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Should Constitutional Rights Reflect Popular Opinion? Interpreting Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization—CORRIGENDUM 宪法权利应该反映民意吗?解读多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案-勘误表
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.37
M. Ziegler
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引用次数: 0
U.S. Imperialism and Rights — CORRIGENDUM 美帝国主义与权利-勘误
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.33
A. Paik
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引用次数: 0
The German Plague: Contagion and Conspiracy in First World War America 《德国瘟疫:第一次世界大战美国的传染与阴谋》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.1
C. Givens
During the First World War, the American home front was awash with conspiracy theories alleging that internal German enemies were intentionally spreading disease among both human and animal populations, most egregiously in the case of the influenza epidemic. While false, these stories nonetheless revealed Americans’ shifting relationships to the environment, warfare, and the federal state. They channeled immediate fears over what type of war, and what type of enemy, the nation faced, as well as deeper, Progressive-era anxieties related to the dramatic expansions of government and scientific expertise in American life. As an unexplored vernacular archive, they underline how the war permitted individuals to discuss, denounce, and contest state and scientific authority at this moment in the early twentieth century.
第一次世界大战期间,美国国内充斥着阴谋论,声称德国内部的敌人故意在人类和动物种群中传播疾病,最令人震惊的是流感疫情。虽然这些故事是假的,但它们揭示了美国人与环境、战争和联邦政府之间关系的转变。他们传达了对美国面临何种战争、何种敌人的直接恐惧,以及与政府和科学技术在美国生活中的急剧扩张有关的更深层次的、进步时代的焦虑。作为一份未被发掘的民间档案,它们强调了在20世纪初的这个时刻,战争是如何允许个人讨论、谴责和挑战国家和科学权威的。
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引用次数: 0
“Gundamentalism”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.12
Jennifer Tucker
“They talk about gun rights. What about Chris's right to live?” —Richard Martinez, after his son Chris was killed in the 2014 Santa Barbara spree shootings “Your dead kids don't trump my Constitutional rights.” —Joe “the Plumber” Wurzlebacher, responding to Richard Martinez Firearms and ballistics are at the center of public debate in the United States today. They are technologies that are associated both with danger (in the form of gun violence) and safety (in the form of claims that firearms offer personal protection). This essay explores our understanding of the role of gun rights in American society through history: an issue which recent Supreme Court rulings have moved to the forefront of political debates in the face of efforts to regulate firearms and stem the tide of gun violence in the United States.
“他们谈论枪支权利。那克里斯的生存权呢?——理查德·马丁内斯(richard Martinez)在他的儿子克里斯(Chris)在2014年圣巴巴拉(Santa Barbara)枪击案中被杀后说:“你死去的孩子不能凌驾于我的宪法权利。”——“水管工”乔·沃兹勒巴赫对理查德·马丁内斯的回答。枪支和弹道学是当今美国公众辩论的焦点。它们是与危险(以枪支暴力的形式)和安全(以声称枪支提供个人保护的形式)相关联的技术。这篇文章探讨了我们对枪支权利在美国社会历史上的作用的理解:在美国监管枪支和遏制枪支暴力浪潮的努力面前,最近最高法院的裁决已经成为政治辩论的前沿问题。
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引用次数: 0
“A New Non-Entity”: Border Commuters, the Peyton Strike, and the Adverse Effect Standard in Immigration Law, 1958–1972 “一种新的非实体”:边境通勤者、佩顿罢工和移民法中的不利影响标准,1958-1972
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2022.25
S. Harvey
This article uses a 1958–1962 strike at the Peyton Packing Company in El Paso, Texas, to examine how labor unions in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands used racial stereotypes and Cold War paranoia to influence the adoption of a more rigorous labor certification standard for those applying for a visa to enter the United State. Ultimately, labor unions and Mexican American workers sought to end the practice of border commuting by adopting and advancing the language of immigration restriction deployed by many Mexican American civil rights leaders of the era. This rhetoric ignored pleas for improving the minimum wage laws and protections and overlooked the fact that many border commuters wanted to migrate to the United States, but were often prevented from doing so by existing immigration laws. This case study forces historians of immigration and labor to reassess the role that labor unions played in helping to make the 1965 Hart-Cellar Act more exclusionary than previously thought.
本文以1958-1962年发生在德克萨斯州埃尔帕索的佩顿包装公司的一次罢工为例,考察了美墨边境地区的工会是如何利用种族成见和冷战偏执来影响对申请进入美国签证的人采用更严格的劳工认证标准的。最终,工会和墨西哥裔美国工人试图通过采纳和推进当时许多墨西哥裔美国民权领袖使用的移民限制语言来结束边境通勤的做法。这种言论忽视了改善最低工资法律和保护措施的呼吁,也忽视了一个事实,即许多边境通勤者想移民到美国,但往往被现有的移民法所阻止。这个案例研究迫使移民和劳工历史学家重新评估工会在使1965年的《哈特-塞勒法案》(Hart-Cellar Act)比以前认为的更具排斥性方面所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Infrastructural Turn in Historical Scholarship 历史学术的基础结构转向
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.2
Marilyn Bridges
This essay argues that historical scholarship has taken an infrastructural turn in recent years. “Infrastructure” serves not just as a popular keyword in monographs and journal articles; it reflects a new approach to research that has permeated the field. An infrastructural approach offers a framework for historians to understand the power of traditional structures like the state and the economy in ways that accommodate transnational interconnections, technology, and the stubborn materiality of the phenomena under study. This essay analyzes why scholars have embraced the term recently, and it outlines the basic components of an infrastructural orientation. It concludes by considering the blind spots of an infrastructural approach, as well as directions for future scholarship.
本文认为,近年来,历史学术已经发生了根本性的转变。“基础设施”不仅是专著和期刊文章中的热门关键词;它反映了一种新的研究方法已经渗透到这个领域。基础设施研究方法为历史学家理解国家和经济等传统结构的力量提供了一个框架,以适应跨国联系、技术和所研究现象的顽固物质性。本文分析了为什么学者们最近接受了这个术语,并概述了基础设施取向的基本组成部分。最后,它考虑了基础设施方法的盲点,以及未来学术研究的方向。
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引用次数: 1
Children Saving Children: Humanitarianism, World War I, and American Childhood 《儿童拯救儿童:人道主义、第一次世界大战和美国童年》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.4
Emmanuel Destenay
In January 1918, Teddy Brown from Fairbanks, Alaska, was coming home. As he entered the house, the ten-year-old boy slammed the door shut, stormed into the living room, and demanded that his parents put on their coats. Teddy solemnly proclaimed that he had heard harrowing stories about French children's sufferings and wanted to contribute a weekly donation of seventy-five cents in order to help “a brother” in France. After listening to his pleas, Teddy's parents eventually came to endorse his chosen mission. The family left the house, venturing out into the sub-zero temperatures, and headed to the local committee of the Fatherless Children of France Society (FCFS). By the time Teddy made his commitment, thousands of other American children had already “adopted” orphans in France.
1918年1月,来自阿拉斯加费尔班克斯的泰迪·布朗正要回家。进屋后,这个十岁的男孩砰地关上了门,冲进客厅,要求他的父母穿上外套。特迪郑重地宣布,他听说了法国儿童遭受苦难的悲惨故事,想每周捐出75美分来帮助法国的“一个兄弟”。在听取了他的请求后,泰迪的父母最终同意了他选择的使命。这家人离开了房子,冒着零下的温度,前往法国孤儿协会(FCFS)的当地委员会。在特迪做出承诺的时候,已经有成千上万的美国儿童在法国“收养”了孤儿。
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引用次数: 1
Christianity, Human Rights, and American Political Polarization 基督教、人权与美国政治两极分化
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.11
Gene Zubovich
Over the course of the twentieth century, American conceptions of rights became more global. This development—usually described as a move from “civil rights” to “human rights”—was especially acute in American Christian communities. The role of Christianity deserves our attention because of the religion's important role in the conceptualization, popularization, and practice of human rights in the United States and, thanks to Christians’ overseas networks, to every corner of the world.1 The increasingly global understanding of rights, however, did not lead to the liberalization of rights for American Christians. True, human rights talk contributed to important milestones in religious pluralism and the Civil Rights movement, and often served as a gateway to democratic liberalism for some groups resistant to the American liberal tradition. Human rights, however, were not only a liberal project. Conservatives also embraced human rights but in starkly different ways. The divergent interpretations of human rights were not merely a reflection of the growing political divide in the second half of the twentieth century. Christian activists’ adoption of human rights helped forge new alliances and exacerbated the divide between liberal and conservative Christianity, and between political liberalism and political conservatism.
在二十世纪的进程中,美国的权利观念变得更加全球化。这种发展——通常被描述为从“公民权利”到“人权”的转变——在美国基督教社区尤为明显。基督教的作用值得我们关注,因为它在美国的人权概念、普及和实践中发挥了重要作用,并且由于基督教的海外网络,它在世界的每一个角落都发挥了重要作用然而,对权利日益全球化的理解并没有导致美国基督徒权利的自由化。的确,人权言论为宗教多元化和民权运动的重要里程碑做出了贡献,并经常成为一些抵制美国自由主义传统的团体通往民主自由主义的门户。然而,人权不仅仅是一个自由主义的项目。保守派也拥护人权,但方式截然不同。对人权的不同解释不仅仅是二十世纪下半叶日益扩大的政治分歧的反映。基督教活动人士对人权的采纳有助于建立新的联盟,并加剧了基督教自由主义与保守主义、政治自由主义与政治保守主义之间的分歧。
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引用次数: 1
Editors’ Foreword 编辑前言
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.5
Darren Dochuk, Sarah B. Snyder
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容没有摘要。当您可以访问此内容时,该页上会提供完整的HTML内容。此内容的PDF也可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得。
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引用次数: 0
Should Constitutional Rights Reflect Popular Opinion? Interpreting Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization 宪法权利应该反映民意吗?解读多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/mah.2023.6
Mary Ziegler
In June 2022, the Supreme Court handed down a decision, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which dismantled a fundamental right to choose abortion. A line of Supreme Court decisions dating back to the 1920s recognized unenumerated liberties related to parenting, marriage, and contraception tied to the constitutional right to privacy. Almost half a century ago, in Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court declared that this constitutional right to privacy was broad enough to encompass the right to terminate a pregnancy. The Dobbs decision reversed Roe and disparaged the right to abortion in the strongest terms: the decision recognizing it was “egregiously wrong” and “on a collision course with the Constitution.”
2022年6月,最高法院做出了多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案的判决,废除了选择堕胎的基本权利。追溯到20世纪20年代,最高法院的一系列判决承认了与养育子女、婚姻和避孕有关的未列举的自由,这些自由与宪法隐私权有关。近半个世纪前,在罗伊诉韦德案(Roe v. Wade)中,最高法院宣布,这项宪法隐私权的范围足够广泛,足以涵盖终止妊娠的权利。多布斯案的判决推翻了罗伊案的判决,并以最强烈的措辞贬低了堕胎的权利:该判决承认堕胎是“极其错误的”,而且“与宪法相冲突”。
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Modern American History
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