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Patriotism and Black Internationalism 爱国主义和黑人国际主义
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.39
Nicholas Grant
On February 2, 2023, Ilhan Omar took to the floor of the House of Representatives to address what being an American meant to her. Responding to Republican efforts to remove her from the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, the representative for Minnesota's fifth congressional district asked, “Who gets to be an American? What opinions do you have to have to be counted as American?”1 In attacking Omar for her past comments on Israel and track record of criticizing U.S. foreign policy, House Republicans were conflating progressive politics with foreignness, arguing that this combination is subversive and represents a real threat to the American government and the stability of the nation.2 Indeed, the vote to remove Omar came just a few years after President Donald J. Trump had implored Omar and her progressive allies in “The Squad”—House Democrats Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ayanna Pressley, and Rashida Tlaib—to “go back” to the “crime infested places from which they came.”3 Acknowledging how her race and identity were once again being used by Republicans to question her Americanness and delegitimize her politics, Omar offered the following rebuttal: Representation matters. Continuing to expand our ideas of who is American and who can partake in the American experiment is a good thing. I am an American … Someone who knows what it means to have a shot at a better life here in the United States. And someone who believes in the American dream, in the American possibility and the promise, and the ability to voice that in a democratic process.4
2023年2月2日,伊尔汗·奥马尔在众议院发言,讲述了作为一个美国人对她意味着什么。在共和党试图将她从众议院外交事务委员会(House Committee on Foreign Affairs)除名时,这位明尼苏达州国会第五选区的代表问道:“谁能成为美国人?”你有什么观点才算美国人?在攻击奥马尔过去对以色列的评论和批评美国外交政策的记录时,众议院共和党人将进步政治与排外混为一谈,认为这种结合具有颠覆性,对美国政府和国家稳定构成了真正的威胁事实上,就在奥马尔下台的投票前几年,唐纳德·j·特朗普总统曾恳求奥马尔和她在“小队”中的进步盟友——众议院民主党人亚历山大·奥卡西奥·科尔特斯(Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez)、阿雅娜·普莱斯利(Ayanna Pressley)和拉希达·特莱伊(Rashida tlaib)——“回到”“犯罪猖獗的地方去”。奥马尔承认,她的种族和身份再次被共和党人用来质疑她的美国身份,并使她的政治立场失去合法性,她提出了以下反驳:代表很重要。继续扩大我们关于谁是美国人、谁可以参与美国实验的观念是一件好事。我是一个美国人,一个知道在美国有机会过上更好生活意味着什么的人。相信美国梦,相信美国的可能性和承诺,相信有能力在民主进程中表达出来
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引用次数: 0
Modern American History and the Smithsonian 美国现代史和史密森学会
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.30
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引用次数: 0
Response to My Readers 对读者的回应
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.32
M. Canaday
It is truly a pleasure and an honor to have my work read by five such esteemed colleagues, and I want to begin by thanking all of them for the thoughtfulness and care of their essays, and also to express my gratitude to Darren Dochuk for organizing this exchange. After working in (pandemic-exacerbated) isolation for so long, it is fascinating for me to see the book through others’ eyes, to appreciate what has resonated, and to grapple with questions and qualms as well.
我很高兴也很荣幸能有五位这样受人尊敬的同事阅读我的作品,我想首先感谢他们所有人对文章的周到和关心,也感谢达伦·多丘克组织了这次交流。在(疫情加剧的)隔离状态下工作了这么长时间后,通过别人的眼睛看这本书,欣赏引起共鸣的东西,并努力解决问题和疑虑,这对我来说很有趣。
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引用次数: 0
See You at the Pole: Evangelicals, Public Schools, and “Student-Initiated” School Prayer in 1990s America 《旗杆前见:20世纪90年代美国的福音派、公立学校和“学生发起的”学校祈祷》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.13
Benjamin J. Young
Histories of school prayer have typically concluded in the late 1980s, when court rulings and stalled legislation conclusively barred the door on the return of state-sponsored prayer to public schools. Through an analysis of See You at the Pole, a nationwide initiative formed in 1990 that mobilized millions of American students to gather annually to pray at their school flagpoles, this article argues that the 1990s witnessed not the waning of religion in public schools, but rather its revival in “student-initiated” forms. By tracing the pivot from debates over state sponsorship of religion to debates over students’ rights of free expression, this article establishes the 1990s as a major turning point in legal, political, and religious histories of school prayer. Further, this study of See You at the Pole illuminates how bipartisan, pluralist legitimating logics that crystallized in the 1990s underlie the phenomenon that scholars have recently termed “Christian nationalism.”
学校祈祷的历史通常在20世纪80年代末结束,当时法院的裁决和停滞不前的立法最终禁止了国家资助的祈祷重返公立学校的大门。通过对1990年发起的全国范围内的“旗杆前见”(See You at the Pole)活动的分析,这篇文章认为,20世纪90年代并没有见证公立学校宗教信仰的衰落,而是以“学生发起”的形式复兴。“旗杆前见”动员了数百万美国学生每年聚集在学校的旗杆前祈祷。通过追溯从国家支持宗教的辩论到学生言论自由权利的辩论,本文确立了20世纪90年代是学校祈祷的法律、政治和宗教历史的一个重要转折点。此外,对《极地见》的研究阐明了20世纪90年代形成的两党、多元主义的合法化逻辑是如何成为学者们最近称之为“基督教民族主义”现象的基础的。
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引用次数: 0
MAH volume 6 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MAH第6卷第2期封面和正面问题
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.47
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
MAH volume 6 issue 2 Cover and Back matter MAH第6卷第2期封面和封底
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.48
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
Queer Affect at Work 职场酷儿效应
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.22
S. Vider
Early on in her often moving new book, Queer Career, Margot Canaday quotes from an oral history interview she conducted in New York in 2012, at the very beginning of her research. The participant, an African American gay man, recalled his entry into the working world: “I was a typist, and I wanted to type.” The sentence provides early evidence for one of the major findings of the book, that before gay liberation, many queer and trans people chose lower-paying jobs in office and service work because it allowed for greater flexibility to pursue a sexual and social life outside of their job, and because there was less to lose if you were arrested. But Canaday also slows down to parse not just the speaker's words but also his intonation. As Canaday recalls, “[H]e didn't just state this; he joyfully exclaimed it: ‘I was a typist,’ his voice rose, ‘and I wanted to type!’” (19).
玛戈特·卡纳迪(Margot Canaday)的新书《酷儿事业》(Queer Career)经常令人动情,在书的开头,她引用了2012年在纽约进行的一次口述历史采访,当时她刚开始进行研究。参与者是一名非裔美国同性恋男子,他回忆起自己进入职场的经历:“我是一名打字员,我想打字。”这句话为这本书的一个主要发现提供了早期证据,即在同性恋解放之前,许多酷儿和跨性别者选择了办公室和服务类的低薪工作,因为这样可以更灵活地在工作之外追求性和社交生活,而且如果你被捕了,损失也更少。但是Canaday不仅会放慢速度来分析说话人的话语,还会分析他的语调。正如卡纳迪回忆的那样,“他不只是说说而已;他高兴地喊道:“我是个打字员,”他的声音提高了,“我想打字!’”(19)。
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引用次数: 0
September 11th Revisited: The Troubled History of Victim Compensation 9·11重访:受害者赔偿的混乱历史
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.15
Joanne Meyerowitz
This article explores some of the less obvious and even surprising repercussions of September 11th. To do so, it draws on an online archive of more than 12,000 emails sent to the Department of Justice (DOJ) in response to the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund. Just eleven days after September 11th, Congress created the fund for the express purpose of preventing victims’ families from suing the airlines. After the act passed, the DOJ solicited public comments and posted them to its website, and from the start, the tone was combative. This essay focuses on two especially acrimonious issues: first, gay rights and the recognition of same-sex partnerships and, second, economic inequality and populist anti-elitism. Taken together, the emails showcase how September 11th precipitated fundamental and divisive debates on who deserved the nation's largesse.
本文探讨了911事件中一些不那么明显甚至令人惊讶的后果。为了做到这一点,它利用了超过12000封电子邮件的在线档案,这些邮件是作为对911受害者赔偿基金的回应寄给司法部的。911事件发生后仅11天,国会就设立了该基金,明确目的是防止遇难者家属起诉航空公司。法案通过后,司法部征求公众意见,并将其发布在其网站上,从一开始,语气就很激烈。本文主要关注两个特别尖锐的问题:第一,同性恋权利和对同性伴侣关系的承认;第二,经济不平等和民粹主义反精英主义。综上所述,这些电子邮件显示了9·11事件是如何引发了关于谁应该得到国家慷慨援助的根本而分歧的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
The Costume of My Trade 我的行头
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.21
Gabriel Winant
Despite a number of excellent queer labor histories, the historiography of lesbian, gay, and trans people and the historiography of work and workers have remained relatively uninfluenced by each other. This is puzzling in some obvious ways: the Mattachine Society was founded by a communist, and class questions were right there at the origin of the field of queer history with John D'Emilio, Leslie Feinberg, Joanne Meyerowitz, and George Chauncey. D'Emilio and Feinberg were Marxists and Meyerowitz began as a labor historian, while Chauncey had the legendary historian of work David Montgomery for one of his advisors. Enumerating his graduate cohort in the acknowledgments of Gay New York, Chauncey names a string of Montgomery's advisees, now eminent labor historians, followed on the next page by Edward and Dorothy Thompson, with whom Chauncey spent a postdoctoral year at Rutgers. More substantively, a central analytic move of Gay New York, itself building on and developing D'Emilio's classic intervention, is to understand the urban gay world in much the same way that, say, Herbert Gutman understood the worlds of working-class immigrants (with which gay social worlds overlapped to a great degree): as a “counterpublic,” although Gutman would not have used the term.
尽管有许多优秀的酷儿劳工史,但关于女同性恋、男同性恋和变性人的历史编纂,以及关于工作和工人的历史编纂,相对来说仍然没有受到彼此的影响。从某些明显的方面来说,这是令人困惑的:马塔钦学会是由一个共产主义者创立的,阶级问题就在约翰·德埃米利奥、莱斯利·范伯格、乔安妮·迈耶罗维茨和乔治·昌西的酷儿历史领域的起源。德埃米利奥和范伯格都是马克思主义者,迈耶罗维茨最初是一名劳动历史学家,而昌西的顾问之一是传奇的工作历史学家戴维·蒙哥马利。昌西在《纽约同志》的答谢中列举了他的毕业生队伍,他列出了蒙哥马利的一系列顾问,现在都是著名的劳工历史学家,接下来是爱德华和多萝西·汤普森,昌西和他们一起在罗格斯大学度过了博士后一年。更重要的是,纽约同性恋运动的核心分析行动,本身就是建立和发展了德埃米利奥的经典干预,就是以与赫伯特·古特曼(Herbert Gutman)理解工人阶级移民世界(同性恋社会世界在很大程度上重叠)大致相同的方式来理解城市同性恋世界:作为“反公众”,尽管古特曼不会使用这个词。
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引用次数: 0
Brooke L. Blower and Sarah T. Phillips Essay Prize 布鲁克·l·布洛尔和莎拉·t·菲利普斯论文奖
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.8
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Modern American History
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