In the late twentieth century, the American prison system expanded in ways that denied women, and especially working-class and women of color, adequate medical care with regard to HIV-AIDS and their reproductive, chronic, and other illnesses. The experience of living within a racist, misogynistic, and privatized prison system shaped women's organizing on the inside, inspiring forms of mutual aid among prisoners and compelling the formation of inside–outside alliances. Activists not only addressed HIV-AIDS, but also the absence of all the healthcare that incarcerated women failed to receive. Their efforts highlight the systemic and cyclical problems diverse groups of women have faced within the HIV-AIDS epidemic in the United States, as well as women's interpersonal, organizational, and legal efforts to overcome them.
{"title":"The Fire Inside: Women Protesting AIDS in Prison since 1980","authors":"Emma Day","doi":"10.1017/mah.2022.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2022.3","url":null,"abstract":"In the late twentieth century, the American prison system expanded in ways that denied women, and especially working-class and women of color, adequate medical care with regard to HIV-AIDS and their reproductive, chronic, and other illnesses. The experience of living within a racist, misogynistic, and privatized prison system shaped women's organizing on the inside, inspiring forms of mutual aid among prisoners and compelling the formation of inside–outside alliances. Activists not only addressed HIV-AIDS, but also the absence of all the healthcare that incarcerated women failed to receive. Their efforts highlight the systemic and cyclical problems diverse groups of women have faced within the HIV-AIDS epidemic in the United States, as well as women's interpersonal, organizational, and legal efforts to overcome them.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"72 1","pages":"79 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90541740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Malinda Maynor Lowery is a film producer, scholar, and member of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina. She works across a range of media to, in her words, “make meaning of what might otherwise get lost.” Moving fluidly between visual and written storytelling, she brings this meaning to multiple audiences. As a film producer, she has garnered both a James Beard and a Peabody Award for the show, A Chef’s Life, and an Emmy nomination for the documentary Private Violence. As an historian, she has won numerous prizes for her books, Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of the Nation (University of North Carolina Press, 2010) and The Lumbee Indians: An American Struggle (University of North Carolina Press, 2018). In September 2021, Adriane Lentz-Smith sat down with Lowery for a conversation about craft, community, what it means to name one’s place, and what it means to claim one’s people.
{"title":"The VISITOR'S CORNER with Malinda Maynor Lowery","authors":"M. Lowery","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.27","url":null,"abstract":"Malinda Maynor Lowery is a film producer, scholar, and member of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina. She works across a range of media to, in her words, “make meaning of what might otherwise get lost.” Moving fluidly between visual and written storytelling, she brings this meaning to multiple audiences. As a film producer, she has garnered both a James Beard and a Peabody Award for the show, A Chef’s Life, and an Emmy nomination for the documentary Private Violence. As an historian, she has won numerous prizes for her books, Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of the Nation (University of North Carolina Press, 2010) and The Lumbee Indians: An American Struggle (University of North Carolina Press, 2018). In September 2021, Adriane Lentz-Smith sat down with Lowery for a conversation about craft, community, what it means to name one’s place, and what it means to claim one’s people.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"69 1","pages":"101 - 108"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79929150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
American Jewish support for Israel during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War was in part the result of an emotional mobilization. American Jewish fundraisers constructed an extensive public-relations apparatus and formulated strategies for honoring supporters and shaming shirkers. They, along with journalists for the Jewish press, interpreted events through the lens of information provided by the newly formed Israeli government. Fundraising, however, could succeed only by responding to donors’ emotional proclivities, and expressions of solidarity with Israel in Jewish media were laterally reinforcing as well as shaped from the top down. These findings underscore the role of positive emotions in generating “groupness.”
{"title":"Solidarity as an Emotion: American Jews and Israel in 1948","authors":"D. Penslar","doi":"10.1017/mah.2022.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2022.1","url":null,"abstract":"American Jewish support for Israel during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War was in part the result of an emotional mobilization. American Jewish fundraisers constructed an extensive public-relations apparatus and formulated strategies for honoring supporters and shaming shirkers. They, along with journalists for the Jewish press, interpreted events through the lens of information provided by the newly formed Israeli government. Fundraising, however, could succeed only by responding to donors’ emotional proclivities, and expressions of solidarity with Israel in Jewish media were laterally reinforcing as well as shaped from the top down. These findings underscore the role of positive emotions in generating “groupness.”","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"26 1","pages":"27 - 51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82394923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The idea that friendship and dialogue are the first steps to making a better world has a history. During the first half of the twentieth century, American Protestants powered a national movement for dialogue and cooperation among people of different races. In the 1940s and 1950s, Black leaders in predominantly white ecumenical Protestant institutions created a series of workshops and dialogue guides that popularized the notion that interracial exchange would lead to action. Backed by their institutions’ financial, moral, and organizational resources, they transformed both the interracial movement and dominant understandings of how to change society. Yet, while Black ecumenical leaders insisted that facilitating interracial exchange was just the beginning form of action in ending discrimination, they unintentionally facilitated problematic assumptions about the standalone power of “first steps” in creating a more equitable society.
{"title":"Step by Step: American Interracialism and the Origins of Talk-First Activism","authors":"Connor S. Kenaston","doi":"10.1017/mah.2022.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2022.2","url":null,"abstract":"The idea that friendship and dialogue are the first steps to making a better world has a history. During the first half of the twentieth century, American Protestants powered a national movement for dialogue and cooperation among people of different races. In the 1940s and 1950s, Black leaders in predominantly white ecumenical Protestant institutions created a series of workshops and dialogue guides that popularized the notion that interracial exchange would lead to action. Backed by their institutions’ financial, moral, and organizational resources, they transformed both the interracial movement and dominant understandings of how to change society. Yet, while Black ecumenical leaders insisted that facilitating interracial exchange was just the beginning form of action in ending discrimination, they unintentionally facilitated problematic assumptions about the standalone power of “first steps” in creating a more equitable society.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"45 1","pages":"1 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86696744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"MAH volume 4 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.23","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"158 1","pages":"f1 - f4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76881962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Langston Hughes learned the art of storytelling from his grandmother. Joseph Heller got his best ideas riding the bus. Flannery O’Connor surrounded herself with pet pheasants, ducks, and peacocks. Historians, too, have special ways of working that are worth sharing. In May 2021, Thomas G. Andrews and Brooke L. Blower asked the scholar of Indigenous history, art, and culture Philip J. Deloria to answer questions about finding inspiration, organizing thoughts, and the pull of family pasts.
兰斯顿·休斯从祖母那里学会了讲故事的艺术。约瑟夫·海勒在公共汽车上得到了他最好的想法。弗兰纳里·奥康纳(Flannery O 'Connor)周围都是宠物野鸡、鸭子和孔雀。历史学家也有值得分享的特殊工作方式。2021年5月，托马斯·g·安德鲁斯(Thomas G. Andrews)和布鲁克·l·布洛尔(Brooke L. Blower)邀请土著历史、艺术和文化学者菲利普·j·德洛里亚(Philip J. Deloria)回答有关寻找灵感、组织思想和家庭过去的吸引力的问题。
{"title":"The WRITER'S STUDIO with Philip J. Deloria","authors":"P. Deloria","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.20","url":null,"abstract":"Langston Hughes learned the art of storytelling from his grandmother. Joseph Heller got his best ideas riding the bus. Flannery O’Connor surrounded herself with pet pheasants, ducks, and peacocks. Historians, too, have special ways of working that are worth sharing. In May 2021, Thomas G. Andrews and Brooke L. Blower asked the scholar of Indigenous history, art, and culture Philip J. Deloria to answer questions about finding inspiration, organizing thoughts, and the pull of family pasts.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"209 1","pages":"305 - 313"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77744680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The twentieth century saw unprecedented efforts to measure, analyze, and control the world's population. Particularly after World War II, population control and demography—the social science of human population dynamics—developed in tandem and largely through the impetus of U.S.-based philanthropies. This article explains how U.S. actors exercised power over population in sovereign nations throughout the Global South and how demographic theory came to shape population policy worldwide. It contends that U.S.-based philanthropies gained global traction for their population control projects by developing demography as an ally and then leveraging its scientific authority to put population control on the foreign policy agenda of the U.S. government and on the nation-building and economic development agendas of countries in the Global South.
{"title":"American Demographers and Global Population Policy in the Postwar World","authors":"E. Merchant","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.22","url":null,"abstract":"The twentieth century saw unprecedented efforts to measure, analyze, and control the world's population. Particularly after World War II, population control and demography—the social science of human population dynamics—developed in tandem and largely through the impetus of U.S.-based philanthropies. This article explains how U.S. actors exercised power over population in sovereign nations throughout the Global South and how demographic theory came to shape population policy worldwide. It contends that U.S.-based philanthropies gained global traction for their population control projects by developing demography as an ally and then leveraging its scientific authority to put population control on the foreign policy agenda of the U.S. government and on the nation-building and economic development agendas of countries in the Global South.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"23 1","pages":"239 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83636390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When a new strain of influenza circled the globe in the fall and winter of 1918, it swept through the United States at terrifying speed, infecting at least 25 million Americans—roughly one-quarter of the population—over the next two years. Based on any metric, the pandemic was the country's largest mass-mortality episode of the twentieth century, killing approximately 675,000 Americans and surpassing the death toll of World War I. Even as the virus struck the United States with unprecedented ferocity, however, the federal government left most public health decisions to the states, producing a disjointed and hyper-localized approach to a crisis that was national and global in scope. In the absence of a strong federal role, state governments carved out their own policy paths, adopting widely divergent strategies to stem the spread of the disease. This preventive playing field was wildly uneven. Some states were well-equipped with robust public health infrastructures; others lacked the tools to manage the disease's rampant spread.
{"title":"Why Pandemics Matter to the History of U.S. State Development","authors":"S. Colbrook","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.26","url":null,"abstract":"When a new strain of influenza circled the globe in the fall and winter of 1918, it swept through the United States at terrifying speed, infecting at least 25 million Americans—roughly one-quarter of the population—over the next two years. Based on any metric, the pandemic was the country's largest mass-mortality episode of the twentieth century, killing approximately 675,000 Americans and surpassing the death toll of World War I. Even as the virus struck the United States with unprecedented ferocity, however, the federal government left most public health decisions to the states, producing a disjointed and hyper-localized approach to a crisis that was national and global in scope. In the absence of a strong federal role, state governments carved out their own policy paths, adopting widely divergent strategies to stem the spread of the disease. This preventive playing field was wildly uneven. Some states were well-equipped with robust public health infrastructures; others lacked the tools to manage the disease's rampant spread.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"62 1","pages":"315 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73129942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 1983 Chicago mayoral election, which polarized Black and white voters, left the nascent Latino electorate in an uncertain position. A reevaluation of this election clarifies the impact of Black mayoral candidate Harold Washington, whose candidacy laid bare significant political divisions and anti-Black sentiment among Latinos as they grappled with their relationship to whiteness. Divisions aside, Washington's effort to court the Latino vote helped legitimate a monolithic, panethnic label in Chicago politics, as evidenced by organizational records, campaign advertising, electoral data, and bilingual media coverage. Reframing the 1983 election as a dual process of race making and panethnic labeling bridges scholarship on Black mayors, Latino politics, and urban history, and questions an enduring political memory of 1983 that has obscured both Latino anti-Blackness and the fragility of Latino unity.
{"title":"“What Are We?”: Latino Politics, Identity, and Memory in the 1983 Chicago Mayoral Election","authors":"Jaime Sánchez","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.21","url":null,"abstract":"The 1983 Chicago mayoral election, which polarized Black and white voters, left the nascent Latino electorate in an uncertain position. A reevaluation of this election clarifies the impact of Black mayoral candidate Harold Washington, whose candidacy laid bare significant political divisions and anti-Black sentiment among Latinos as they grappled with their relationship to whiteness. Divisions aside, Washington's effort to court the Latino vote helped legitimate a monolithic, panethnic label in Chicago politics, as evidenced by organizational records, campaign advertising, electoral data, and bilingual media coverage. Reframing the 1983 election as a dual process of race making and panethnic labeling bridges scholarship on Black mayors, Latino politics, and urban history, and questions an enduring political memory of 1983 that has obscured both Latino anti-Blackness and the fragility of Latino unity.","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"28 1","pages":"263 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88471460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"MAH volume 4 issue 3 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/mah.2021.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.24","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36673,"journal":{"name":"Modern American History","volume":"22 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78676688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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