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Psycholinguistic approach to the analysis of manipulative and indirect hate speech in media 分析媒体中操纵性和间接仇恨言论的心理语言学方法
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.kry
Yuliya Krylova-Grek
The present study takes a psycholinguistic approach to the analysis of Russian media texts published between 1 December 2020 to 31 May 2021. I aimed to provide a scientific basis for the existence of manipulative and indirect hate speech (HS) using an interdisciplinary methodology comprising linguistic, psycholinguistic, and other analytical methods such as fact-checking and logical analysis. This facilitated the identification of techniques employed by the authors of the respective texts. In the article, I describe how I use the methodology to analyse media texts. I discovered that three basic types of HS were used to influence the audience’s consciousness: (1) direct HS; (2) indirect (hidden) HS; and (3) manipulative HS. The first and second types were the most common. This may be explained by the fact that direct HS is condemned by international organisations and its use may be a reason for lawsuits against media outlets and their further penalisation. Texts with evidence of the second and third types of HS aimed to create a negative attitude toward a particular nationality, race, citizen, and so on. I consider such behaviour to be an early manifestation of widespread discrimination and other forms of intolerance, including possible violence and genocide. The present study was carried out in collaboration with a Crimean human rights group. The author was invited to participate as an expert in the field of psycholinguistic textual analysis. The research was prepared and completed at the beginning of February 2022, on the eve of the invasion of Ukraine. We have gathered evidence of indirect and manipulative HS that dehumanised, demonised, and marginalised Ukrainian citizens. This has led to violence against the civilian population and high numbers of casualties. The aforementioned methodology will continue to be used in the analysis of current media content.
本研究采用心理语言学方法分析了2020年12月1日至2021年5月31日期间发表的俄罗斯媒体文本。我的目的是使用一种跨学科的方法,包括语言学、心理语言学和其他分析方法,如事实核查和逻辑分析,为操纵性和间接仇恨言论(HS)的存在提供科学依据。这有助于确定各文本作者采用的技术。在这篇文章中,我描述了我如何使用这种方法来分析媒体文本。我发现有三种基本类型的HS被用来影响观众的意识:(1)直接HS;(2) 间接(隐藏)HS;和(3)操纵性HS。第一种和第二种是最常见的。这可以解释为,直接HS受到国际组织的谴责,其使用可能是对媒体提起诉讼并进一步惩罚的原因。带有第二类和第三类HS证据的文本旨在对特定国籍、种族、公民等产生负面态度。我认为这种行为是广泛歧视和其他形式不容忍的早期表现,包括可能的暴力和种族灭绝。本研究是与克里米亚人权组织合作进行的。作者被邀请作为心理语言学语篇分析领域的专家参加。这项研究是在2022年2月初入侵乌克兰前夕准备并完成的。我们已经收集到间接和操纵HS的证据,这些HS对乌克兰公民进行了非人化、妖魔化和边缘化。这导致了针对平民的暴力行为和大量伤亡。上述方法将继续用于分析当前媒体内容。
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引用次数: 1
Psycholinguistic aspects of representing aggression in wartime media discourse 战时媒体话语中侵略表征的心理语言学方面
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.kov
Liudmyla Kovalchuk, Yuliia Litkovych
The article focuses on aggression caused by the Russian-Ukrainian war as a vivid phenomenon in media discourse. The paper reveals the psychological aspects of this phenomenon, the reasons for the use of verbal aggression, its forms, and its impact on recipients. The research also explores lexical and stylistic means of representing aggression in the Ukrainian media discourse: online publications in periodicals and posts on social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. It has been identified that the frequently used invective vocabulary and creolized memes in the media are specific verbal and nonverbal means of psychological liberation from aggression and destructive influence on the target audience. Based on the results of a survey involving 100 respondents from different regions of Ukraine, 50 of whom were male and 50 female, it was found that aggression serves to expose such dominant negative emotions evoked by the Russian-Ukrainian war as anger and hatred. However, the object of aggression of the people surveyed is strikingly different: for 58 % of men it’s the Russian president, while for 52 % of women – the Russian troops. When asked about the most common forms of aggression, the majority of the respondents claimed that it is expressed by mockery, curses and obscenity. The survey documented the use of the corresponding war-related emotionally charged vocabulary, including neologisms with various word-building patterns and newly formed set phrases, by both females and males to express their aggression verbally. Additionally, the participants of the survey confirmed that creolized memes are effective functional tools with nearly equally distributed percentage of protesting against the war, ridiculing invaders and resisting the Russian propaganda.
本文将俄乌战争引发的侵略作为媒介话语中的一种生动现象。本文揭示了这一现象的心理方面,言语攻击的原因,它的形式,以及它对接受者的影响。该研究还探讨了乌克兰媒体话语中表现侵略的词汇和风格手段:在线期刊出版物和Facebook、Twitter和Instagram等社交媒体上的帖子。研究发现,媒体中频繁使用的谩骂词汇和克里奥尔化模因是目标受众从攻击性和破坏性影响中获得心理解放的特定言语和非言语手段。根据对来自乌克兰不同地区的100名受访者的调查结果,其中50名是男性,50名是女性,研究发现,侵略有助于暴露俄乌战争引发的主要负面情绪,如愤怒和仇恨。然而,被调查者的攻击对象却截然不同:58%的男性认为是俄罗斯总统,而52%的女性认为是俄罗斯军队。当被问及最常见的攻击形式时,大多数受访者声称是通过嘲笑、诅咒和淫秽来表达的。调查记录了男性和女性使用与战争相关的情感词汇,包括各种构词模式的新词和新形成的固定短语,以口头表达他们的攻击性。此外,调查参与者证实,克里奥尔米姆是有效的功能性工具,在抗议战争、嘲笑侵略者和抵制俄罗斯宣传方面的比例几乎是均匀分布的。
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引用次数: 2
Editorial: Politics is not a spectator sport: On the role of psycholinguists in a global crisis 社论:政治不是一项旁观者的运动:论心理语言学家在全球危机中的作用
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.har
Joshua K. Hartshorne
As psycholinguists, much of our time is spent steeped in abstraction, considering the nature of the mind. Every once in a while, we might raise our heads from our desks, gaze around, and wonder at the world around us and whether anyone might improve its state. Then it is back to binding principles, implicatures, and phonotactics.I believe in basic science, that knowledge is a per se good, and that more knowledge is more better. But I also believe that these goods will only accrue if there is a functioning society for them to accrue in – the prospect of which, as the threats of climate change, nuclear war, and genocide so frequently remind us, is by no means certain. Finally, I believe that my colleagues are possessed of a striking wealth of knowledge and ability that must, to be blunt, be good for something.Or perhaps not. Perhaps, in the face of societal threats, our skills are entirely extraneous, and our time is best spent knocking doors, calling representatives (if we are so fortunate as to have representatives), feeding refugees, comforting the afflicted, trading in our cars for bicycles, or heading to the battlefield.That is, I take it as a given that we should – all of us – be actively participating in constructing the world we wish to live in. Politics is not a mere spectator sport, in which we root and cheer and wear our favorite players’ jerseys. Society is what its members make it, and sitting on the sidelines affects the outcome just as much as getting out on the field. The question, then, is whether we should be contributing as psycholinguists.Hence this special issue. The goal was certainly not to win the war through psycholinguistics. We are still (mostly) basic scientists, and even research on application unfolds too slowly to be of immediate use for the present conflict. The question, then, is whether we have anything to contribute to mitigating the consequences of the war, speeding recovery, preparing for or preempting the next one, and generally contributing to building the world we wish to live in. That question is too broad to be answered definitively with a single special issue, particularly one compiled under less-than-ideal conditions. (Many of the authors are refugees. In some cases, final revisions had to be completed on only a couple hours of electricity per day.)Call it a pilot project.The contributors illustrate a number of ways psycholinguists might contribute. One set of contributions considers the role of language and communication in both fomenting and responding to conflict. Isacoff (2022) provides a theoretical overview of linguistic tools for promoting sectarian violence. Krylova-Grek (2022) provides a theoretically-motivated descriptive analysis of hate speech in Russian media. Matsuoka & Matsuoka (2022) provide a detailed, line-by-line exegesis of the rhetorical strategies employed by Volodymyr Zelensky in his speech to the Japanese parliament, with a particular focus on mechanisms of building empathy a
截至本文撰写之时,乌克兰战争仍在继续。心理语言学不会就此结束。我让本期的读者在考虑了本文的贡献后,来决定心理语言学家作为心理语言学家在更广泛的社会背景下是否可以发挥作用,以及你自己应该扮演什么角色(如果有的话)。
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引用次数: 0
From conflict of discourses to military conflict: multimodality of identity construction in Russo-Ukrainian war discourse 从话语冲突到军事冲突:俄乌战争话语中身份建构的多模态
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.ush
V. Ushchyna
This study is an attempt to grasp the discursive nature of Russo-Ukrainian war. The critical discourse analysis of the conflicting ways  Russian and Ukrainian identities are constructed in discourse and by discourse can shed light onto the covert reasons of the unprovoked military aggression Russia has been executing against Ukraine. Our assumptions are based on the idea that identity is a manifold of stances taken by individual as well as collective speakers in various situations of communication. Having epistemic and affective dimensions, stances are inherently interactive, and, thus, have a collective or social nature. Generally speaking, conflictual stances, built in war discourse, express national, political, or sociological worldviews of the stance-takers, reflecting their ideologies, values, and beliefs. The way people see the conflict differs according to what "frames" they choose to see it through. In this study, the frames circumscribing Ukrainian and Russian conflictual identities, as they are built in Ukrainian and Russian media discourse, including social media, have been deconstructed and analyzed. As there are diverse semiotic systems that are used to create, transmit and understand meanings (e.g., verbal and non-verbal, written and oral, visual and audial) various modalities employed in the process of discursive construction of these identities were taken into consideration.
本研究试图把握俄乌战争的话语本质。对俄罗斯和乌克兰身份在话语中以及通过话语构建的冲突方式进行批判性话语分析,可以揭示俄罗斯对乌克兰进行无端军事侵略的秘密原因。我们的假设是基于这样一种观点,即身份是个体和集体说话者在各种交流情况下所采取的多种立场。具有认知和情感维度,立场本质上是互动的,因此具有集体或社会性质。一般来说,建立在战争话语中的冲突立场表达了立场接受者的国家、政治或社会学世界观,反映了他们的意识形态、价值观和信仰。人们看待冲突的方式会根据他们选择的“框架”而有所不同。在这项研究中,限定乌克兰和俄罗斯冲突身份的框架被解构和分析,因为它们是在乌克兰和俄罗斯的媒体话语中建立的,包括社交媒体。由于有不同的符号学系统用于创造、传递和理解意义(例如,语言和非语言,书面和口头,视觉和听觉),在这些身份的话语构建过程中使用的各种模式被考虑在内。
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引用次数: 1
The influence of stress on children’s speech in the context of war 战争语境下压力对儿童言语的影响
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.lab
Olha Labenko, Antonina Skrypnyk
War is an unbearable and unforeseen burden on the human psyche. Threat to existence, fear for life, loss of loved ones lead to an increase of non-psychotic borderline disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder. Children represent the most unprotected and vulnerable part of the population. Being in the zone of military conflict, they acquire a tragic experience that deforms their consciousness, their values and outlook. Children experience mood swings, depression, unmotivated aggression, obsessive states, overwhelming fear and anticipation of retelling the experienced events. The article is devoted to the analysis of speech characteristics of children who witnessed the Russo-Ukrainian war, which began on February 24, 2022. The study focuses on the description of the verbalization of the psychological state of a child who witnessed bombings and shelling, children from the occupied territories who had to leave their homes, and children who, not being direct witnesses of military operations, have been forced to live in temporary refugee camps for six months unable to return to their houses. The authors analyze ways of verbalizing fear, anxiety, obsessive states, types of verbal aggression. The article deals also with the influence of parents on overcoming or, vice versa, increasing children's stress.
战争是人类精神上无法承受和无法预见的负担。对生存的威胁,对生活的恐惧,失去亲人导致非精神病性边缘障碍的增加,包括创伤后应激障碍。儿童是人口中最不受保护和最脆弱的部分。在军事冲突地区,他们获得了一种悲惨的经历,这种经历扭曲了他们的意识、价值观和观点。孩子们会经历情绪波动、抑郁、无动机的攻击、强迫状态、压倒性的恐惧和对复述经历事件的期待。这篇文章是对目睹了从2022年2月24日开始的俄乌战争的儿童的言语特征进行分析的文章。这项研究的重点是描述亲眼目睹轰炸和炮击的儿童、被迫离开家园的被占领领土儿童以及由于不是军事行动的直接证人而被迫在临时难民营生活六个月而无法返回家园的儿童的心理状态。作者分析了恐惧、焦虑、强迫状态和言语攻击的语言表达方式。这篇文章还讨论了父母对克服或反之,增加孩子压力的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Creating communities of practice for fostering second language learning in people in crisis 创建实践社区,促进处于危机中的人们学习第二语言
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.chr
A. Chrabaszcz, V. Anisimova, Julia Antropova, Daria Bikina, Anna Menukhova, S. Mirabo, Victoria Odnoshivkina, A. Shcherbakova, A. Tikhomirova, T. Zmiievska
This paper describes two volunteer-based nonprofit initiatives, COMMON and Speak Up For Peace, which originated as a response to the humanitarian crisis caused by the invasion of the Russian Federation of Ukraine. The initiatives function as communities of practice that provide free online foreign language instruction to people in crisis (predominantly Ukrainian refugees). We conducted an online survey in a subset of language instructors (N = 75) and participating people in crisis (N = 102) with the goals 1) to assess the effectiveness of provided language instruction, 2) to gain a better understanding of the participating learners’ and teachers’ experiences and attitudes towards their learning and teaching, respectively, 3) to identify the main challenges and issues that learners and teachers face while participating in the projects, and 4) to gauge the viability of these and similar volunteer-based language projects for people in crisis and refugees in the future. The survey revealed a significant improvement in proficiency and motivation of participating people in crisis to learn a new language. Additionally, participating in the projects was associated with overall positive emotional and psychological benefits, for both learners and teachers. Among the most common issues related to learning and teaching in the context of the projects were student absenteeism and attrition, work balance, and teacher training. Overall, the study revealed interesting insights about perceived attitudes towards learning and teaching in students and instructors, respectively. It may be of interest to educators, language instructors and policymakers working with refugee groups and people in crisis.
本文描述了两项以志愿者为基础的非营利倡议,COMMON和Speak Up For Peace,这两项倡议是为了应对俄罗斯联邦入侵乌克兰造成的人道主义危机。这些举措起到了实践社区的作用,为处于危机中的人(主要是乌克兰难民)提供免费的在线外语教学。我们对语言教师(N=75)和处于危机中的参与者(N=102)进行了一项在线调查,目标是1)评估所提供的语言教学的有效性,2)分别更好地了解参与学习者和教师对其学习和教学的体验和态度,3)确定学习者和教师在参与项目时面临的主要挑战和问题,以及4)评估这些和类似的基于志愿者的语言项目在未来为处于危机中的人和难民提供的可行性。调查显示,处于危机中的参与者学习新语言的能力和动机显著提高。此外,参与这些项目对学习者和教师都有积极的情感和心理益处。在项目背景下,与学习和教学相关的最常见问题包括学生缺勤和减员、工作平衡和教师培训。总的来说,这项研究分别揭示了学生和教师对学习和教学的感知态度的有趣见解。与难民团体和处于危机中的人合作的教育工作者、语言教师和政策制定者可能对此感兴趣。
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引用次数: 3
Threat of war on cognitive development of refugee children 战争对难民儿童认知发展的威胁
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.yet
Özlem Yeter, H. Rabagliati, Duygu Özge
War trauma is often accompanied by poor living conditions in the new environment in a manner preserving or even deteriorating the negative influences of war. Several researchers have investigated the refugee experiences of displaced children. Often they have focused on the detrimental effects of war on psychological well-being, mental health, educational settings, social adaptation, quality of nutrition, financial difficulties, safety and language learning experiences. Each of these effects has been proven to negatively affect cognitive abilities; however, the current study reviews the key studies to reveal the cognitive and linguistic outcomes of holding refugee status in the early childhood period. Doing this, we aim to reveal the adverse conditions that affect refugee children’s three core abilities of executive functions, namely working memory, inhibitory control and shifting. In addition to cognitive outcomes, we present the factors that may affect these children’s mother tongue development and their experiences with the language spoken in the host country in the context of schooling. This study suggests that refugee children should be assessed for their cognitive and language abilities after arriving in the country of resettlement so that their needs can be identified and addressed effectively. Caretakers should also be given both psychological and financial support to enrich their children’s language and cognitive input. Also, the outcomes of the research in this field should be effectively shared with different stakeholders from the caregivers and teachers of the refugee children to the NGOs and policymakers responsible to take solid actions to counter the adverse effects of displacement.
战争创伤往往伴随着新环境中恶劣的生活条件,从而保留甚至恶化了战争的负面影响。一些研究人员调查了流离失所儿童的难民经历。他们经常关注战争对心理健康、心理健康、教育环境、社会适应、营养质量、经济困难、安全和语言学习体验的不利影响。这些影响中的每一个都被证明会对认知能力产生负面影响;然而,本研究回顾了一些关键研究,以揭示儿童早期持有难民身份的认知和语言结果。通过这一研究,我们旨在揭示影响难民儿童三种核心执行功能能力的不利条件,即工作记忆、抑制性控制和转移。除了认知结果外,我们还介绍了可能影响这些儿童母语发展的因素,以及他们在学校教育中使用东道国语言的经历。这项研究表明,难民儿童在抵达重新安置国后,应评估其认知和语言能力,以便能够有效地确定和解决他们的需求。照顾者还应该得到心理和经济支持,以丰富孩子的语言和认知输入。此外,应与不同的利益攸关方有效分享这一领域的研究成果,从难民儿童的照顾者和教师到负责采取坚实行动应对流离失所不利影响的非政府组织和政策制定者。
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引用次数: 1
Cultivation of solidarity and soft power: Ukrainian President Zelensky’s 2022 speech to Japan 培养团结和软实力:乌克兰总统泽连斯基2022年对日本的讲话
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.mat
Misato Matsuoka, R. Matsuoka
Words not only describe the world but also influence the world or modify relationships (Austin, 1965; Pinker et al,, 2008). Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has presented his competence in influencing or even shaping diplomatic relationships through his words and utterances. This study explores the ways in which he has been successful as a strategic speaker (Lee & Pinker, 2010), establishing solidarity with Japan using the soft power introduced by Nye (2004, 2011). By closely examining his 12-minute online speech at the Japanese parliament in March 2022, it investigates the extent to which his speech has exerted influence on the Japanese people as well as on the two countries’ relationship. As for methodology, the data of an English-translated script were analyzed by adopting politeness theory (Brown & Levinson, 1987), which stems from the concept of “face” (Goffman, 1967), a positive social value in social interaction. Specifically, all of President Zelensky’s utterances were evaluated by three factors that account for politeness strategies – relative power, social distance, and weight of imposition. Based on this analysis and the responses in Japan, this study argues that his speech adopted not only face-threatening but also face-boosting effects (Bayraktaroğlu, 1991), building common ground as an affiliation strategy and generating solidarity and soft power. This study concludes that President Zelensky’s speech to Japan contributes to consolidating solidarity in Japanese minds and soft power, which have encouraged the Japanese government and its citizens to continue supporting Ukraine financially, psychologically, and diplomatically.
词语不仅描述世界,而且影响世界或改变关系(Austin,1965;Pinker等人,2008年)。自2022年2月俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以来,乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基通过他的言行展示了他在影响甚至塑造外交关系方面的能力。本研究探讨了他作为一名战略发言人(Lee和Pinker,2010)的成功方式,利用奈伊(2004、2011)引入的软实力与日本建立了团结。通过仔细研究他2022年3月在日本国会发表的12分钟在线演讲,调查了他的演讲对日本人民以及两国关系的影响程度。在方法论方面,采用礼貌理论(Brown&Levinson,1987)对英译本的数据进行了分析,礼貌理论源于“面子”(Goffman,1967)这一社会交往中的积极社会价值观。具体来说,泽连斯基总统的所有言论都是通过三个因素来评估的,这三个因素解释了礼貌策略——相对权力、社交距离和强加的分量。基于这一分析和日本的回应,本研究认为,他的演讲不仅具有威胁性,而且具有促进性(Bayraktaroğlu,1991),将建立共同点作为一种附属战略,并产生团结和软实力。这项研究得出的结论是,泽连斯基总统对日本的讲话有助于巩固日本人的团结和软实力,这鼓励了日本政府及其公民继续在财政、心理和外交上支持乌克兰。
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引用次数: 2
The psycholinguistics of propaganda: mechanisms of subjugation and how to challenge them 宣传的心理语言学:征服机制和如何挑战它们
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.isa
Nora M. Isacoff
This paper reviews current research on the oppressive and dehumanizing use of language by those in political power to promote essentialist thought about oppositional groups, including during the war in Ukraine. Essentialism is the implicit belief that categories of people–those of certain ethnicities or nationalities, for example–have intrinsic, immutable properties, driven by some deep, unobservable, and often deterministic causal essence. There is robust evidence that cross-culturally, both young children and adults sometimes employ an essentialist heuristic when reasoning about cultural traits, and that they see others’ traits as being less mutable than their own. Strikingly, though, cultures vary drastically in the particulars and extent of this cultural essentialism. Thus, it seems clear that cultural input can to some degree either exploit or overwrite a tendency toward cultural essentialism, with language being an especially powerful mechanism. In this paper, I demonstrate ways that language is intentionally used by those with political power to promote essentialist thought and to justify violence. In particular, I highlight use of generic language, ascriptive definitions, and the language of opposites within propaganda. I end with consideration of ways to be responsive to instances of propaganda within our own communities and as global citizens, such as through pro-social repurposing of the linguistic tools that have been used destructively, promoting nuance through the use of differentiated language, and by capitalizing on an intuitive human belief in essential goodness and desire for truth.
本文回顾了目前关于政治权力者压迫性和非人性化地使用语言来促进对对立群体的本质主义思想的研究,包括在乌克兰战争期间。本质论是一种隐含的信念,即一类人——例如某些种族或民族的人——具有内在的、不可变的性质,由一些深刻的、不可观察的、往往是确定性的因果本质驱动。有强有力的证据表明,在跨文化的情况下,幼儿和成年人在推理文化特征时有时都会采用本质主义启发式方法,他们认为他人的特征不如自己的特征多变。然而,引人注目的是,文化在这种文化本质主义的细节和程度上有着巨大的差异。因此,很明显,文化输入可以在某种程度上利用或改写文化本质主义的趋势,语言是一种特别强大的机制。在这篇文章中,我展示了那些有政治权力的人有意使用语言来宣传本质主义思想和为暴力辩护的方式。特别是,我强调在宣传中使用通用语言、描述性定义和对立语言。最后,我要考虑如何对我们自己社区和全球公民的宣传做出回应,例如通过亲社会的方式重新调整被破坏性使用的语言工具,通过使用差异化的语言来促进细微差别,以及利用人类对本质善的直觉信念和对真理的渴望。
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引用次数: 1
Topic modelling and emotion analysis of the tweets of British and American politicians on the topic of war in Ukraine 英美政客关于乌克兰战争话题推文的话题建模与情感分析
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.29038/eejpl.2022.9.2.kar
O. Karpina, Justin Chen
This paper focuses on the content and emotive features of four politicians' posts that were published on their official Twitter accounts during the three-month period of the russian invasion of Ukraine. We selected two British politicians – Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister of the UK, and Yvette Cooper, the Labour MP and Shadow Home Secretary of the State for the Home Department – as well as two American politicians, President Joe Biden and Republican senator Marco Rubio. In the first phase, we identified the most frequent lexical tokens used by the politicians to inform the world community about the war in Ukraine. For this purpose, we used Voyant Tools, a web-based application for text analysis. These tokens were divided into three groups according to the level of their frequency. Additionally, we measured the distribution of the most frequent lexical tokens across the three-month time span. In the next phase, we analysed the context of the identified lexical tokens, thereby outlining the subject of the tweets. To do this, we extracted collocations using the Natural Language Toolkit (NLTK) library. During the final phase of the research, we performed topic modelling using the Gibbs Sampling algorithm for the Dirichlet Multinomial Mixture model (GSDMM) and emotion analysis using the NRC Lexicon library.
本文重点研究了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰三个月期间,四名政客在其官方推特账户上发布的帖子的内容和情感特征。我们选出了两位英国政治家——英国首相鲍里斯·约翰逊和工党议员、内政部影子内政大臣伊维特·库珀——以及两位美国政治家,乔·拜登总统和共和党参议员马尔科·卢比奥。在第一阶段,我们确定了政治家们向国际社会通报乌克兰战争最常见的词汇标记。为此,我们使用了Voyant Tools,这是一个基于web的文本分析应用程序。这些代币根据其频率水平被分为三组。此外,我们测量了三个月时间跨度内最频繁的词汇标记的分布。在下一阶段,我们分析了所识别的词汇标记的上下文,从而概述了推文的主题。为此,我们使用自然语言工具包(NLTK)库提取了搭配。在研究的最后阶段,我们使用狄利克雷多项式混合模型(GSDMM)的吉布斯采样算法进行了主题建模,并使用NRC Lexicon库进行了情绪分析。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
East European Journal of Psycholinguistics
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