How does the pagan élite of Rome react to the laws that gradually limited the traditional religion and imposed the Christian faith? Was it an armed resistance or a painless process? The case study to better understand the topic will be an inscription regarding the Salians (CIL 6.2158), a very ancient priesthood of Rome, traditionally held by young Roman patricians. The pontiffs act independently without their maximus (the emperor), trying to go on practising the ancestral rites and restoring the ancient buildings, in this case precisely the mansiones of the Salians. Taking advantage of the evidence provided by the laws contained in the 16th book of the Theodosian Code, it will be very interesting to follow the internal process of change of the Roman élite, more complex than usually regarded, between actions and reactions, resistences until the inevitable conversion. The fourth century is no doubt a turning point in Roman history and religion.1 Christianity gradually imposed itself as the one and only religion of the Empire, not even a century after the so-called “Edict of Tolerance” issued in 313 AD by Constantine.2 From the persecuted, the Christians became persecutors.3 On the recent flourishing of studies on Late Antiquity and for a history of the concept, see A. Giardina, “Esplosione di tardoantico”, Studi Storici. Rivista trimestrale dell’Istituto Gramsci , , –; L. De Giovanni, Istituzioni scienza giuridica codici nel mondo tardo antico, Roma , ch. ; A. Garzya, “Premesse al Tardo antico”, in U. Criscuolo – L. De Giovanni (eds.), Trent’anni di studi sulla Tarda Antichità: bilanci e prospettive. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Napoli – Novembre , Napoli , –. On the complex figure of Costantine, his conversion and his relation with the city of Rome and the traditional religion, see A. Alföldi, The Conversion of Costantine and Pagan Rome, Oxford ; R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean world from the second century ad to the conversion of Constantine, London , –; G. Ostrogorsky, Storia dell’impero bizantino, Torino , –; P. Bruun, “The victorious sign of Constantine: a reappraisal”, Numismatic Chronicle , , –; P. Barcelò, “Warum Christus? Überlegungen zu Costantins Entscheidung für das Christentum”, in C. Batsch, U. Egelhaaf-Geiser, R. Stepper (eds.), Zwischen Krise und Alltag. Conflit et normalité, Stuttgart , –; L. De Giovanni, L’imperatore Costantino e il mondo pagano, Napoli ; A. Fraschetti, La conversione. Da Roma pagana a Roma cristiana, Ed. Laterza, RomaBari , –; M. Sordi, “La conversione di Costantino”, in A. Donati, G. Gentili (eds.), Costantino il Grande. La civiltà antica al bivio tra Occidente e Oriente, Milano , –; G. Filoramo, La croce e il potere. I cristiani da martiri a persecutori, Roma–Bari , ch. ; on Constantine’s legislation, see J. Gaudemet, “Les constitutions costantiniennes du Code Théodosien”, in ARC
在A rather famous example of this, the so-called反应paï程序、5 is the paper of赫伯特·布洛赫在the West,“the的复兴6 at the End of the第四世纪”。Endowed with more power and给灵感是因为of the absence of theOn the topic, eea的others P . F .贝娅特丽克丝(ed),基督教对不容忍罪恶,博洛尼亚;Filoramo,十字架(cf .号);“一神论宗教宽容吗?”《古代基督教的例子》，A. Cosentino, M. Monaca (eds)，《智慧研究》。一天的行为研究纪念朱利亚Sfameni Gasparro,1月,Soveria Mannelli,—。On the concept R .欧洲经济共同体及其历史发展,莉齐和的“引言”,名列前茅。(ed.)，早期精英阶层的变化。国际会议记录。佩鲁贾,—3月、罗马,—。For历史理论contextualisation of this, eea R。莉齐思想,冲突“对话:新前景的罪恶和基督徒之间的关系在西方Criscuolo第四世纪”,年底—De乔凡尼(cf . fn。)—。H .布洛赫,“The的复兴在The West at The End of The第四世纪”,A . Momigliano(编),The Paganism和基督教之间的冲突在第四世纪,牛津,—。The作者的exposed裙子essay的创意在文档of The Last的复兴“The West,—”,HThR,,—。On the审查line A . Alf的ö,Die Kontorniaten Buda118乔治·费里
{"title":"The Last Dance of the Salians: the Pagan Élite of Rome and Christian Emperors in the Fourth Century AD","authors":"G. Ferri","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0106","url":null,"abstract":"How does the pagan élite of Rome react to the laws that gradually limited the traditional religion and imposed the Christian faith? Was it an armed resistance or a painless process? The case study to better understand the topic will be an inscription regarding the Salians (CIL 6.2158), a very ancient priesthood of Rome, traditionally held by young Roman patricians. The pontiffs act independently without their maximus (the emperor), trying to go on practising the ancestral rites and restoring the ancient buildings, in this case precisely the mansiones of the Salians. Taking advantage of the evidence provided by the laws contained in the 16th book of the Theodosian Code, it will be very interesting to follow the internal process of change of the Roman élite, more complex than usually regarded, between actions and reactions, resistences until the inevitable conversion. The fourth century is no doubt a turning point in Roman history and religion.1 Christianity gradually imposed itself as the one and only religion of the Empire, not even a century after the so-called “Edict of Tolerance” issued in 313 AD by Constantine.2 From the persecuted, the Christians became persecutors.3 On the recent flourishing of studies on Late Antiquity and for a history of the concept, see A. Giardina, “Esplosione di tardoantico”, Studi Storici. Rivista trimestrale dell’Istituto Gramsci , , –; L. De Giovanni, Istituzioni scienza giuridica codici nel mondo tardo antico, Roma , ch. ; A. Garzya, “Premesse al Tardo antico”, in U. Criscuolo – L. De Giovanni (eds.), Trent’anni di studi sulla Tarda Antichità: bilanci e prospettive. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Napoli – Novembre , Napoli , –. On the complex figure of Costantine, his conversion and his relation with the city of Rome and the traditional religion, see A. Alföldi, The Conversion of Costantine and Pagan Rome, Oxford ; R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean world from the second century ad to the conversion of Constantine, London , –; G. Ostrogorsky, Storia dell’impero bizantino, Torino , –; P. Bruun, “The victorious sign of Constantine: a reappraisal”, Numismatic Chronicle , , –; P. Barcelò, “Warum Christus? Überlegungen zu Costantins Entscheidung für das Christentum”, in C. Batsch, U. Egelhaaf-Geiser, R. Stepper (eds.), Zwischen Krise und Alltag. Conflit et normalité, Stuttgart , –; L. De Giovanni, L’imperatore Costantino e il mondo pagano, Napoli ; A. Fraschetti, La conversione. Da Roma pagana a Roma cristiana, Ed. Laterza, RomaBari , –; M. Sordi, “La conversione di Costantino”, in A. Donati, G. Gentili (eds.), Costantino il Grande. La civiltà antica al bivio tra Occidente e Oriente, Milano , –; G. Filoramo, La croce e il potere. I cristiani da martiri a persecutori, Roma–Bari , ch. ; on Constantine’s legislation, see J. Gaudemet, “Les constitutions costantiniennes du Code Théodosien”, in ARC ","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/mill-2015-0106","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72499325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper examines the Christian identity discourse of Late Antiquity in the Greek East and the Latin West in a comparative perspective. It shows structural parallels as well as differences and interprets them in their historical context. Besides, it critically scrutinizes possible interdependencies between the identity discourse, which strongly operates with a fundamental antagonism of ‘Christian’ and ‘pagan’, and real conflicts between the adherents of Christian religion and the so-called pagans in both parts of the Roman Empire. In contrast to former research approaches the paper demonstrates that the real confrontations were more massive as well as complex in the Greek East than in the Latin West, paradoxically because there were more similarities between Christians and non-Christians here, especially among the members of the social elites. On account of this it was more difficult for eastern Christians to cope with a Christian-pagan-antagonism to form their own religious identity than for western Christians. At last the paper shows that the discrepancies between the eastern and the western part of the empire concerning our phenomenon even increased in the course of time: In the West, it lost its significance during the conflicts with the Germanic ethnic groups, when the ‘barbarian’ began to form the counterpart of the ‘Christian’. In the East, Christians operated even more intensively with the antagonistic paradigm as soon as the real conflicts decreased in the fifth and sixth centuries, as it became easier to draw sharp religious borders.
{"title":"Der christliche Identitätsdiskurs im spätantiken Römischen Reich: Griechischer Osten und lateinischer Westen in komparatistischer Perspektive","authors":"K. Piepenbrink","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0104","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the Christian identity discourse of Late Antiquity in the Greek East and the Latin West in a comparative perspective. It shows structural parallels as well as differences and interprets them in their historical context. Besides, it critically scrutinizes possible interdependencies between the identity discourse, which strongly operates with a fundamental antagonism of ‘Christian’ and ‘pagan’, and real conflicts between the adherents of Christian religion and the so-called pagans in both parts of the Roman Empire. In contrast to former research approaches the paper demonstrates that the real confrontations were more massive as well as complex in the Greek East than in the Latin West, paradoxically because there were more similarities between Christians and non-Christians here, especially among the members of the social elites. On account of this it was more difficult for eastern Christians to cope with a Christian-pagan-antagonism to form their own religious identity than for western Christians. At last the paper shows that the discrepancies between the eastern and the western part of the empire concerning our phenomenon even increased in the course of time: In the West, it lost its significance during the conflicts with the Germanic ethnic groups, when the ‘barbarian’ began to form the counterpart of the ‘Christian’. In the East, Christians operated even more intensively with the antagonistic paradigm as soon as the real conflicts decreased in the fifth and sixth centuries, as it became easier to draw sharp religious borders.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83515535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I focus on two Problems: One of them concerns the division of relics and their multiple translations within Constantinople. The second is given by the Kniga palomnik” (Book of Pilgrimage) of Anthony of Novgorod. Anthony visited Constantinople in 1200 as a layman, where he inspected a number of churches and recorded their relics and icons. But his text of the Kniga palomnik” poses also two problems: 1.) A considerable part of the lemmata not follows a clear topographical route. 2.) Churches, which are dedicated to same saint, but in different localities were often considered as single one and mistakenly placed. Thereby also the separate routes were conflated in an incorrect manner. In my paper I try to disentangle these contaminations. The main part of the study presents the problem of the Kniga palomnik” under the light of three exemplary cases. Firstly it will be explained how Antonij has used the toponyme Pjaterica both for the quarter ta Petrou and for the Petrion. The churches of this region can be classified in a topographically correct order with the help of a synoptic comparison of the paragraphs in the Latin itinerary (so-called Anonymus Mercati or English pilgrim). The localization of an alleged church of the “Prophet” Elias in the Forum of Constantine rises as one of the important examples to show the mistakes of Antonijs text. In another case Anthony locates the Blachernae und the Chalkoprateia churches in the immediate neighborhood. Both of this sanctuaries preserved parts of the garments of the Virgin Mary. In terms of perception of these relics (maphorion, robe, belt) there are also considerable discrepancies between the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other written sources. Because of the long interval between his visit and his late script one can think that Anthony has difficulties to remember the exact localization of the garment relics. In this section of my study I try to correct such kind of errors of Antony′s text. Conflated churches will be consider separately and assign to two appropriate routes. The following exemplary case concerns the relics in the church of the Holy Apostles. Also here a comparison of the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other catalogues of relics shows considerable differences. This suggests that the bodies or body parts of the saints often moved from a church to another during the “city-internal translations”. The attention is directed Dieser Beitrag versteht sich als weitere Vorarbeit zu meinem Buch „Untersuchungen zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel anhand der Itinerare des Codex Digbeianus lat. und des russischen Pilgers Antonij von Novgorod“. S. schon A. Effenberger, Antonij von Novgorod und die Kirche des Theodoros ἐν τοῖς Σφωρακίου – Ein Beitrag zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel, in: Proceedings of the nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Sofia – August . Third Plenary Session: Cities and Public Spaces, Sofia , –
本文主要研究两个问题:其中一个问题是君士坦丁堡内部圣物的划分及其多重翻译。第二个是诺夫哥罗德的安东尼的《朝圣之书》。1200年，安东尼作为一名门外汉访问了君士坦丁堡，在那里他视察了许多教堂，并记录了它们的遗物和圣像。但是，他的《Kniga palomnik》文本“也提出了两个问题:1);引理的相当一部分遵循明确的地形路线。2.） 那些供奉同一位圣人的教堂，但在不同的地方，往往被认为是单一的，并被错误地放置。因此，这些单独的路线也以不正确的方式合并在一起。在我的论文中，我试图理清这些污染。研究的主要部分是在三个典型案例的基础上提出了“尼加帕隆尼克”的问题。首先，它将解释安东尼是如何使用地名Pjaterica的季度，彼得鲁和彼得里翁。这个地区的教堂可以根据地形正确的顺序进行分类，帮助对拉丁行程(所谓的Anonymus Mercati或英国朝圣者)中的段落进行概要比较。《君士坦丁论坛》中所谓的“先知”以利亚教会的本地化，是显示安东尼文本错误的重要例子之一。在另一个案例中，安东尼将Blachernae和Chalkoprateia教堂定位在附近。这两个圣所都保存了圣母玛利亚的部分服装。在对这些文物(马法隆、长袍、腰带)的感知方面，在《Kniga palomnik》、拉丁游记和其他书面资料之间也存在相当大的差异。由于他的访问和他的后期手稿之间的时间间隔很长，人们可以认为安东尼很难记住服装遗迹的确切位置。在这一部分的研究中，我试图纠正安东尼文本中的这类错误。合并后的教堂将分别考虑，并分配给两条适当的路线。下面的例子涉及圣使徒教堂的遗物。这里还比较了Kniga palomnik，拉丁行程和其他文物目录显示出相当大的差异。这表明圣徒的身体或身体部位经常在“城市内部翻译”期间从一个教堂转移到另一个教堂。关注的方向是Dieser Beitrag versteht，这也是weitere Vorarbeit zu meinem Buch“Untersuchungen zur sakralen topography von Konstantinopel和hand der Itinerare des Codex Digbeianus后期。und des russischen Pilgers Antonij von Novgorod”。S. schon A. Effenberger, Antonij von Novgorod und die Kirche des Theodoros ν το ο ς Σφωρακίου - Ein Beitrag zur sakralen topographhie von Konstantinopel, in:and International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Sofia-August。第三次全体会议:城市与公共空间，索非亚， -。作者:dr . mancherlei Hilfe和freundliche Hinweise danke, Wolfram Brandes, Holger A. Klein和匿名同行评审。在施洗者圣约翰头部的不同部位。它们被保存在君士坦丁堡的三座教堂里。特别值得注意的是主的兄弟圣詹姆斯的头，自1206年以来一直保存在哈尔伯施塔特大教堂。在其余部分中，最后一部分提供了“Kniga palomnik”的两个文本版本的对抗。Jacimirskij版本的正确性可以通过1206年的一份报告来证明。根据这个版本，施洗约翰的脸部遗物早在1200年之前就在锰岛的圣乔治教堂里。在君士坦丁堡的文物翻译中，有保护和没有保护的例子清楚地表明了拜占庭处理文物的特点，也有助于我们纠正Kniga palomnik的地形不一致”。
{"title":"Zur „Reliquientopographie“ von Konstantinopel in mittelbyzantinischer Zeit","authors":"A. Effenberger","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0111","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I focus on two Problems: One of them concerns the division of relics and their multiple translations within Constantinople. The second is given by the Kniga palomnik” (Book of Pilgrimage) of Anthony of Novgorod. Anthony visited Constantinople in 1200 as a layman, where he inspected a number of churches and recorded their relics and icons. But his text of the Kniga palomnik” poses also two problems: 1.) A considerable part of the lemmata not follows a clear topographical route. 2.) Churches, which are dedicated to same saint, but in different localities were often considered as single one and mistakenly placed. Thereby also the separate routes were conflated in an incorrect manner. In my paper I try to disentangle these contaminations. The main part of the study presents the problem of the Kniga palomnik” under the light of three exemplary cases. Firstly it will be explained how Antonij has used the toponyme Pjaterica both for the quarter ta Petrou and for the Petrion. The churches of this region can be classified in a topographically correct order with the help of a synoptic comparison of the paragraphs in the Latin itinerary (so-called Anonymus Mercati or English pilgrim). The localization of an alleged church of the “Prophet” Elias in the Forum of Constantine rises as one of the important examples to show the mistakes of Antonijs text. In another case Anthony locates the Blachernae und the Chalkoprateia churches in the immediate neighborhood. Both of this sanctuaries preserved parts of the garments of the Virgin Mary. In terms of perception of these relics (maphorion, robe, belt) there are also considerable discrepancies between the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other written sources. Because of the long interval between his visit and his late script one can think that Anthony has difficulties to remember the exact localization of the garment relics. In this section of my study I try to correct such kind of errors of Antony′s text. Conflated churches will be consider separately and assign to two appropriate routes. The following exemplary case concerns the relics in the church of the Holy Apostles. Also here a comparison of the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other catalogues of relics shows considerable differences. This suggests that the bodies or body parts of the saints often moved from a church to another during the “city-internal translations”. The attention is directed Dieser Beitrag versteht sich als weitere Vorarbeit zu meinem Buch „Untersuchungen zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel anhand der Itinerare des Codex Digbeianus lat. und des russischen Pilgers Antonij von Novgorod“. S. schon A. Effenberger, Antonij von Novgorod und die Kirche des Theodoros ἐν τοῖς Σφωρακίου – Ein Beitrag zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel, in: Proceedings of the nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Sofia – August . Third Plenary Session: Cities and Public Spaces, Sofia , –","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73598655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although Arcadius (AD 395–408) and Honorius (AD 395–423) occupied the throne in times of great political and military turmoil, their reigns marked a decisive shift to a ‘palace emperorship’ in which rulers no longer led armies in person, but cultivated their ceremonious and religious roles. In this article, I examine how the traditional aspects of imperial legitimacy – in particular, dynastic arguments, personal qualities and achievements, and divine approval, or even appointment – were adapted and rearranged during this transformational period. Although performances and speeches which were tied to specific events still emphasized the emperors’ Theodosian ancestry and the military victories that were achieved in their names, the coins and titulature of Arcadius and Honorius contain no reference to these elements whatsoever. Instead, these media represent the reign of the brothers as eternal and unchanging, without any focus on its origins or the reason for their accession to the throne. In marked contrast to Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius never emphasized popular consent as a relevant factor in their legitimation, deriving their authority directly from the blessing of God. From this perspective, imperial successes such as military victories confirmed, rather than generated their right to rule. As the emperors maintained, as long as they were steadfast in their piety, no amount of political or military upheaval could undermine their claim to power. In AD 379, Themistius came to visit the newly appointed emperor Theodosius at Thessalonica and held a speech in his honour. ‘It was not family connection which advanced you to the purple,’ the famous orator declared, ‘but virtue in superabundance, not close kinship but display of strength and manhood.’ The emperor Gratian, too, was praised because he had selected the best man for the job, instead of granting imperial powers to his nearest relative. Perceptive listeners would surely have understood this comment as a veiled attack on the recently deceased Valens, who had been appointed as co-emperor by his brother without possessing the necessary qualities to govern the Empire.1 The soldiers had acclaimed this inadequate candidate half-heartedly, not daring to contest Valentinian’s choice. Theodosius, Themistius, Oratio 14.182b–c; see also p. 228 n. 65 (P. Heather & D. Moncur [eds. & transl.], 2001. Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century: Select Orations of Themistius, Liverpool). For Valens, see Noel Lenski’s lucid study, which describes the emperor’s reign as ‘something of a failure’ (N. Lenski, 2002. Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D., Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 373). however, had been summoned to rule by the Roman people themselves – or so Themistius claimed – because they knew that only he could save them from the threatening barbarian hordes.2 In AD 389, the western orator Pacatus expressed a similar sentiment when he addressed the emp
{"title":"The Inadequate Heirs of Theodosius. Ancestry, merit and divine blessing in the representation of Arcadius and Honorius","authors":"M. Icks","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0105","url":null,"abstract":"Although Arcadius (AD 395–408) and Honorius (AD 395–423) occupied the throne in times of great political and military turmoil, their reigns marked a decisive shift to a ‘palace emperorship’ in which rulers no longer led armies in person, but cultivated their ceremonious and religious roles. In this article, I examine how the traditional aspects of imperial legitimacy – in particular, dynastic arguments, personal qualities and achievements, and divine approval, or even appointment – were adapted and rearranged during this transformational period. Although performances and speeches which were tied to specific events still emphasized the emperors’ Theodosian ancestry and the military victories that were achieved in their names, the coins and titulature of Arcadius and Honorius contain no reference to these elements whatsoever. Instead, these media represent the reign of the brothers as eternal and unchanging, without any focus on its origins or the reason for their accession to the throne. In marked contrast to Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius never emphasized popular consent as a relevant factor in their legitimation, deriving their authority directly from the blessing of God. From this perspective, imperial successes such as military victories confirmed, rather than generated their right to rule. As the emperors maintained, as long as they were steadfast in their piety, no amount of political or military upheaval could undermine their claim to power. In AD 379, Themistius came to visit the newly appointed emperor Theodosius at Thessalonica and held a speech in his honour. ‘It was not family connection which advanced you to the purple,’ the famous orator declared, ‘but virtue in superabundance, not close kinship but display of strength and manhood.’ The emperor Gratian, too, was praised because he had selected the best man for the job, instead of granting imperial powers to his nearest relative. Perceptive listeners would surely have understood this comment as a veiled attack on the recently deceased Valens, who had been appointed as co-emperor by his brother without possessing the necessary qualities to govern the Empire.1 The soldiers had acclaimed this inadequate candidate half-heartedly, not daring to contest Valentinian’s choice. Theodosius, Themistius, Oratio 14.182b–c; see also p. 228 n. 65 (P. Heather & D. Moncur [eds. & transl.], 2001. Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century: Select Orations of Themistius, Liverpool). For Valens, see Noel Lenski’s lucid study, which describes the emperor’s reign as ‘something of a failure’ (N. Lenski, 2002. Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D., Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 373). however, had been summoned to rule by the Roman people themselves – or so Themistius claimed – because they knew that only he could save them from the threatening barbarian hordes.2 In AD 389, the western orator Pacatus expressed a similar sentiment when he addressed the emp","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88759761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the present article is to clarify the specific meanings of the terms used in Byzantine sources to denote irony: the abstract noun eirōneia itself and its cognates, the person noun eirōn, the adjective eirōnikos, -ē, -on, the verb eirōneuomai and the adverb eirōnikōs. The Ancient Greek background of such terms is also taken into consideration, as it provided a reference point for the Byzantine literary tradition. Indeed, as will be shown, all meanings of eirōn-terms established in antiquity are adopted by the Byzantines. The clarification of the terms’s complex semantics will help to illuminate, in a further step, the multifacetedness of irony as a literary and cultural practice in Byzantium.
{"title":"Eirōn-terms in Greek Classical and Byzantine texts: a preliminary analysis for understanding irony in Byzantium","authors":"Efthymia Braounou","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0111","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the present article is to clarify the specific meanings of the terms used in Byzantine sources to denote irony: the abstract noun eirōneia itself and its cognates, the person noun eirōn, the adjective eirōnikos, -ē, -on, the verb eirōneuomai and the adverb eirōnikōs. The Ancient Greek background of such terms is also taken into consideration, as it provided a reference point for the Byzantine literary tradition. Indeed, as will be shown, all meanings of eirōn-terms established in antiquity are adopted by the Byzantines. The clarification of the terms’s complex semantics will help to illuminate, in a further step, the multifacetedness of irony as a literary and cultural practice in Byzantium.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84590917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Anleitungen zum Sehen. Die Visionen und Theophanien in den Mosaiken von SS. Cosma e Damiano, Sant’Apollinare in Classe und Hosios David","authors":"A. Bergmeier","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0108","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84697023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is difficult to grasp the profile of “Early Christian schools”. This article argues that this profile can be clarified if those “schools” are understood in the context of contemporary pagan philosophersʼ schools. Against this background, fundamental correspondences between Justin’s and Origen’s schools emerge, and a comparison with what we know about the wider horizon of early Christian higher education suggests that their schools played an exemplary role. In order to set out this thesis, Justin’s school is analyzed first. It is asked what we can know about it and in what sense it can be understood as a “school” (I). Then, the evidence about Justin’s school is paralleled with what we know about contemporary philosophers’ schools (II) and about Origen’s schools (III). Finally, the references between the schools of Justin and Origen and the broad context of early Christian education and teachers are highlighted (IV).
{"title":"„… herrlichste Früchte echtester Philosophie …“ – Schulen bei Justin und Origenes, im frühen Christentum sowie bei den zeitgenössischen Philosophen","authors":"T. Georges","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0103","url":null,"abstract":"It is difficult to grasp the profile of “Early Christian schools”. This article argues that this profile can be clarified if those “schools” are understood in the context of contemporary pagan philosophersʼ schools. Against this background, fundamental correspondences between Justin’s and Origen’s schools emerge, and a comparison with what we know about the wider horizon of early Christian higher education suggests that their schools played an exemplary role. In order to set out this thesis, Justin’s school is analyzed first. It is asked what we can know about it and in what sense it can be understood as a “school” (I). Then, the evidence about Justin’s school is paralleled with what we know about contemporary philosophers’ schools (II) and about Origen’s schools (III). Finally, the references between the schools of Justin and Origen and the broad context of early Christian education and teachers are highlighted (IV).","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/mill-2014-0103","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72491866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The self-representation of bishops in the third and fourth century AD is characterized by a high level of continuity. The transformation of the episcopal ministry,which results from the Constantinian shift, hardlymanifests itself here.The new fields of action in the public sphere neither lead to the establishment of new behavior patterns nor to any further need of legitimacy concerning the episcopate. So there is no need for a bishop to create or communicate a new imago.
{"title":"Zur Selbstrepräsentation von Bischöfen des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts in verbaler Kommunikation","authors":"K. Piepenbrink","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0104","url":null,"abstract":"The self-representation of bishops in the third and fourth century AD is characterized by a high level of continuity. The transformation of the episcopal ministry,which results from the Constantinian shift, hardlymanifests itself here.The new fields of action in the public sphere neither lead to the establishment of new behavior patterns nor to any further need of legitimacy concerning the episcopate. So there is no need for a bishop to create or communicate a new imago.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78757156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After a survey of the first five chapters which contain a remarkable description of a Gallo-Roman fertility rite (the disruption of which by Vincentius caused his martyrdom) the article focuses on chapter six of the Passio S. Vincentii and its information about Wictharius. Born after the Visigothic settlement in Aquitain (418) as a member of the Gothic nobility he was probably a bishop of the Homoean Visigothic church. Because he had robbed the relics of saint Vincentius and burnt down his church in Pompeiacum (Le Mas-d’Agennais) he was expropriated and exiled first to Spain and later on (not before 508) to Italy. When returning from exile he died in an unknown year. Wictharius was descended from a Visigothic generatio (fara ‚Fahrtgemeinschaft‘) that was allotted a sors in the territory of the civitas Aginnum/Agen in the Garonne valley. As the report of the Passio shows this sors originally consisted of the tax or tribute paid by the inhabitants of or of a part of the village of Pompeiacum and of or of a part of the praedium Vernemetum (presumably owned by the Leontii, members of the senatorial aristocracy of Aquitain). A Visigothic Landnahme, i.e. the expropriation of landowners who paid a tax or tribute to a Visigothic sors-holder is attested only in the case of the genealogia/fara of Wictharius. Under his leadership it took place only after the middle of the 5th century. The information provided by the Passio supports Walter Goffart’s view of the “technique of accomodation”. 1. Die Quelle: Überlieferung, Datierung und Inhaltsübersicht Einen arianischen Kleriker mit dem germanischen Namen Wictharius1 überliefert die Passio S. Vincentii Aginnensis.2 Sie entstand umdieMitte des 6. Jahrhunderts,3 und ihre Neben dieser im Ms H 55 der Universitätsbibliothek von Montpellier (s. dazu Anm. 4) überlieferten Namensform sind die Varianten Guetarius (Ms aus dem 12./13 Jh., Namur) und Vicarius (Ms aus dem 14./15. Jh., Paris) überliefert. S. Baudoin de Gaiffier d’Hestroy, La passion de S. Vincent, in: Analecta Bollandiana 70 (1952), S. 168. Für den philologischen Kommentar zu den drei Namenformen dankt der Verf. Wolfgang Haubrichs. „Die späte Form Vicarius ist eine volksetymologische Entstellung des Namens. Immerhin hält sie noch ein fest. Die Form Guetarius zeigt die typische Romanisierung des germanischen [w] mit der Schreibung , rom. Senkung von [i] zu [e] und hält dazu ein [t] fest. Die Form der Hs. aus dem 9. Jh. bietet die beste Überlieferung: Wict-harius < *Wiht-harjaz ‚KampfKrieger‘ zu germ. *wichto bzw. *wihti ‚Kampf‘. Der Stamm kommt als Erstelement praktisch in allen älteste erhaltene Fassung ist überliefert in einem aus Autun stammenden Manuskript vom Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts.4 Die Passio berichtet vom Märtyrertod des Vincentius (Anfang des 4. Jahrhunderts) auf dem praedium Vernemetum5 im Territorium der Stadt Aginnum/Agen. Dort befand sich – wie schon der keltische Name des Latifundiums (der,wie Venantius Fortunatus überliefert, fanum ingen
iuventus家属Alterstufe》(näherhin六十下,通过60岁senectus)还向Reliquienraub VerbannungdesWictharius战役的之前或之后不久Vouillé都记不清,不关为了ca.491/500出生和近六十Fünfzigbis 507 16点至7岁gewesenwären.Vgl .最棒É常把手,La de圣云d 'Agen在:公报de litttérature ecclésiastique 57(1956年),第99页f . s还u .荣誉11 . .今天M H 55的bibliothè玄武de l '科尔Éde Médecine de l 'Universit孟é.是他一手建立的dens .(s .荣誉. 1),第162页f .更正和补充了他在note complémentaires苏s (Vincent d 'Agen在:消失.这是圣路易947年dens ., Les问题èmes屁股és pat勒德圣云d 'Agen卷宗里:消失.这篇文章的作者是《印度经验的人类》(《印度经验的人类》)，距离Vernemetum四五英里的盛况éjac (s . Passio c . 5引用到的荣誉. 47),将在山坡上左岸边Garonne(6公里südl .从圣尼古拉斯·德拉格拉夫到西面10公里处小镇科尔蒙一三六.Geneviè你失去Aliette de Rohan ChabotMailléd 'Agen文森特的圣云de Saragosse .Études de la " Passio S.Vincentii martyris”Mélun 1949年,第53页f .Fortunatus万南修Carminum liber I, IX,公元前10 f . hg. fredrick Leo Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi 4 1柏林(详述了慕尼黑1981年),第12页:1881名,Vernemetis voluit vocitare vetustas /出去就fanum ingens Gallica文化语言refert .•“古代的维安内特希望给这座建筑物命名，或说，一座能听懂凯尔特人的大殿。”下102格
{"title":"Wictharius, arrianae legis sacerdos. Beobachtungen zu c. 6 der Passio S. Vincentii Aginnensis","authors":"Gerd Kampers","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0106","url":null,"abstract":"After a survey of the first five chapters which contain a remarkable description of a Gallo-Roman fertility rite (the disruption of which by Vincentius caused his martyrdom) the article focuses on chapter six of the Passio S. Vincentii and its information about Wictharius. Born after the Visigothic settlement in Aquitain (418) as a member of the Gothic nobility he was probably a bishop of the Homoean Visigothic church. Because he had robbed the relics of saint Vincentius and burnt down his church in Pompeiacum (Le Mas-d’Agennais) he was expropriated and exiled first to Spain and later on (not before 508) to Italy. When returning from exile he died in an unknown year. Wictharius was descended from a Visigothic generatio (fara ‚Fahrtgemeinschaft‘) that was allotted a sors in the territory of the civitas Aginnum/Agen in the Garonne valley. As the report of the Passio shows this sors originally consisted of the tax or tribute paid by the inhabitants of or of a part of the village of Pompeiacum and of or of a part of the praedium Vernemetum (presumably owned by the Leontii, members of the senatorial aristocracy of Aquitain). A Visigothic Landnahme, i.e. the expropriation of landowners who paid a tax or tribute to a Visigothic sors-holder is attested only in the case of the genealogia/fara of Wictharius. Under his leadership it took place only after the middle of the 5th century. The information provided by the Passio supports Walter Goffart’s view of the “technique of accomodation”. 1. Die Quelle: Überlieferung, Datierung und Inhaltsübersicht Einen arianischen Kleriker mit dem germanischen Namen Wictharius1 überliefert die Passio S. Vincentii Aginnensis.2 Sie entstand umdieMitte des 6. Jahrhunderts,3 und ihre Neben dieser im Ms H 55 der Universitätsbibliothek von Montpellier (s. dazu Anm. 4) überlieferten Namensform sind die Varianten Guetarius (Ms aus dem 12./13 Jh., Namur) und Vicarius (Ms aus dem 14./15. Jh., Paris) überliefert. S. Baudoin de Gaiffier d’Hestroy, La passion de S. Vincent, in: Analecta Bollandiana 70 (1952), S. 168. Für den philologischen Kommentar zu den drei Namenformen dankt der Verf. Wolfgang Haubrichs. „Die späte Form Vicarius ist eine volksetymologische Entstellung des Namens. Immerhin hält sie noch ein fest. Die Form Guetarius zeigt die typische Romanisierung des germanischen [w] mit der Schreibung , rom. Senkung von [i] zu [e] und hält dazu ein [t] fest. Die Form der Hs. aus dem 9. Jh. bietet die beste Überlieferung: Wict-harius < *Wiht-harjaz ‚KampfKrieger‘ zu germ. *wichto bzw. *wihti ‚Kampf‘. Der Stamm kommt als Erstelement praktisch in allen älteste erhaltene Fassung ist überliefert in einem aus Autun stammenden Manuskript vom Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts.4 Die Passio berichtet vom Märtyrertod des Vincentius (Anfang des 4. Jahrhunderts) auf dem praedium Vernemetum5 im Territorium der Stadt Aginnum/Agen. Dort befand sich – wie schon der keltische Name des Latifundiums (der,wie Venantius Fortunatus überliefert, fanum ingen","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83054451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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