The media outlets usually identified as building blocks of New Right are niche ideological journals (such as National Review) and radio broadcasts. As crucial as these outlets were, other mainstream publications propagating similar ideas had a far greater reach—foremost among them the New York Daily News, the highest-circulation newspaper in the country. From the 1940s through the 1960s, the Daily News espoused a conservative populism further right than National Review, binding its readers into a community based on anti-elitism and white working-class identity.
通常被认为是新右翼基石的媒体是小众意识形态期刊(如《国家评论》)和广播。与这些媒体一样重要的是，其他传播类似观点的主流出版物的影响范围要大得多——其中最重要的是《纽约每日新闻》(New York Daily News)，它是美国发行量最高的报纸。从20世纪40年代到60年代，《每日新闻》拥护比《国家评论》更右翼的保守民粹主义，将读者束缚在一个以反精英主义和白人工人阶级身份为基础的群体中。
{"title":"The New York Daily News and the History of Conservative Media","authors":"Matthew Pressman","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.17","url":null,"abstract":"The media outlets usually identified as building blocks of New Right are niche ideological journals (such as National Review) and radio broadcasts. As crucial as these outlets were, other mainstream publications propagating similar ideas had a far greater reach—foremost among them the New York Daily News, the highest-circulation newspaper in the country. From the 1940s through the 1960s, the Daily News espoused a conservative populism further right than National Review, binding its readers into a community based on anti-elitism and white working-class identity.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"61 1","pages":"219 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76326565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, a set of liberal intellectuals promoted a vision of liberal renewal at home and abroad, hoping to create a new political and foreign policy paradigm. They sought to revive a form of early Cold War “Vital Center” liberalism by supporting democratization and human rights, designing a liberal version of patriotism, and supporting confrontations with illiberal autocracies and radical Islamists. They hoped to reverse decades of liberal decline in domestic politics, to distance themselves from the political left, and to critique President George Bush's response to 9/11, which they viewed as unilateralist, militaristic, and intellectually vapid. This revival of optimistic, universalist liberalism represents the peak of liberals’ post–Cold War belief in the ability of U.S. power to spread presumably universal values. The failure of the Iraq War, which many of these thinkers supported, undermined this brief project and returned liberals to a more cautious, defensive mindset.
{"title":"The Vital Center Reborn: Redefining Liberalism between 9/11 and the Iraq War","authors":"Joseph Stieb","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.18","url":null,"abstract":"Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, a set of liberal intellectuals promoted a vision of liberal renewal at home and abroad, hoping to create a new political and foreign policy paradigm. They sought to revive a form of early Cold War “Vital Center” liberalism by supporting democratization and human rights, designing a liberal version of patriotism, and supporting confrontations with illiberal autocracies and radical Islamists. They hoped to reverse decades of liberal decline in domestic politics, to distance themselves from the political left, and to critique President George Bush's response to 9/11, which they viewed as unilateralist, militaristic, and intellectually vapid. This revival of optimistic, universalist liberalism represents the peak of liberals’ post–Cold War belief in the ability of U.S. power to spread presumably universal values. The failure of the Iraq War, which many of these thinkers supported, undermined this brief project and returned liberals to a more cautious, defensive mindset.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"2 1","pages":"285 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85691499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cops at War: How World War II Transformed U.S. Policing – Corrigendum","authors":"S. Schrader","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.19","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"24 1","pages":"335 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74670448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The history of the Social Security Amendments of 1967 illuminates the contours of fiscal citizenship. This watershed law created both work requirements for Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) recipients and new policy instruments, including federal child support enforcement, to compel poor men to fulfill their financial obligations to their families. Welfare reformers claimed that such changes were necessary to protect the rights of taxpayers against the “criminal” predations of welfare recipients. These policy changes initiated in 1967 redefined poor women's non-work, as well as their sexual and reproductive decisions, as crimes against taxpayers. Welfare recipients contested this logic and the policies that flowed from it by insisting on the value of their own domestic labor and rejecting a narrow view of taxpaying citizenship. The resolution of these questions played a critical role in revising the American social contract.
{"title":"No Unnecessary Burden: Taxpayers and the Politics of Work, Family, and Welfare","authors":"M. Michelmore","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.15","url":null,"abstract":"The history of the Social Security Amendments of 1967 illuminates the contours of fiscal citizenship. This watershed law created both work requirements for Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) recipients and new policy instruments, including federal child support enforcement, to compel poor men to fulfill their financial obligations to their families. Welfare reformers claimed that such changes were necessary to protect the rights of taxpayers against the “criminal” predations of welfare recipients. These policy changes initiated in 1967 redefined poor women's non-work, as well as their sexual and reproductive decisions, as crimes against taxpayers. Welfare recipients contested this logic and the policies that flowed from it by insisting on the value of their own domestic labor and rejecting a narrow view of taxpaying citizenship. The resolution of these questions played a critical role in revising the American social contract.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"15 1","pages":"181 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80405130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What prompted New York City teachers to form a union in the Progressive Era? The founding of the journal American Teacher in 1912 led to creation of the Teachers’ League in 1913 and then the Teachers Union in 1916, facilitating formation of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT). Despite historiographical claims that teacher union drives needed a focus on bread-and-butter issues to succeed, ideals of educational democracy and opposition to managerial autocracy motivated the Teachers’ League. Contrary to claims that early New York City teacher unionism was unrepresentative because dominated by radical male Jewish high-school instructors, heterogeneous majorities of women and elementary school teachers formed the Teachers’ League and Teachers Union leaderships. Board of Education representation, maternity leave, free speech, and pensions were aims of this radically democratic movement led by socialists and feminists, which received demonstrably greater mass teacher support than the conservative feminism of a rival association.
{"title":"Why Did Teachers Organize? Feminism and Socialism in the Making of New York City Teacher Unionism","authors":"Christopher Phelps","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.11","url":null,"abstract":"What prompted New York City teachers to form a union in the Progressive Era? The founding of the journal American Teacher in 1912 led to creation of the Teachers’ League in 1913 and then the Teachers Union in 1916, facilitating formation of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT). Despite historiographical claims that teacher union drives needed a focus on bread-and-butter issues to succeed, ideals of educational democracy and opposition to managerial autocracy motivated the Teachers’ League. Contrary to claims that early New York City teacher unionism was unrepresentative because dominated by radical male Jewish high-school instructors, heterogeneous majorities of women and elementary school teachers formed the Teachers’ League and Teachers Union leaderships. Board of Education representation, maternity leave, free speech, and pensions were aims of this radically democratic movement led by socialists and feminists, which received demonstrably greater mass teacher support than the conservative feminism of a rival association.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"18 1","pages":"131 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80686949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"MAH volume 4 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.14","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"18 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75731538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"MAH volume 4 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.13","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"53 1","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76269554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
World War II transformed policing in the United States. Many police enlisted in the military during the war, and in turn many veterans joined police forces following the victories of 1945. As wartime labor shortages depleted their ranks, police chiefs turned to new initiatives to strengthen and professionalize their forces, redoubling those efforts as growing fears of crime and internal security threats outlasted the global conflict. This article investigates the rapid growth of the military police, how African Americans responded to changes in policing due to the war, and these wartime experiences’ lingering impacts. Based on research in obscure and difficult-to-find police professional literature, and closely examining New York City, it argues that the war's effects on policing did not amount to “militarization” as currently understood, but did inspire more standardized and nationally coordinated approaches to recruitment as well as military-style approaches to discipline, training, and tactical operations.
{"title":"Cops at War: How World War II Transformed U.S. Policing","authors":"S. Schrader","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.12","url":null,"abstract":"World War II transformed policing in the United States. Many police enlisted in the military during the war, and in turn many veterans joined police forces following the victories of 1945. As wartime labor shortages depleted their ranks, police chiefs turned to new initiatives to strengthen and professionalize their forces, redoubling those efforts as growing fears of crime and internal security threats outlasted the global conflict. This article investigates the rapid growth of the military police, how African Americans responded to changes in policing due to the war, and these wartime experiences’ lingering impacts. Based on research in obscure and difficult-to-find police professional literature, and closely examining New York City, it argues that the war's effects on policing did not amount to “militarization” as currently understood, but did inspire more standardized and nationally coordinated approaches to recruitment as well as military-style approaches to discipline, training, and tactical operations.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"3 1","pages":"159 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72765079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Western Electric’s constellation of factories in Baltimore’s Point Breeze section manufactured the kinds of heavy-duty wires and cables that the American military could not get enough of during World War II. That demand turned the company’s workforce into production soldiers, vital clogs in the war machine. Government-issued films and posters urged these women and men to take vitamins, eat healthy, and never miss a single shift. But on an August afternoon in 1942, Western Electric workers were away from their posts. They were gathered in a courtyard as officials from Washington presented Western Electric plant managers with a tri-colored banner and the Army-Navy “E” award. Despite its innocuous sounding name, this honor was not doled out easily. Only five percent of the nation’s 85,000 war production plants earned an “E” award between Pearl Harbor and V-J Day. Before heading back to their posts, each and every Western Electric worker received a lapel pin in recognition of the “quality and quantity” of their contributions to the war effort. But the summer celebrations at Western Electric could not cover up the tensions roiling below the surface, tensions that not even patriotic calls to duty could keep a lid on. By the end of 1942, these pressures boiled over into a “hate strike,” one that mirrored the walk-outs that broke out during the war in response to efforts to integrate Mobile shipyards and Philadelphia trolley car operations. Each of these strikes represented a defense of segregation, and each put race, really whiteness, ahead of wartime unity. Each revealed fractures on the homefront and some of the earliest stirrings of massive resistance against the breakdown of white privilege or what the journalist Isabel Wilkerson has recently described as a caste system that prevailed in the United States long before the 1940s and long afterward. The issue that would trigger white workers at Western Electric was access to bathrooms. This was no accident. Public bathrooms have played a unique role in modern societies. As broad notions of privacy took shape, and as work and home became physically and ideologically separated in the last decades of the nineteenth century, access to a bathroom became an absolute requirement. It was the essential entry point to the public. And quickly, those in favor of exclusion, of upholding caste systems, recognized that cutting off access to a bathroom translated into cutting off access to the public and social equality. The opposite was true as well. Those fighting for equality brought their struggles to the public bathroom door. This article, therefore, reveals the racial tensions of the war years, and at the same time, makes a case for what might be called toilet studies, for the importance of paying attention to the role that public bathrooms played in upholding, and in many cases, creating color lines.
{"title":"The Trouble with Bathrooms","authors":"Bryant Simon","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.10","url":null,"abstract":"Western Electric’s constellation of factories in Baltimore’s Point Breeze section manufactured the kinds of heavy-duty wires and cables that the American military could not get enough of during World War II. That demand turned the company’s workforce into production soldiers, vital clogs in the war machine. Government-issued films and posters urged these women and men to take vitamins, eat healthy, and never miss a single shift. But on an August afternoon in 1942, Western Electric workers were away from their posts. They were gathered in a courtyard as officials from Washington presented Western Electric plant managers with a tri-colored banner and the Army-Navy “E” award. Despite its innocuous sounding name, this honor was not doled out easily. Only five percent of the nation’s 85,000 war production plants earned an “E” award between Pearl Harbor and V-J Day. Before heading back to their posts, each and every Western Electric worker received a lapel pin in recognition of the “quality and quantity” of their contributions to the war effort. But the summer celebrations at Western Electric could not cover up the tensions roiling below the surface, tensions that not even patriotic calls to duty could keep a lid on. By the end of 1942, these pressures boiled over into a “hate strike,” one that mirrored the walk-outs that broke out during the war in response to efforts to integrate Mobile shipyards and Philadelphia trolley car operations. Each of these strikes represented a defense of segregation, and each put race, really whiteness, ahead of wartime unity. Each revealed fractures on the homefront and some of the earliest stirrings of massive resistance against the breakdown of white privilege or what the journalist Isabel Wilkerson has recently described as a caste system that prevailed in the United States long before the 1940s and long afterward. The issue that would trigger white workers at Western Electric was access to bathrooms. This was no accident. Public bathrooms have played a unique role in modern societies. As broad notions of privacy took shape, and as work and home became physically and ideologically separated in the last decades of the nineteenth century, access to a bathroom became an absolute requirement. It was the essential entry point to the public. And quickly, those in favor of exclusion, of upholding caste systems, recognized that cutting off access to a bathroom translated into cutting off access to the public and social equality. The opposite was true as well. Those fighting for equality brought their struggles to the public bathroom door. This article, therefore, reveals the racial tensions of the war years, and at the same time, makes a case for what might be called toilet studies, for the importance of paying attention to the role that public bathrooms played in upholding, and in many cases, creating color lines.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"77 1","pages":"201 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83183767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When American forces broke through German resistance in the spring of 1945, U.S. Army commanders began to worry about rising reports of sexual violence. “Since the entry into Germany by the Seventh Army the number of cases of rape have increased greatly,” General Alexander Patch reported. “The situation is one in which it is believed emergency action is required.” Omar Bradley, commander of the largest group of armies on the continent, warned General Dwight D. Eisenhower that “certain conditions of looting, pillaging, wanton destruction, rape and other crimes” were widespread. By the time of his writing, in April 1945, some 500 reports of rape per week were flooding into the Judge Advocate General’s office. An after-action report would later confirm these concerns: “We were members of a conquering army and we came as conquerors. The rates of reported rapes sprang skyward.” This report acknowledged that many more rapes occurred than were reflected in general court-martial records, which listed 552 trials for Germany as a whole until the end of the war. The Judge Advocate said that not more than 25 percent of reported cases ever made it to trial. The situation was “ripe for violent sex crimes,” the report concluded, and “the avalanche came.” The history of Allied sexual violence in Nazi Germany is a troubled one. Numerous historians have documented the extensive sexual assaults that German women suffered at war’s end; in popular memory, this history is associated above all with the Soviet “Rape of Berlin,” though French and American troops were also regularly accused of gendered violence. After Germany’s defeat in 1945, such stories of sexual violation would be transformed into a mythology of national violation that was effectively racialized and put toward neo-fascist ends. This prospect was immediately discernible to black soldiers and journalists on the ground in Germany in the spring of 1945, who saw how the U.S. Army’s commitment to Jim Crow segregation—including prohibitions on sex and fraternization across the color line—aligned with
1945年春天，当美军突破德军的抵抗时，美国陆军指挥官开始担心不断上升的性暴力报告。“自从第七集团军进入德国以来，强奸案件的数量大大增加，”亚历山大·帕奇将军报告说。“在这种情况下，我们认为需要采取紧急行动。”奥马尔·布拉德利(Omar Bradley)是非洲大陆最大军队群的指挥官，他警告德怀特·d·艾森豪威尔将军(Dwight D. Eisenhower)，“某些抢劫、掠夺、肆意破坏、强奸和其他罪行的情况”很普遍。到他于1945年4月写作时，每周大约有500起强奸案的报告涌进总检察官办公室。一份事后报告证实了这些担忧:“我们是一支征服大军的成员，我们是作为征服者而来的。报告的强奸率直线上升。”这份报告承认，发生的强奸案比一般军事法庭记录所反映的要多得多。一般军事法庭记录列出了战争结束前整个德国的552起审判。法官辩护律师表示，只有不到25%的报告案件最终进入了审判。报告总结道，“暴力性犯罪的时机已经成熟”，“雪崩来了”。纳粹德国盟军的性暴力史是一段令人不安的历史。许多历史学家记录了德国妇女在战争结束时遭受的广泛性侵犯;在大众的记忆中，这段历史首先与苏联的“柏林大屠杀”(Rape of Berlin)联系在一起，尽管法国和美国军队也经常被指控实施性别暴力。1945年德国战败后，这种性侵犯的故事被转化为民族侵犯的神话，实际上被种族化，并被推向新法西斯主义的目的。1945年春天，在德国战场上的黑人士兵和记者们立即察觉到了这一前景，他们看到了美国军队对吉姆·克劳种族隔离的承诺——包括禁止跨肤色的性行为和兄弟会——是如何与之一致的
{"title":"The Wartime Battlefield of Sex","authors":"Ruth Lawlor","doi":"10.1017/MAH.2021.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/MAH.2021.8","url":null,"abstract":"When American forces broke through German resistance in the spring of 1945, U.S. Army commanders began to worry about rising reports of sexual violence. “Since the entry into Germany by the Seventh Army the number of cases of rape have increased greatly,” General Alexander Patch reported. “The situation is one in which it is believed emergency action is required.” Omar Bradley, commander of the largest group of armies on the continent, warned General Dwight D. Eisenhower that “certain conditions of looting, pillaging, wanton destruction, rape and other crimes” were widespread. By the time of his writing, in April 1945, some 500 reports of rape per week were flooding into the Judge Advocate General’s office. An after-action report would later confirm these concerns: “We were members of a conquering army and we came as conquerors. The rates of reported rapes sprang skyward.” This report acknowledged that many more rapes occurred than were reflected in general court-martial records, which listed 552 trials for Germany as a whole until the end of the war. The Judge Advocate said that not more than 25 percent of reported cases ever made it to trial. The situation was “ripe for violent sex crimes,” the report concluded, and “the avalanche came.” The history of Allied sexual violence in Nazi Germany is a troubled one. Numerous historians have documented the extensive sexual assaults that German women suffered at war’s end; in popular memory, this history is associated above all with the Soviet “Rape of Berlin,” though French and American troops were also regularly accused of gendered violence. After Germany’s defeat in 1945, such stories of sexual violation would be transformed into a mythology of national violation that was effectively racialized and put toward neo-fascist ends. This prospect was immediately discernible to black soldiers and journalists on the ground in Germany in the spring of 1945, who saw how the U.S. Army’s commitment to Jim Crow segregation—including prohibitions on sex and fraternization across the color line—aligned with","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"62 1","pages":"209 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82472462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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