铜-铁箭头的青铜尖端被铸造在铁唐上，就像这项研究中的箭头尖端被铸造在青铜唐上一样。很难找到将箭头分成两个青铜部分的实际原因(参见第94-95页)，但如果我们假设，在一个正在进行的，非常大规模的青铜-铁箭头生产中，青铜唐代替了铁唐，以满足痴迷的皇帝对他的坟墓的要求，这是可以解释的。对三种类型的126个卡箍的测量表明，每种类型的外部尺寸均匀性较好，但内部尺寸均匀性较差。这是毫无疑问的，因为卡套的外模会被反复使用，而芯则会为每次铸造单独制作。铸造工人更喜欢可破碎的模芯，因为铸件凝固时会收缩。在长武器的另一端，矛头和匕首斧头的数量太少，无法进行统计研究，但对这些人工制品的研究确实提供了更多关于这类人工制品的信息。他们发现了一把完整的戟，带有护套、木柄、矛头和匕首头;它的总长为2.87米。附录(第151-221页)给出了研究中所处理的数百件文物的尺寸、铭文和确切的发现位置。这项关于标准化和生产组织的研究结论是一般性的，而且是尝试性的，但毫无疑问，它们将在未来基于碑文、历史资料和车间发掘的更广泛的秦朝生产研究中占有一席之地。这本书的巨大贡献在于它对解决这些问题的复杂方法的研究和扩展论证。它对文物本身的深入研究将对中国考古学有广泛的帮助。
{"title":"Kingly Splendor: Court Art and Materiality in Han China by Allison R. Miller (review)","authors":"Margarete Prüch","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0011","url":null,"abstract":"permanence, as demonstrated for example by having placed stone inscriptions on mountaintops describing his accomplishments and (according to later legend) sending explorers out to find an elixir of immortality. Thousands of bronze–iron arrowheads, very similar to the bronze–bronze arrowheads, have been found in Chinese sites from the Warring States period and perhaps even earlier (see “Table of sites and remains” pp. 164–295, column 3; Barnard and Satō 1975:119); I believe it is correct to say that very few arrowheads made entirely of bronze, or perhaps none at all, are known in Chinese archaeology outside of this tomb complex. The bronze–iron arrowheads have the bronze tip cast onto the iron tang, just as the tips of the arrowheads in this study were cast onto bronze tangs. It is difficult to see a practical reason for the division of an arrowhead into two bronze parts (but see pp. 94–95), but it could be explained if we suppose that, within an ongoing, very large-scale production of bronze–iron arrowheads, bronze tangs were substituted for iron tangs to meet the demands of an obsessed Emperor for his tomb. Measurement of 126 ferrules, classified in three types, indicates close uniformity of outer dimensions but less uniformity of inner dimensions for each type. This is no doubt because the outer mould for the ferrule would have been used repeatedly, while the core would have been made separately for each casting. Foundrymen prefer a crushable mould-core because castings shrink as they solidify. At the other end of the long weapons, spearheads and dagger-axe heads were too few for statistical study, but the studies here of these artifacts do give more information on this type of artifact than we have otherwise had. One entire halberd was found, with ferrule, wooden shaft, spearhead, and daggeraxe head; its total length is 2.87 m. Appendices (pp. 151–221) give the details of dimensions, inscriptions, and exact find location of each of the hundreds of artifacts treated in the study. The conclusions to this study concerning standardization and production organization are general and rather tentative, but they will no doubt have a place in future wider studies of Qin production based on epigraphy, historical sources, and excavations of workshops. The great contribution of the book is its study and extended demonstration of a complex of methods to approach these questions. Its intensive study of the artifacts themselves will be widely useful in Chinese archaeology.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"9 1","pages":"181 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81881442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hirten im Himalaya – Prähistorische Mumien im Höhlengrab Mebrak 63 (Mustang/Nepal) ed. by Angela Simons (review)","authors":"Mark Aldenderfer","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"2013 1","pages":"174 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87728760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
type of casting technology separately. Peng apparently realizes this critical division and uses chapter 7 to address matters of design, while chapter 8 deals with technological questions. It is clear that two-dimensional openwork first appeared on Chinese bronzes during the Late Shang (thirteenth–eleventh centuries B.C.) and Western Zhou (eleventh– eighth centuries B.C.) periods, but was likely cast with section-moulds. Moreover, Peng argues that the driving force behind the rise of lost-wax castings in China was probably the creation of three-dimensional interlace as a realization of the previous two-dimensional ones. This theory is certainly worth serious consideration, but the author does not explain how this design penetrated into the bronze repertoire of the Eastern Zhou states or when lost-wax casting was first employed in producing it. On the other hand, the technology of lostwax casting was likely transmitted to the Central Plains via the northern zone, stretching from Xinjiang and Gansu in the West to Liaoning and Jilin Province in the East. This theory, opposing the southwest route of transmission or local invention theory previously preferred, is supported by well-dated archaeological finds. The author highlights the importance of northern Hebei in this process because bronzes found in this region reveal zoomorphic finials which are also commonly found in southern Siberia and were probably made by lost-wax casting. Though it is not completely clear in which manner these earlier and stylistically different lost-wax casting pieces affected the later Eastern Zhou metal workers in areas further south, it is certainly an important place of origin for this exotic technology. After finishing these chapters, readers may find themselves still lacking conclusive answers to most of the questions surrounding the debate on the lost-wax versus piecemould technology. This problem, I think, largely stems from the incapability of current technical methods to identify lost-wax casted objects. Though artifacts with three-dimensional openwork interlace have been generally accepted as an indicator of lost-wax casting, there is still much uncertainty when investigating two-dimensional openwork, deeply cut, or zoomorphic shaped artefacts. In chapter 9, the author raises the question whether or not lost-wax casting can even be exclusively associated with interlaced openwork (p. 167). He gives the example of bronze waterfowl statues from the mausoleum of the First Emperor of Qin, which were confirmed to be items made via the lost-wax casting process but lacked interlaced openwork. Is this a sign that lost-wax casting was introduced into China more than once and consequently adapted to the Chinese traditional bronze production system in more than one way? As we only have very few confirmed lost-wax cases, I would be more cautious in providing conclusive remarks on transmission routes or diachronic development sequences for this technology. This is certainly not
{"title":"Bronze Weapons of the Qin Terracotta Warriors: Standardisation, Craft Specialisation and Labour Organization by Xiuzhen Li (review)","authors":"D. B. Wagner","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0010","url":null,"abstract":"type of casting technology separately. Peng apparently realizes this critical division and uses chapter 7 to address matters of design, while chapter 8 deals with technological questions. It is clear that two-dimensional openwork first appeared on Chinese bronzes during the Late Shang (thirteenth–eleventh centuries B.C.) and Western Zhou (eleventh– eighth centuries B.C.) periods, but was likely cast with section-moulds. Moreover, Peng argues that the driving force behind the rise of lost-wax castings in China was probably the creation of three-dimensional interlace as a realization of the previous two-dimensional ones. This theory is certainly worth serious consideration, but the author does not explain how this design penetrated into the bronze repertoire of the Eastern Zhou states or when lost-wax casting was first employed in producing it. On the other hand, the technology of lostwax casting was likely transmitted to the Central Plains via the northern zone, stretching from Xinjiang and Gansu in the West to Liaoning and Jilin Province in the East. This theory, opposing the southwest route of transmission or local invention theory previously preferred, is supported by well-dated archaeological finds. The author highlights the importance of northern Hebei in this process because bronzes found in this region reveal zoomorphic finials which are also commonly found in southern Siberia and were probably made by lost-wax casting. Though it is not completely clear in which manner these earlier and stylistically different lost-wax casting pieces affected the later Eastern Zhou metal workers in areas further south, it is certainly an important place of origin for this exotic technology. After finishing these chapters, readers may find themselves still lacking conclusive answers to most of the questions surrounding the debate on the lost-wax versus piecemould technology. This problem, I think, largely stems from the incapability of current technical methods to identify lost-wax casted objects. Though artifacts with three-dimensional openwork interlace have been generally accepted as an indicator of lost-wax casting, there is still much uncertainty when investigating two-dimensional openwork, deeply cut, or zoomorphic shaped artefacts. In chapter 9, the author raises the question whether or not lost-wax casting can even be exclusively associated with interlaced openwork (p. 167). He gives the example of bronze waterfowl statues from the mausoleum of the First Emperor of Qin, which were confirmed to be items made via the lost-wax casting process but lacked interlaced openwork. Is this a sign that lost-wax casting was introduced into China more than once and consequently adapted to the Chinese traditional bronze production system in more than one way? As we only have very few confirmed lost-wax cases, I would be more cautious in providing conclusive remarks on transmission routes or diachronic development sequences for this technology. This is certainly not","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"70 1","pages":"179 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78259740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Yawei Zhou, Xiaohui Niu, Ping Ji, Yonggang Zhu, Hong Zhu, Meng-Ni Zhang
abstract:The massive numbers of human skeletons within quickly abandoned Late Neolithic pithouses at the Hamin Mangha site in Northeast China seems to imply an event of prehistoric tragedy. Based on the results of bioarchaeological investigation, this article aims to explain the causes of abandonment of the settlement after several houses were burned and reasons for the large numbers of human skeletons found in several houses. Depositional, contextual, and bioarchaeological data are provided to test several hypotheses on the cause of mass human death at this site.
{"title":"The Hamin Mangha Site: Mass Deaths and Abandonment of a Late Neolithic Settlement in Northeastern China","authors":"Yawei Zhou, Xiaohui Niu, Ping Ji, Yonggang Zhu, Hong Zhu, Meng-Ni Zhang","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0002","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:The massive numbers of human skeletons within quickly abandoned Late Neolithic pithouses at the Hamin Mangha site in Northeast China seems to imply an event of prehistoric tragedy. Based on the results of bioarchaeological investigation, this article aims to explain the causes of abandonment of the settlement after several houses were burned and reasons for the large numbers of human skeletons found in several houses. Depositional, contextual, and bioarchaeological data are provided to test several hypotheses on the cause of mass human death at this site.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"43 1","pages":"28 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78779159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:Decades of archaeological excavations have yielded a large number of bronze mirrors from late prehistoric sites in Xinjiang. Scholarly attention has been invested in fitting these specular discs into a singular origin story of the Chinese mirror. Repositioning them within the context of the eastern Eurasian steppe, this article instead takes Xingjiang mirrors as artifacts indexing both diverse local developments and transregional patterns of circulation. A typological framework is proposed based on shape and structure: knob mirror with a flat rim, knob mirror with a flanged rim, grip mirror with a long handle, tanged mirror with a short protrusion, and knobless and handleless mirror. The presence or absence of zoomorphic décor enables even finer distinctions. ArcGIS mapping is employed to investigate the geo-cultural distributions of the different mirror types across Xinjiang. As a result, this article argues that the circulation of bronze mirrors in late prehistoric Xinjiang entailed four aspects of creative processes of cultural exchange, including diversity, fluidity, connectivity, and adaptability. Diversity is manifest in the richness and variety of Xinjiang mirror types. Fluidity challenges the knob-versus-grip dichotomy long held in academia. Connectivity captures frequent and multiple exchanges across all parts of the steppe that generated pan-regional styles and facilitated transfer of mirror casting techniques and designs. Adaptability foregrounds the agency of local invention and adaptation. The combined local-global perspective brings into focus the intricacies of mirror circulation centered in Xinjiang, a pivotal geographic and cultural hub of East-West exchange long before the Han empire's opening of the Silk Road in the second century b.c.
{"title":"The Circulation of Bronze Mirrors in Late Prehistoric Xinjiang (2000–200 B.C.)","authors":"Yanlong Guo","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0003","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Decades of archaeological excavations have yielded a large number of bronze mirrors from late prehistoric sites in Xinjiang. Scholarly attention has been invested in fitting these specular discs into a singular origin story of the Chinese mirror. Repositioning them within the context of the eastern Eurasian steppe, this article instead takes Xingjiang mirrors as artifacts indexing both diverse local developments and transregional patterns of circulation. A typological framework is proposed based on shape and structure: knob mirror with a flat rim, knob mirror with a flanged rim, grip mirror with a long handle, tanged mirror with a short protrusion, and knobless and handleless mirror. The presence or absence of zoomorphic décor enables even finer distinctions. ArcGIS mapping is employed to investigate the geo-cultural distributions of the different mirror types across Xinjiang. As a result, this article argues that the circulation of bronze mirrors in late prehistoric Xinjiang entailed four aspects of creative processes of cultural exchange, including diversity, fluidity, connectivity, and adaptability. Diversity is manifest in the richness and variety of Xinjiang mirror types. Fluidity challenges the knob-versus-grip dichotomy long held in academia. Connectivity captures frequent and multiple exchanges across all parts of the steppe that generated pan-regional styles and facilitated transfer of mirror casting techniques and designs. Adaptability foregrounds the agency of local invention and adaptation. The combined local-global perspective brings into focus the intricacies of mirror circulation centered in Xinjiang, a pivotal geographic and cultural hub of East-West exchange long before the Han empire's opening of the Silk Road in the second century b.c.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"28 1","pages":"50 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86207598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
F. Valentin, Wanda Zinger, Alison Fenwick, Stuart Bedford, James Flexner, Edson Willie, Takaronga Kuautonga
abstract:Burial practices provide a window into cultural practices, beliefs, and cross-cultural contacts through time. Southern Vanuatu's history begins with an initial Lapita colonization 3000 b.p., followed by Polynesian contacts after roughly 1000 years ago, and European encounters starting almost 250 years ago. Using a combination of re-analyzed legacy data from archaeological excavations in the 1960s and recent excavations, this article provides a synthesis of southern Vanuatu mortuary practices using an anthropologie de terrain (field anthropology) approach and new 14C dates. The earliest preserved burials from the region date to 1270 b.p., with subsequent transformations and continuities through the nineteenth century. Burials are present in sub-surface and surface contexts, in flexed and extended positions, with some showing evidence of having been wrapped in perishable flexible containers and others of postde-positional manipulation. Many of the burials feature ornaments of shell and stone. Transformations and continuities of burial practice in southern Vanuatu reflect complex histories of interaction within and beyond the region.
{"title":"Patterns of Mortuary Practice over Millennia in Southern Vanuatu, South Melanesia","authors":"F. Valentin, Wanda Zinger, Alison Fenwick, Stuart Bedford, James Flexner, Edson Willie, Takaronga Kuautonga","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0005","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Burial practices provide a window into cultural practices, beliefs, and cross-cultural contacts through time. Southern Vanuatu's history begins with an initial Lapita colonization 3000 b.p., followed by Polynesian contacts after roughly 1000 years ago, and European encounters starting almost 250 years ago. Using a combination of re-analyzed legacy data from archaeological excavations in the 1960s and recent excavations, this article provides a synthesis of southern Vanuatu mortuary practices using an anthropologie de terrain (field anthropology) approach and new 14C dates. The earliest preserved burials from the region date to 1270 b.p., with subsequent transformations and continuities through the nineteenth century. Burials are present in sub-surface and surface contexts, in flexed and extended positions, with some showing evidence of having been wrapped in perishable flexible containers and others of postde-positional manipulation. Many of the burials feature ornaments of shell and stone. Transformations and continuities of burial practice in southern Vanuatu reflect complex histories of interaction within and beyond the region.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"1 1","pages":"112 - 142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77385621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
(p. 273). Until habitation sites are located and excavated, subsistence practices at Mebrak 63 remain open to question. Although the data from Mebrak 63 do not directly address all the key questions posed at the start of this review, they nevertheless serve as a baseline for future comparative work in the Himalayas. The photographs and line drawings, as well as the detailed descriptions of the small and special finds, will be of considerable value to scholars across the Himalayan arc seeking to find a better and more local source of stylistic comparisons. The authors are to be congratulated for bringing this long-term project to a successful conclusion.
{"title":"Metalworking in Bronze Age China: The Lost-Wax Process by Peng Peng (review)","authors":"Siran Liu","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"(p. 273). Until habitation sites are located and excavated, subsistence practices at Mebrak 63 remain open to question. Although the data from Mebrak 63 do not directly address all the key questions posed at the start of this review, they nevertheless serve as a baseline for future comparative work in the Himalayas. The photographs and line drawings, as well as the detailed descriptions of the small and special finds, will be of considerable value to scholars across the Himalayan arc seeking to find a better and more local source of stylistic comparisons. The authors are to be congratulated for bringing this long-term project to a successful conclusion.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"53 9","pages":"177 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72409225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:The Bronze Age settlement of Lakheen-Jo-Daro is located in the northern outskirts of the city of Sukkur, ca. 2.5 km north of the present course of the Indus, where the river narrows to flow across the northernmost limestone fringes of the Rohri Hills. The site was accidentally discovered in 1985, though the first trial trenches were opened in 1994. During the cleaning of the profile of one of the trenches excavated in 1996, one copper anthropomorphic figurine was found very close to a small charcoal lens that was radiocarbon dated to 3960 140 b.p. (GrN-23123). The result attributes the deposit to a period of development of the Mature Indus Civilization. Other finds from the same trench consist of important, unique specimens among which are a group of white "steatite" micro-beads and a probable small hoard of copper items that are the main subject of this article.
{"title":"Lakheen-Jo-Daro, an Indus Civilization Settlement at Sukkur in Upper Sindh (Pakistan): A Scrap Copper Hoard and Human Figurine from a Dated Context","authors":"P. Biagi, M. Vidale","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0001","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:The Bronze Age settlement of Lakheen-Jo-Daro is located in the northern outskirts of the city of Sukkur, ca. 2.5 km north of the present course of the Indus, where the river narrows to flow across the northernmost limestone fringes of the Rohri Hills. The site was accidentally discovered in 1985, though the first trial trenches were opened in 1994. During the cleaning of the profile of one of the trenches excavated in 1996, one copper anthropomorphic figurine was found very close to a small charcoal lens that was radiocarbon dated to 3960 140 b.p. (GrN-23123). The result attributes the deposit to a period of development of the Mature Indus Civilization. Other finds from the same trench consist of important, unique specimens among which are a group of white \"steatite\" micro-beads and a probable small hoard of copper items that are the main subject of this article.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"148 1","pages":"2 - 27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80648025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:This article is about the Early Metal Age in Sulawesi, a little known period for this region. The research is based on the 2013 excavations undertaken at Palemba, a site rediscovered after being neglected for 80 years. A well-preserved occupation layer dominated by distinctive pottery sherds with ribbed patterns produced by carved paddle impressions is dated to the Early Metal Age (ca. cal. a.d. 300). With the sherds were imported beads, fragments of iron, fiber or cloth production tools, and a stone pavement which was cut by later placement of jar burials. One of these jars contained a flexed burial of a child, a type of burial never previously found in the Karama valley. Contemporary sites closer to the river mouth are badly disturbed, so Palemba provides important evidence for inland Karama valley occupation after the decline of early Neolithic settlements.
{"title":"Early Metal Age Settlement at the Site of Palemba, Kalumpang, Karama Valley, West Sulawesi","authors":"Anggraeni","doi":"10.1353/asi.2022.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asi.2022.0004","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:This article is about the Early Metal Age in Sulawesi, a little known period for this region. The research is based on the 2013 excavations undertaken at Palemba, a site rediscovered after being neglected for 80 years. A well-preserved occupation layer dominated by distinctive pottery sherds with ribbed patterns produced by carved paddle impressions is dated to the Early Metal Age (ca. cal. a.d. 300). With the sherds were imported beads, fragments of iron, fiber or cloth production tools, and a stone pavement which was cut by later placement of jar burials. One of these jars contained a flexed burial of a child, a type of burial never previously found in the Karama valley. Contemporary sites closer to the river mouth are badly disturbed, so Palemba provides important evidence for inland Karama valley occupation after the decline of early Neolithic settlements.","PeriodicalId":36318,"journal":{"name":"Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives","volume":"2 1","pages":"111 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85605345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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