Abstract Between 806 and 811 three Byzantine fleets operated in the Venetian lagoon. We owe the informations about it to the Annales regni Francorum, which however manipulated the chronology and contents of the encounter with Pepin. The aim behind such doing was both, to present the Frankish actions in a favourable light and not to offend the Byzantines, since 811/12 on good terms with the Carolingians. The present contribution tries to re-establish the correct sequence of events.
806年至811年间，三支拜占庭舰队在威尼斯泻湖活动。我们把这方面的信息归功于《法兰西年鉴》(Annales regni Francorum)，但它篡改了与佩平相遇的时间顺序和内容。这样做的目的是两方面的，一方面展示法兰克人的行动，另一方面不冒犯拜占庭人，自811/12年以来，拜占庭人与加洛林王朝关系良好。本文试图重建事件的正确顺序。
{"title":"Byzantinische Flotten in der venezianischen Lagune 806 – 810/811","authors":"E. Kislinger","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Between 806 and 811 three Byzantine fleets operated in the Venetian lagoon. We owe the informations about it to the Annales regni Francorum, which however manipulated the chronology and contents of the encounter with Pepin. The aim behind such doing was both, to present the Frankish actions in a favourable light and not to offend the Byzantines, since 811/12 on good terms with the Carolingians. The present contribution tries to re-establish the correct sequence of events.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"52 1","pages":"303 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72890555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper compares the socio-economic impact of warfare on two frontier zones of the sixth-century eastern Roman empire: the central and northern Balkans; and the northern Syrian-Mesopotamian and Armenian borderlands in the East. The theme of war damage is central to historical and archaeological work on the Balkans but plays a comparatively marginal role in research on the East. And yet the eastern provinces were affected by more intensive raiding by larger armies, and at least as regularly as the Balkans. Much of the difference in perception is related to contemporary sources’ exaggerated coverage of ‘barbarian’ raiding on the Balkans, a region traditionally viewed as a neglected backwater by authors such as Procopius. Conversely, such sources portray warfare with the Sassanid Persians in the East through a ‘classicising’ lens, describing at greater length generals’ speeches, battles, campaigns and sieges. Another reason for the disparity in modern discussions of the two regions is the socio-economic recession in the northern Balkans toward the end of the sixth century. This can be at least indirectly linked to the effects of warfare between the empire and the Avar Khaganate and Slavic groups. Recovery from the devastation caused by these groups’ invasions could no longer be funded by the imperial authorities, who, by this stage, were struggling to finance wars on multiple fronts and were feeling the fiscal effects of repeated bouts of bubonic plague. Despite also suffering from this absence of central investment, eastern societies and economies enjoyed a greater degree of continuity in the final decades of the sixth century. This was because non-imperial sources of agricultural and commercial wealth in these areas encouraged elites to invest in recovery projects. Local elites’ and wider populations’ deep-rooted feelings of cultural, linguistic and religious attachment also played a role in their survival. These economic and cultural ties can in part be explained by the fact that, unlike the Balkans, these eastern provinces had enjoyed a long period of peace and stability in the fourth and fifth centuries.
{"title":"The Socio-Economic Impact of Raiding on the Eastern and Balkan Borderlands of the Eastern Roman Empire, 502 – 602","authors":"Alexander Sarantis","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper compares the socio-economic impact of warfare on two frontier zones of the sixth-century eastern Roman empire: the central and northern Balkans; and the northern Syrian-Mesopotamian and Armenian borderlands in the East. The theme of war damage is central to historical and archaeological work on the Balkans but plays a comparatively marginal role in research on the East. And yet the eastern provinces were affected by more intensive raiding by larger armies, and at least as regularly as the Balkans. Much of the difference in perception is related to contemporary sources’ exaggerated coverage of ‘barbarian’ raiding on the Balkans, a region traditionally viewed as a neglected backwater by authors such as Procopius. Conversely, such sources portray warfare with the Sassanid Persians in the East through a ‘classicising’ lens, describing at greater length generals’ speeches, battles, campaigns and sieges. Another reason for the disparity in modern discussions of the two regions is the socio-economic recession in the northern Balkans toward the end of the sixth century. This can be at least indirectly linked to the effects of warfare between the empire and the Avar Khaganate and Slavic groups. Recovery from the devastation caused by these groups’ invasions could no longer be funded by the imperial authorities, who, by this stage, were struggling to finance wars on multiple fronts and were feeling the fiscal effects of repeated bouts of bubonic plague. Despite also suffering from this absence of central investment, eastern societies and economies enjoyed a greater degree of continuity in the final decades of the sixth century. This was because non-imperial sources of agricultural and commercial wealth in these areas encouraged elites to invest in recovery projects. Local elites’ and wider populations’ deep-rooted feelings of cultural, linguistic and religious attachment also played a role in their survival. These economic and cultural ties can in part be explained by the fact that, unlike the Balkans, these eastern provinces had enjoyed a long period of peace and stability in the fourth and fifth centuries.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"76 1","pages":"203 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84931421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper seeks to examine whether Roman emperors legitimized their political actions with a view towards the future achievement of social and political order. The heuristic point of departure is Koselleck’s concept of ‚futures past‘ (vergangene Zukunft) which has been widely discussed in early modern and medieval research while its applicability to prechristian antiquity is still unexplored. The example of the so-called reforms of Augustus and Diocletian reveals that even in response to severe crises in the Roman Empire the emperors did not command any ideas of order in alternative to prevailing conditions. Neither did they have any ‚master plan‘ of coordinated reforms, but reacted in a situational manner with improvements of administrative practice which were mainly aimed at consolidating their power and authority. All ‚reforms‘ were pronounced retrotopically as a return to better days (restitutio) or as a preservation (conservatio) of ‚happier times‘ (felicitas temporum). Looking at the monarchical discourse of power and the messages exchanged in various media between the emperor and his subjects, it is evident that the dominant time regime of imperial chronopolitics lay in a ‚presentism‘ which extended the present, as ‚eutopia‘, into eternity and glorified it as a golden age, whereas the future was only envisaged in dynastic terms. The horizon of expectations of both the emperor and his subjects was restricted to present-day provision. Only Christians were able to imagine a worldly and transcendent horizon of the future. The political success and duration of the Roman Empire left no room for alternative horizons of possibilities, which also explains why the Roman Empire – in contrast to the Greek world – had no notion of utopia.
{"title":"Omnia in melius reformantur: Handelten römische Kaiser zukunftsorientiert?","authors":"Eckhard Meyer-Zwiffelhoffer","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper seeks to examine whether Roman emperors legitimized their political actions with a view towards the future achievement of social and political order. The heuristic point of departure is Koselleck’s concept of ‚futures past‘ (vergangene Zukunft) which has been widely discussed in early modern and medieval research while its applicability to prechristian antiquity is still unexplored. The example of the so-called reforms of Augustus and Diocletian reveals that even in response to severe crises in the Roman Empire the emperors did not command any ideas of order in alternative to prevailing conditions. Neither did they have any ‚master plan‘ of coordinated reforms, but reacted in a situational manner with improvements of administrative practice which were mainly aimed at consolidating their power and authority. All ‚reforms‘ were pronounced retrotopically as a return to better days (restitutio) or as a preservation (conservatio) of ‚happier times‘ (felicitas temporum). Looking at the monarchical discourse of power and the messages exchanged in various media between the emperor and his subjects, it is evident that the dominant time regime of imperial chronopolitics lay in a ‚presentism‘ which extended the present, as ‚eutopia‘, into eternity and glorified it as a golden age, whereas the future was only envisaged in dynastic terms. The horizon of expectations of both the emperor and his subjects was restricted to present-day provision. Only Christians were able to imagine a worldly and transcendent horizon of the future. The political success and duration of the Roman Empire left no room for alternative horizons of possibilities, which also explains why the Roman Empire – in contrast to the Greek world – had no notion of utopia.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"89 1","pages":"55 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79905534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A contribution to a scholarly controversy that has been on-going for a quarter century now, this article provides a critical review of previous studies on the existence of post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) as a consequence of extreme violence in the ancient world. It highlights methodological difficulties in attempting to ‘diagnose’ psychological illnesses across a distance of more than two millennia by means of highly stylized literary texts. Simultaneously, it introduces crucial new evidence in the form of a late antique papyrus originally published in 1924 (P.Oxy. 16/1873), which has hitherto been almost completely ignored by scholarship. The papyrus, a letter written by a man called Martyrios in sixth century Lycopolis and addressed to his father, recounts psychological war trauma as a result of an attack on his hometown. He does so in a first-person perspective, using a highly select and unusual vocabulary to describe his emotional impairment. Because of its syntactical and vocabulary extravagance, this letter is sometimes seen as a fictional literary reflex. The authors argue, on the contrary, that this letter is the only reliable documentary evidence for psychological war trauma from the ancient world known so far.
{"title":"„Meine Seele ist vom Sturm getrieben …“","authors":"Patrick Reinard, Christian Rollinger","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A contribution to a scholarly controversy that has been on-going for a quarter century now, this article provides a critical review of previous studies on the existence of post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) as a consequence of extreme violence in the ancient world. It highlights methodological difficulties in attempting to ‘diagnose’ psychological illnesses across a distance of more than two millennia by means of highly stylized literary texts. Simultaneously, it introduces crucial new evidence in the form of a late antique papyrus originally published in 1924 (P.Oxy. 16/1873), which has hitherto been almost completely ignored by scholarship. The papyrus, a letter written by a man called Martyrios in sixth century Lycopolis and addressed to his father, recounts psychological war trauma as a result of an attack on his hometown. He does so in a first-person perspective, using a highly select and unusual vocabulary to describe his emotional impairment. Because of its syntactical and vocabulary extravagance, this letter is sometimes seen as a fictional literary reflex. The authors argue, on the contrary, that this letter is the only reliable documentary evidence for psychological war trauma from the ancient world known so far.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"29 1","pages":"163 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90524668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse a literary response to antiquity’s most alluring work of art, the Cnidian Aphrodite. It argues that the ecphrasis of the statue in the Amores develops textual and verbal strategies to provoke in the recipients the desire to see the Cnidia, but eventually frustrates this desire. The ecphrasis thereby creates a discrepancy between the characters’ aesthetic experience of the statue and the visualisation and aesthetic experience of the recipients of the text. The erotic mechanisms of the ecphrasis, simultaneously arousing and frustrating the recipients’ desire, mirror the effect of the statue on its viewers and disclose the erotic programmatics of the whole dialogue. The analysis shows that the Amores surpass the ongoing discourse on love from Plato’s Phaedrus to the ancient novel – and Achilles Tatius and Longus in particular. The Amores, like the nude statue of the Cnidia, threaten to cross all bounds of decency in sexuality.
{"title":"Pseudo-Lucian’s Cnidian Aphrodite: A Statue of Flesh, Stone, and Words","authors":"Laura Bottenberg","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse a literary response to antiquity’s most alluring work of art, the Cnidian Aphrodite. It argues that the ecphrasis of the statue in the Amores develops textual and verbal strategies to provoke in the recipients the desire to see the Cnidia, but eventually frustrates this desire. The ecphrasis thereby creates a discrepancy between the characters’ aesthetic experience of the statue and the visualisation and aesthetic experience of the recipients of the text. The erotic mechanisms of the ecphrasis, simultaneously arousing and frustrating the recipients’ desire, mirror the effect of the statue on its viewers and disclose the erotic programmatics of the whole dialogue. The analysis shows that the Amores surpass the ongoing discourse on love from Plato’s Phaedrus to the ancient novel – and Achilles Tatius and Longus in particular. The Amores, like the nude statue of the Cnidia, threaten to cross all bounds of decency in sexuality.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"47 1","pages":"115 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74229477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Haldon, Arlen F. Chase, W. Eastwood, M. Medina‐Elizalde, A. Izdebski, F. Ludlow, G. Middleton, Lee Mordechai, Jason Nesbitt, B. Turner
Abstract Collapse is a term that has attracted much attention in social science literature in recent years, but there remain substantial areas of disagreement about how it should be understood in historical contexts. More specifically, the use of the term collapse often merely serves to dramatize long-past events, to push human actors into the background, and to mystify the past intellectually. At the same time, since human societies are complex systems, the alternative involves grasping the challenges that a holistic analysis presents, taking account of the many different levels and paces at which societies function, and developing appropriate methods that help to integrate science and history. Often neglected elements in considerations of collapse are the perceptions and beliefs of a historical society and how a given society deals with change; an important facet of this, almost entirely ignored in the discussion, is the understanding of time held by the individuals and social groups affected by change; and from this perspective ‘collapse’ depends very much on perception, including the perceptions of the modern commentator. With this in mind, this article challenges simplistic notions of ‘collapse’ in an effort to encourage a more nuanced understanding of the impact and process of both social and environmental change on past human societies.
{"title":"Demystifying Collapse: Climate, environment, and social agency in pre-modern societies","authors":"J. Haldon, Arlen F. Chase, W. Eastwood, M. Medina‐Elizalde, A. Izdebski, F. Ludlow, G. Middleton, Lee Mordechai, Jason Nesbitt, B. Turner","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Collapse is a term that has attracted much attention in social science literature in recent years, but there remain substantial areas of disagreement about how it should be understood in historical contexts. More specifically, the use of the term collapse often merely serves to dramatize long-past events, to push human actors into the background, and to mystify the past intellectually. At the same time, since human societies are complex systems, the alternative involves grasping the challenges that a holistic analysis presents, taking account of the many different levels and paces at which societies function, and developing appropriate methods that help to integrate science and history. Often neglected elements in considerations of collapse are the perceptions and beliefs of a historical society and how a given society deals with change; an important facet of this, almost entirely ignored in the discussion, is the understanding of time held by the individuals and social groups affected by change; and from this perspective ‘collapse’ depends very much on perception, including the perceptions of the modern commentator. With this in mind, this article challenges simplistic notions of ‘collapse’ in an effort to encourage a more nuanced understanding of the impact and process of both social and environmental change on past human societies.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"20 1","pages":"1 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85254870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Modern research has established the prejudice that Diocletian focused on defending Roman law against the influence of primitive legal concepts of non-Roman origin and aimed to protect classical law from any kind of change. This is based, on the one hand, on circular textual criticism, which declared all innovations in the jurisprudence of Diocletian’s chancellery to be the result of later alterations of the primary texts, and, on the other hand, on the assumption that the parties to a dispute confronted the emperor directly with their own legal ideas, even though they knew that he judged only according to Roman law. An unbiased examination of Diocletian’s decisions on the law of obligations reveals a completely different picture: The rulings by which Diocletian’s chancellery purportedly reacted to popular legal ideas can almost always be explained by misunderstandings which stem from the concepts of classical Roman law itself. And once liberated from the exaggerated textual criticism of the 20th century, one can identify a variety of innovations that are more in keeping with Diocletian’s character than the obstinate conservatism that is commonly attributed to him in legal matters.
{"title":"Klassizistisch oder innovativ? Zur Rechtsprechung von Diokletians Reskriptenkanzlei","authors":"Jan Dirk Harke","doi":"10.1515/mill-2020-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Modern research has established the prejudice that Diocletian focused on defending Roman law against the influence of primitive legal concepts of non-Roman origin and aimed to protect classical law from any kind of change. This is based, on the one hand, on circular textual criticism, which declared all innovations in the jurisprudence of Diocletian’s chancellery to be the result of later alterations of the primary texts, and, on the other hand, on the assumption that the parties to a dispute confronted the emperor directly with their own legal ideas, even though they knew that he judged only according to Roman law. An unbiased examination of Diocletian’s decisions on the law of obligations reveals a completely different picture: The rulings by which Diocletian’s chancellery purportedly reacted to popular legal ideas can almost always be explained by misunderstandings which stem from the concepts of classical Roman law itself. And once liberated from the exaggerated textual criticism of the 20th century, one can identify a variety of innovations that are more in keeping with Diocletian’s character than the obstinate conservatism that is commonly attributed to him in legal matters.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"23 1","pages":"139 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87189084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Study of the diplomacy between the Carolingians and the ʿAbbāsids has been hampered by the absence of any sources from the Caliphate commenting on their relationship. This paper identifies two variants of the Arabic Tiburtine Sibyl, apocalyptic prophecies composed by Syriac Christians in the early ninth century, that provide contemporary Arabic references to contact between Charlemagne and Hārūn al-Rashīd. In doing so, they shed new light on this diplomatic activity by indicating that it was considerably more important for the Caliph than normally appreciated. Combined with other references to the Franks in Arabic apocalyptic of the period, the evidence of these Sibyls suggests that Hārūn al-Rashīd accrued considerable prestige from his reception of Charlemagne’s envoys and the gifts that they brought with them.
{"title":"ʿAbbāsid-Carolingian Diplomacy in Early Medieval Arabic Apocalypse","authors":"Sam Ottewill-Soulsby","doi":"10.1515/mill-2019-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2019-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Study of the diplomacy between the Carolingians and the ʿAbbāsids has been hampered by the absence of any sources from the Caliphate commenting on their relationship. This paper identifies two variants of the Arabic Tiburtine Sibyl, apocalyptic prophecies composed by Syriac Christians in the early ninth century, that provide contemporary Arabic references to contact between Charlemagne and Hārūn al-Rashīd. In doing so, they shed new light on this diplomatic activity by indicating that it was considerably more important for the Caliph than normally appreciated. Combined with other references to the Franks in Arabic apocalyptic of the period, the evidence of these Sibyls suggests that Hārūn al-Rashīd accrued considerable prestige from his reception of Charlemagne’s envoys and the gifts that they brought with them.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"6 1","pages":"213 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78905666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Plutarch in Deutschland – ein aktueller Einblick","authors":"A. Rosell","doi":"10.1515/mill-2019-0998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2019-0998","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88388436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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