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Public Choice and Public Finance: A Survey 公共选择与公共财政:一项调查
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2766888
C. Blankart
The paper highlights the origins of Public Choice as a descendant of Public Finance.
本文强调了公共选择作为公共财政学的后代的起源。
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引用次数: 0
The Limits of Propaganda: Evidence from Chavez&Apos;S Venezuela 宣传的局限:来自查韦斯的委内瑞拉的证据
Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/JEEA/JVY012
Brian Knight, Ana Tribin
In this paper, we investigate viewer responses to changes in the ideological content of television programming using variation induced by cadenas, unannounced takeovers of the public television airwaves by the government in Venezuela. Using high-frequency ratings data, we find that, consistent with the predictions of our choice model, the drop-off in ratings during cadenas is concentrated among viewers of news programming on opposition private channels, as opposed to viewers of news on pro-government public channels. Also consistent with the predictions of our model, the drop-off in ratings for private channels with moderate ideology takes an intermediate value. In addition, the drop-off is stronger for viewers with access to cable channels, which are not required to air cadenas. Consistent with this result, we also show that viewership of an opposition cable channel rises during cadenas. Complementing this analysis, we then estimate the parameters of the theoretical model in a structural analysis. Using these parameter estimates, we consider counterfactual scenarios, allowing for an examination of the dynamic responses of viewers of differing ideology to cadenas and an analysis of the welfare consequences of cadenas.
在本文中,我们调查了观众对电视节目中意识形态内容变化的反应,这些变化是由委内瑞拉政府对公共电视电波的突然接管引起的。使用高频收视率数据,我们发现,与我们的选择模型的预测一致,在节奏结束期间收视率下降集中在反对派私人频道的新闻节目观众中,而不是亲政府公共频道的新闻观众。同样与我们模型的预测相一致的是,具有温和意识形态的私人频道的收视率下降值为中间值。此外,对于不需要播放装饰音的有线电视频道的观众来说,降幅更大。与这一结果一致,我们还表明,反对派有线电视频道的收视率上升在节奏。为了补充这一分析,我们在结构分析中估计理论模型的参数。使用这些参数估计,我们考虑反事实情景,允许检查不同意识形态的观众对尾声的动态反应,并分析尾声的福利后果。
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引用次数: 9
Revisiting the Connection between the No-Show Paradox and Monotonicity 重新审视“不出现悖论”与“单调性”的关系
Pub Date : 2016-02-18 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2734224
Matías Núñez, M. Remzi Sanver
We investigate the relation between monotonicity and the no-show paradox in voting rules. Although the literature has established their logical independence, we show, by presenting logical dependency results, that the two conditions are closer than a general logical independency result would suggest. Our analysis is made both under variable and fixed-size electorates.
研究了投票规则的单调性与不显示悖论之间的关系。虽然文献已经建立了它们的逻辑独立性,但我们通过提出逻辑依赖性结果来表明,这两个条件比一般逻辑独立性结果所表明的更接近。我们的分析是在可变和固定大小的选民下进行的。
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引用次数: 14
Wicksell, Pareto and Public Choice 威克塞尔,帕累托与公共选择
Pub Date : 2015-12-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2704001
Marianne Johnson
No individual in the history of public economics has been subject to more contentious discussion than Knut Wicksell – and perhaps no concept subjected to more diverse interpretation than Wicksell’s unanimity rule. The story begins in 1896 with the publication of Wicksell’s public finance treatise, Finanztheoretische Untersuchungen, and starts to take shape in 1906 with the publication of Pareto’s Manual of Political Economy. The crux of the matter hinges on the relationship between Wicksell’s unanimity rule and Pareto’s optimality. This article examines Knut Wicksell’s one-sided debate with Vilfredo Pareto on issues in welfare economics and considers the trajectory of their economic ideas that led to an eventual convergence in public choice.
在公共经济学史上,没有一个人比克努特•威克塞尔(Knut Wicksell)受到更有争议的讨论——也许也没有一个概念比威克塞尔的一致同意规则(consensus rule)受到更多样化的解释。这个故事始于1896年维克塞尔的公共财政论文《财政理论》的出版,并于1906年帕累托的《政治经济学手册》的出版开始形成。问题的关键在于维克塞尔一致同意规则与帕累托最优性之间的关系。本文考察了克努特·维克塞尔与维尔弗雷多·帕累托在福利经济学问题上的片面辩论,并考虑了他们的经济思想轨迹,最终导致了公共选择的趋同。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Rulemaking 民主立法
Pub Date : 2015-11-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684250.013.014
J. de Figueiredo, Edward H. Stiglitz
This paper examines to what extent agency rulemaking is democratic. It reviews theories of administrative rulemaking in light of two normative benchmarks: a “democratic” benchmark based on voter preferences, and a “republican” benchmark based on the preferences of elected representatives. It then evaluates how the empirical evidence lines up in light of these two approaches. The paper concludes with a discussion of avenues for future research.
本文考察了代理规则制定在多大程度上是民主的。它根据两个规范性基准来回顾行政规则制定的理论:一个是基于选民偏好的“民主”基准,另一个是基于当选代表偏好的“共和党”基准。然后根据这两种方法评估经验证据是如何排列的。文章最后对未来的研究方向进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Would Less Solidarity Justify Present Calls for Devolution? 团结程度的降低能证明目前要求权力下放的理由吗?
Pub Date : 2015-10-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2669340
Rosella Levaggi, F. Menoncin
In this study, we argue that the rules set by a central government to allocate interregional equalization grants may induce richer regions to ask for devolution, even when centralized provision is more efficient. We model a local public good with spillovers in a framework in which devolution is socially inefficient. Nevertheless, we show that the de- centralized solution may be preferred by the richer regions if it implies a reduction in solidarity. We define a threshold for regional income disparity above which claims for more devolution may be driven by a reduction in solidarity. Finally, the relative strength of this effect is computed for a sample of countries.
在本研究中,我们认为中央政府为分配地区间均衡拨款而制定的规则可能会促使较富裕的地区要求权力下放,即使集中式拨款效率更高。我们在一个权力下放在社会上效率低下的框架中建立了一个具有溢出效应的地方公共产品模型。然而,我们表明,如果分散的解决方案意味着团结的减少,富裕地区可能更喜欢它。我们为地区收入差距定义了一个阈值,超过这个阈值,要求更多权力下放的呼声可能是由于团结程度的降低。最后,对一些国家的样本计算了这种影响的相对强度。
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引用次数: 0
Why Do 'Schwarzeneggers' Raise Taxes? The Popularity of Governors and State Tax Policy 为什么“施瓦辛格”要增税?州长的受欢迎程度和州税收政策
Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2685027
Xiandeng Jiang
How does the political popularity of a sitting governor affect that incumbent’s tax policy choices? In this paper, I discuss whether, and by what degree, a governor’s popularity affects his or her tax policies between 1970 and 2010. The results show that high levels of popularity may induce governors to act contrary to the interests of independent voters. I find that popular Democratic governors have more incentives to increase corporate taxes, while popular Republican governors are likely to raise sales taxes. Further analysis suggests that popular term-limited governors are more likely to increase total taxes than their counterparts who are eligible for reelection. In addition to explaining the role of popularity in incumbents’ policy choices, these findings improve our understanding of the interaction between voters’ behavior and political attitudes of public officials in representative democracy.
现任州长的政治声望如何影响现任州长的税收政策选择?在本文中,我讨论了1970年至2010年间,州长的受欢迎程度是否以及在多大程度上影响了他或她的税收政策。结果表明,高支持率可能会促使州长采取违背独立选民利益的行动。我发现,受欢迎的民主党州长有更多动机提高公司税,而受欢迎的共和党州长则可能提高销售税。进一步的分析表明,受欢迎的任期有限的州长比有资格连任的州长更有可能增加总税收。除了解释受欢迎程度在现任者政策选择中的作用外,这些发现还提高了我们对代议制民主中选民行为与公职人员政治态度之间相互作用的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Politics in the Courtroom: Political Ideology and Jury Decision Making 法庭中的政治:政治意识形态与陪审团决策
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2600655
Shamena Anwar, P. Bayer, Randi Hjalmarsson
This paper uses data from the Gothenburg District Court in Sweden and a research design that exploits the random assignment of politically appointed jurors (termed namndeman) to make three contributions to the literature on jury decision-making: (i) an assessment of whether systematic biases exist in the Swedish namndeman system, (ii) causal evidence on the impact of juror political party on verdicts, and (iii) an empirical examination of the role of peer effects in jury decision-making. The results reveal a number of systematic biases: convictions for young defendants and those with distinctly Arabic sounding names increase substantially when they are randomly assigned jurors from the far-right (nationalist) Swedish Democrat party, while convictions in cases with a female victim increase markedly when they are assigned jurors from the far-left (feminist) Vanster party. The results also indicate the presence of peer effects, with jurors from both the far-left and far-right parties drawing the votes of their more centrist peers towards their positions. Peer effects take the form of both sway effects, where jurors influence the opinions of their closest peers in a way that can impact trial outcomes, and dissent aversion, where jurors switch non-pivotal votes so that the decision is unanimous.
本文利用瑞典哥德堡地区法院的数据和一项研究设计,利用政治任命陪审员(称为namndeman)的随机分配,对陪审团决策的文献做出了三个贡献:(i)评估瑞典namndeman系统中是否存在系统性偏见,(ii)陪审员政党对判决影响的因果证据,以及(iii)对同伴效应在陪审团决策中的作用的实证检验。结果揭示了一些系统性的偏见:当年轻被告和那些名字听起来很阿拉伯语的人被随机分配到极右翼(民族主义)瑞典民主党的陪审员中时,他们的定罪率会大大增加,而当他们被分配到极左翼(女权主义)范斯特党的陪审员中时,女性受害者的定罪率会显著增加。研究结果还表明了同伴效应的存在,极左和极右党派的陪审员都会把更中立的陪审员的选票拉向自己的立场。同伴效应有两种形式,一种是影响效应,陪审员会影响最亲密同伴的意见,从而影响审判结果;另一种是反对意见,陪审员会改变非关键的投票,从而达成一致。
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引用次数: 23
On the Timing of Political Regime Changes: Theory and Application to the Arab Spring 论政权更迭的时机:理论及其在阿拉伯之春中的应用
Pub Date : 2014-12-19 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2541630
R. Boucekkine, Fabien Prieur, K. Puzon
We develop a continuous time dynamic game to provide with a benchmark theory of Arab Spring-type events. We consider a resource-dependent economy with two interacting groups, the elite vs. the citizens, and two political regimes, dictatorship vs. a freer regime. Transition to the freer regime can only be achieved if citizens decide to revolt given the concession/repression policy of the elite. Departing from the related literature, the revolution optimal timing is an explicit control variable in the hands of citizens. The elite is the strategic leader: she ultimately chooses her policy knowing the reaction function of citizens. In this framework, we provide with a full equilibrium analysis of the political regime switching game and notably emphasize the role of the direct switching cost of the citizens and of the elite's self-preservation options. In particular, we show how the incorporation of explicit revolution timing may change the conventional wisdom in the related institutional change literature. Finally, we emphasize how the theory may help explaining some key features of the Arab Spring.
我们建立了一个连续时间动态博弈模型,为阿拉伯之春事件提供了一个基准理论。我们考虑一个资源依赖型经济,它有两个相互作用的群体,精英与公民,以及两种政治体制,独裁与更自由的体制。鉴于精英阶层的让步/镇压政策,只有在公民决定反抗的情况下,才能实现向更自由政权的过渡。从相关文献来看,革命最优时机是公民手中的显性控制变量。精英是战略领导者:他们最终选择自己的政策,知道公民的反应功能。在这一框架中,我们对政治制度转换博弈进行了全面的均衡分析,并特别强调了公民的直接转换成本和精英的自我保护选择的作用。特别是,我们展示了明确革命时间的结合如何改变相关制度变革文献中的传统智慧。最后,我们强调该理论如何有助于解释阿拉伯之春的一些关键特征。
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引用次数: 2
How Robust is the Association of Life Satisfaction with Value Congruence? A Study of Constructed Socio-Demographic Groups in a Russian National Sample 生活满意度与价值一致性的关联有多强?俄罗斯国家样本建构社会人口群体研究
Pub Date : 2014-12-18 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2540000
A. Khaptsova, S. Schwartz
Congruence between own values and those of one’s reference groups has been found to promote life satisfaction. Actual or anticipated support or sanctions from reference others presumably explains this effect. Does the effect extend to congruence with the values of others who are similar only in socio-demographic characteristics with whom one does not interact? We constructed 36 socio-demographic groups by crossing age, gender, religion, education level, and region of residence in a representative Russian national sample (N=961). We derived value congruence scores by correlating individuals’ values with the mean values of their constructed group. Value congruence and life satisfaction correlated significantly across individuals even in these groups. The less important self-direction values to individuals, the stronger the correlation. A meta-analysis of the correlations in the 36 groups also confirmed the positive association of value congruence with life satisfaction. The characteristics used to construct the groups did not moderate this association.
研究发现,个人价值观与参照群体价值观的一致性可以提高生活满意度。参考他人实际或预期的支持或制裁可能解释了这种影响。这种效应是否延伸到与那些只在社会人口学特征上相似而不与之互动的人的价值观一致?我们在一个具有代表性的俄罗斯国家样本(N=961)中,通过跨越年龄、性别、宗教、教育水平和居住地区,构建了36个社会人口统计学群体。我们通过将个体的价值观与其构建的群体的平均值相关联来推导价值一致性分数。即使在这些群体中,价值一致性和生活满意度在个体之间也显着相关。自我导向价值对个体的重要性越低,相关性越强。一项对36组相关性的荟萃分析也证实了价值一致性与生活满意度的正相关。用于构建分组的特征并没有缓和这种关联。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
ERN: Other Public Choice: Analysis of Collective Decision-Making (Topic)
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