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Decentring Palestinians from Jewish Activism 将巴勒斯坦人从犹太激进主义中分离出来
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.2.0202
D. Landy
Diaspora Jewish solidarity with Palestine has broken out of the man-bites-dog category of quirky story, and into being a significant element in both global Palestine solidarity as well as among US Jews. Israel’s repetitive assaults on Gaza, the Trump presidency, the effect of BLM in conscientizing younger Jews, and the latest chapter of Palestinian struggle in May 2021 have all been contributing factors. The trend is reflected in growing US Jewish distance from Israel: a recent Pew Poll showed that only 50% of 18–49 year-olds feel attachment to Israel compared to 61% in 2013 (overall it was 57% in 2020 compared to 69% in 2013) (Pew Forum 2021). This poll created no ripples of surprise; Israel has been a cause of contention and dissension among US Jews for decades now. It is the reason that Ron Dermer, the former Israeli Ambassador to the US, recently advised that Israel should concentrate its hasbara efforts on Christian evangelicals rather than diaspora Jews, who are “disproportionately among our critics” (Magid 2021). Thus, a book which promises in-depth examination of these critics is very timely, although it only examines one aspect of their movement. Its main argument is that “Jewish Palestine solidarity activists and other critics of the occupation and Zionism constitute a social movement operating to transform the meaning of Jewishness” (Omer 2019: 9). As such, the book is more interested in how these activists relate to Jewishness and Judaism, than in Palestine solidarity, which is largely sidelined. This is a pity, as the author has interviewed seventy Jewish and thirty non-Jewish activists, and thus has the material to discuss the movement in round. The opening chapters begin well by outlining the terrain, or at least the Jewish part of it, that this movement operates in – revealing how Jewish communal institutions channel younger Jews towards Zionism, and how they silence dissent through deploying a mixture of Islamophobia, accusations of antisemitism, and lawfare. There is also an excellent exploration of how Jews come to Palestinian solidarity, and here the book adds to previous literature which discusses the moral shocks experienced when encountering Israel, the cognitive dissonance between their liberal values and Zionism, and the importance of prior politicization and encounters with Palestinians (Abarbanal 2012; IJV 2008). Of particular interest
犹太人与巴勒斯坦的团结已经打破了人咬狗的离奇故事,成为全球巴勒斯坦团结和美国犹太人团结的重要因素。以色列对加沙的反复袭击、特朗普担任总统、BLM对年轻犹太人的影响以及2021年5月巴勒斯坦斗争的最新篇章都是促成因素。这一趋势反映在美国犹太人与以色列的距离越来越远上:最近的皮尤民意调查显示,18-49岁的美国人中,只有50%的人对以色列感到依恋,而2013年这一比例为61%(总体而言,2020年这一比例为57%,而2013年为69%)(皮尤论坛2021年)。这项民意调查没有引起任何意外;几十年来,以色列一直是美国犹太人之间争论和不和的原因。这就是为什么前以色列驻美国大使Ron Dermer最近建议以色列应该把hasbara的努力集中在基督教福音派,而不是散居的犹太人身上,他们“在我们的批评者中占不成比例”(Magid 2021)。因此,一本承诺深入研究这些批评家的书是非常及时的,尽管它只研究了他们运动的一个方面。它的主要论点是“犹太巴勒斯坦团结活动家和其他对占领和犹太复国主义的批评者构成了一场社会运动,旨在改变犹太人的意义”(Omer 2019: 9)。因此,这本书更感兴趣的是这些活动家如何与犹太人和犹太教联系起来,而不是巴勒斯坦团结,这在很大程度上被边缘化了。这是一个遗憾,因为作者采访了70名犹太和30名非犹太活动家,因此有材料全面讨论这场运动。开篇几章很好地概述了这场运动所处的地形,或者至少是其中的犹太部分,揭示了犹太社区机构如何引导年轻的犹太人走向犹太复国主义,以及他们如何通过部署伊斯兰恐惧症、反犹太主义指控和法律战的混合来压制异议。书中还对犹太人如何与巴勒斯坦人团结在一起进行了精彩的探索,在这里,这本书补充了之前的文献,讨论了遇到以色列时所经历的道德冲击,他们的自由价值观与犹太复国主义之间的认知失调,以及先前政治化和与巴勒斯坦人接触的重要性(Abarbanal 2012;IJV 2008)。特别有趣的
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引用次数: 0
ReOrient 重新定位
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/9780520921313
A. Frank
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引用次数: 170
A “Crisis of Masculinity”?: The West’s Cultural Wars in the Emerging Muslim Manosphere “男子气概危机”?:西方在新兴穆斯林统治圈的文化战争
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.2.0135
S. Ghumkhor, Hizer Mir
This article aims to frame the emergence of a new category of thought, referred to here as “Alt-Wallah”, within the Islamicate which exists at the intersection between a supposed crisis of masculinity, the Alt Right, and Muslim men. This framing begins by looking at the various crises that abound both in Islam and in masculinity. We then introduce what Farris calls “femonationalism”, and give some reflections on the relationship between our new category of thought and this femonationalism. This new category of thought is given the name “Alt-Wallah”, and then linked to certain already existing categories of thought within the Islamicate. Other names are considered throughout the piece, as well as reasons as to why these are not adequate to describe the phenomenon in question. This is followed by an analysis of examples such as online Muslim figures Daniel Haqiqatjou, Nabeel Aziz, and others, as well as an exploration of further similarities to what is called the “fundamentalist declinist” category of thought. We then conclude with a reflection on the buffered Muslim man, and on what role the idea of the mujtahid plays in this conceptualisation of Muslim man.
这篇文章的目的是构建一个新的思想类别的出现,这里被称为“Alt- wallah”,在伊斯兰教中存在于所谓的男子气概危机,Alt- Right和穆斯林男性之间的交叉点。这个框架首先着眼于伊斯兰教和男性气质中存在的各种危机。然后,我们介绍了法里斯所说的“女性民族主义”,并对我们的新思想范畴与这种女性民族主义之间的关系进行了一些思考。这种新的思想类别被命名为“Alt-Wallah”,然后与伊斯兰教内部已经存在的某些思想类别联系起来。其他的名字在整个作品中被考虑,以及为什么这些不足以描述问题中的现象的原因。接下来是对在线穆斯林人物Daniel Haqiqatjou、Nabeel Aziz等人的分析,以及对与所谓的“原教旨主义衰落主义”思想类别的进一步相似之处的探索。然后,我们以对缓冲的穆斯林男子的反思,以及圣战者的思想在穆斯林男子的这种概念化中所起的作用来结束。
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引用次数: 0
Yarden Katz. Artificial Whiteness: Politics and Ideology in Artificial Intelligence 神灯卡茨。人工白:人工智能中的政治与意识形态
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.1.0101
Syed Mustafa Ali
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引用次数: 0
Islamophobia in Portugal, Beyond the National Register 葡萄牙的伊斯兰恐惧症,超越国家登记
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.1.0046
M. Araújo
The relationship between Islam and Portugal is intimately tied to processes of national formation and diverse in terms of the key protagonists, historical periods, and political conjunctures that it evokes – hence it is particularly suited for the contextualised study of Islamophobia. Drawing on a larger European study, and specifically on discourse analysis and empirical research on the Portuguese context, this article examines, on the one hand, narratives on Muslims and Islam circulating in the academic literature and in cyberspace (2000–20); on the other, different expressions of Islamophobia – individual and institutional (Sayyid 2014a): i) a case of mosque vandalism and practices of media reporting; ii) concerns regarding educational equality raised by research participants, namely regarding school organisation and history teaching. Engaging with the intrinsic instability of the category Muslim – across historical junctures, political contexts, and academic disciplines – this article calls for an engagement with Islamophobia beyond the national register (Vakil 2010), revealing how the wider circulation of public discourse and interventions constrains the possibility of articulating Muslim political subjectivities.
伊斯兰教和葡萄牙之间的关系与国家形成过程密切相关,在关键人物、历史时期和政治形势方面也存在多样性,因此它特别适合于对伊斯兰恐惧症的背景化研究。借鉴一项更大的欧洲研究,特别是对葡萄牙语境的话语分析和实证研究,本文一方面考察了在学术文献和网络空间中流传的关于穆斯林和伊斯兰教的叙述(2000 - 2020);另一方面,伊斯兰恐惧症的不同表达——个人的和机构的(Sayyid 2014a): i)清真寺破坏和媒体报道的做法;Ii)研究参与者对教育公平的关注,即学校组织和历史教学。这篇文章涉及到穆斯林这一范畴内在的不稳定性——跨越历史时刻、政治背景和学术学科——这篇文章呼吁对超越国家范围的伊斯兰恐惧症进行接触(Vakil 2010),揭示了公共话语和干预的更广泛循环如何限制了表达穆斯林政治主体性的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Inventing Islam(ism): De-Islamization under Secular Authoritarianism in Bangladesh 发明伊斯兰(主义):孟加拉国世俗威权主义下的去伊斯兰化
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.2.0158
Md Ashraf Aziz Ishrak Fahim
The presence of Islamism in Muslimistan necessitates a secular age, as only in a secular age does it become possible to be for or against Islam due to the decentering of Islam as the default organizing premise of Muslim societies. Within this fundamental de-Islamization or secularization of Muslim societies, further de-Islamization is made possible by secular power’s ability to dictate and even produce Islam, which continues to perpetually shift the meanings of secularism and Islamism in accordance with the European Enlightenment’s notion of progress. The banality and universality of secularism, and markedness and provinciality of Islam(ism), ensure that only the (perceived) absence of secularism and (perceived) presence of Islamism are felt – never the other way around. Bangladesh’s recent authoritarian turn, its social engineering during secular authoritarianism, and the recent calls for democratization – all point towards the secularist politics of de-Islamization which invents Islam(ism) in de-Islamization, and which then explains the failings of secularism through the regime and Bangladesh’s “Islamist character”. The implications include a never-ending de-Islamization process, spelling the end of the post-Islamism thesis, as post-Islamism becomes an impossible state. Secular power invents in post-Islamism a new Islamism, delaying the post-Islamist moment ad infinitum.
伊斯兰教在穆斯林中的存在需要一个世俗的时代,因为只有在世俗的时代才有可能支持或反对伊斯兰教,因为伊斯兰教的去中心化是穆斯林社会默认的组织前提。在穆斯林社会的这种基本的去伊斯兰化或世俗化中,进一步的去伊斯兰化是可能的,因为世俗权力有能力支配甚至产生伊斯兰教,它继续按照欧洲启蒙运动的进步概念不断地改变世俗主义和伊斯兰主义的意义。世俗主义的平庸和普遍性,以及伊斯兰教(主义)的显著性和地方性,确保了人们只会感觉到世俗主义的缺失和伊斯兰主义的存在——而不是相反。孟加拉国最近的威权主义转向,它在世俗威权主义期间的社会工程,以及最近对民主化的呼吁——所有这些都指向非伊斯兰化的世俗主义政治,这种政治在非伊斯兰化中发明了伊斯兰(主义),然后通过政权和孟加拉国的“伊斯兰特征”解释了世俗主义的失败。其含义包括一个永无止境的去伊斯兰化过程,意味着后伊斯兰主义论点的终结,因为后伊斯兰主义成为一个不可能的国家。世俗权力在后伊斯兰主义中发明了一种新的伊斯兰主义,无限期地推迟了后伊斯兰主义的到来。
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引用次数: 0
ReOrienting Jewishness, Palestine Solidarity, and Prophetic Pastiche 重新定位犹太人,巴勒斯坦团结,和预言的模仿
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.2.0214
Atalia Omer
I am honored to have my book Days of Awe: Reimagining Jewishness in Solidarity with Palestinians (Chicago University Press, 2019) be the subject of a focused conversation in ReOrient. I am in debt to Salman Sayyid and Santiago Slabodsky for their support and their scholarly interventions, which have deeply influenced me. I am honored that Sara Roy, Sophia Sobko, and Sa’ed Atshan all highlight, through different prisms, generative dimensions about the book and what it conveys. In what follows I will reflect with these interlocutors about their insights. At the same time, I will highlight where David Landy is misreading the book. The book centrally traces how and why seeing the crimes of Jewish power against Palestinians participates in a relational reimagining of American Jewishness as multi-racial, multi-gender, antior non-Zionist, and social justice-oriented, seeking to reclaim diasporic ethics, prophetic traditions, and Jewish histories of protest and resistance to sociopolitical and ideological sins. Roy’s engagement with Days of Awe captures so much of what this book signifies concerning the consolidation of a movement of Jewish-American critics of Zionism and Israeli policies, as well as the role of Palestinian rights and freedom struggle in this process of reimagining Jewishness otherwise. I share her sense that a lack of fluency in the history of Jewish prophetic rejection of the Jews’ complicity with the crimes against Palestinians is problematic. It is problematic for the movement’s sense of being a vanguard (a point that came through in my numerous interviews and triangulated with other public outputs of activists) and its young leaders’ sense of a prophetic charge to save Jews from Zionism and to pull the Jews out of their enslavement in the “wilderness” of Zionism. Regardless of how Landy caricatures my argument, it is only this point about saving Judaism from Zionism (more than seeking freedom for Palestinians, though those two sites are not mutually exclusive, but indeed constitutive) that, in my final chapter, I highlight how settler postzionists and American Jewish critics are both invested in saving Judaism from Zionism, albeit grounded in different ethical frames, which I highlight (e.g., Omer 2019: 259).
我很荣幸我的书敬畏的日子:重新想象犹太人与巴勒斯坦人团结(芝加哥大学出版社,2019年)是一个重点对话的主题在重新定位。我要感谢萨勒曼·萨伊德和圣地亚哥·斯拉博德斯基,他们的支持和学术干预对我产生了深远的影响。我很荣幸Sara Roy, Sophia Sobko和Sa 'ed Atshan都通过不同的棱镜,突出了这本书的生成维度以及它所传达的内容。在接下来的内容中,我将与这些对话者一起反思他们的见解。同时,我将强调大卫·兰迪误读这本书的地方。这本书主要追溯了如何以及为什么看到犹太权力对巴勒斯坦人的罪行参与了对美国犹太人作为多种族,多性别,反非犹太复国主义者和社会正义导向的关系的重新想象,寻求重新获得流散伦理,先知传统和犹太历史的抗议和抵抗社会政治和意识形态的罪恶。罗伊对《敬畏的日子》的参与充分体现了这本书所要表达的意义,即犹太裔美国人对犹太复国主义和以色列政策的批评运动的巩固,以及巴勒斯坦人的权利和自由斗争在重塑犹太人身份的过程中的作用。我和她一样认为,犹太人预言拒绝犹太人与针对巴勒斯坦人的罪行合谋的历史缺乏流畅性是有问题的。这个运动的先锋队意识(这一点在我的许多采访中都体现出来,并与其他积极分子的公开成果进行了三角形分析)和它的年轻领导人的先知使命意识(将犹太人从犹太复国主义中拯救出来,并将犹太人从犹太复国主义的“荒野”中解放出来)是有问题的。无论兰迪如何讽刺我的论点,只有这一点,即从犹太复国主义中拯救犹太教(不仅仅是为巴勒斯坦人寻求自由,尽管这两个网站并不相互排斥,但确实是构成要素),在我的最后一章中,我强调了定居者后犹太复国主义者和美国犹太评论家如何共同致力于从犹太复国主义中拯救犹太教,尽管基于不同的伦理框架,我强调(例如,Omer 2019: 259)。
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引用次数: 0
The Elusive Ummah: Between the Political, Sectarianism, and Authority 难以捉摸的乌玛:在政治、宗派主义和权威之间
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.1.0027
Nadeem Mahomed
The thrust of this article provides an exposition of considering Islam not simply as a constricted theoretical and discursive tradition, but as a broad historical phenomenon that is shaped by the ummah (the global heterogeneous Muslim community) which in turn is influenced by the manner in which Islam was understood by the those from the ummah who have come before. Accordingly, the article argues for Islamic inclusivity in such a way that it translates into freedom from sectarian ideological provincialism and the ability to be free to enter and remain within Islam as a Muslim on terms that may not necessarily be considered as sufficient by other Muslims. In this sense, it is both liberation from dominant orthodoxies and the existence of freedom which allows groups and individuals to debate together and participate with each other in determining the affairs of Islam and what it means to be Muslim.
这篇文章的主旨是阐述伊斯兰教不仅仅是一种狭隘的理论和话语传统,而是一种广泛的历史现象,它是由乌玛(全球异质的穆斯林社区)塑造的,而乌玛反过来又受到以前来自乌玛的人对伊斯兰教的理解方式的影响。因此,这篇文章主张伊斯兰教的包容性,以这样一种方式,它转化为从宗派意识形态的地方主义中解脱出来的自由,以及以穆斯林身份自由进入并留在伊斯兰教内部的能力,而其他穆斯林可能不一定认为这是充分的条件。从这个意义上说,它既是从占主导地位的正统思想中解放出来的,也是允许团体和个人在决定伊斯兰教事务和成为穆斯林意味着什么的问题上共同辩论和相互参与的自由的存在。
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引用次数: 2
The Time of Epistemic Domination: Notes on Modernity as an Oppressive Category 认识论统治的时代:作为压迫范畴的现代性注释
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.1.0072
I. Ahmad
Critically engaging with many writings – some recent, some old – this essay brings to light the monumental connections between notions of time at the heart of modernity and scholarship on Islam as epistemic domination. The thesis it foregrounds is that decolonizing knowledge cannot proceed with continuing fidelity to the dominating time of secular modernity. The essay, therefore, argues that scholars should inquire into Islamic concepts of time rather than uncritically apply the notions of temporality supplied by West and modernity. To illustrate how Islamic notions of time work in practice, it ends with two examples from “modern” history.
批判性地结合了许多著作——有些是最近的,有些是古老的——这篇文章揭示了现代性核心的时间观念与伊斯兰教作为认知支配的学术之间的巨大联系。它提出的论点是,非殖民化的知识不能继续忠实于世俗现代性的主导时代。因此,本文认为,学者们应该探究伊斯兰的时间概念,而不是不加批判地应用西方和现代性提供的时间性概念。为了说明伊斯兰的时间观念是如何在实践中发挥作用的,它以“现代”历史中的两个例子作为结束。
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引用次数: 2
Speaking from Exile: The Struggle over Jewish Dissent 《流亡之言:对犹太人异议的斗争
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/reorient.7.2.0192
Sara M. Roy
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引用次数: 0
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ReOrient
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