{"title":"The Theme of Lay Clænnyss in Ælfric’s Letters to Sigeweard, Sigefyrð, and Brother Edward","authors":"S. Ambrose","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"81 1","pages":"21 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83202213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ancestral Memory and Petrarch’s De Remediis utriusque Fortunae in Carrara Padua","authors":"Sarah R. Kyle","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"1 1","pages":"177 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82852153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“Look to Your Calling”: Reclusion and Resistance in Medieval Anchoritic Culture","authors":"Joshua S. Easterling","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"203 1","pages":"51 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77017040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1. The Laurenziano Pluteo 33. 31, transcribed between 1338 and 1348, containing a Miscellanea latina in which, on f. 16v., we can read: “Feliciter Iohannes [Successfully, John]”; 2. The Ambrosiano A 204 inferior, which can be dated around 1340–45, in which Boccaccio transcribed the apparatus of the glosses by Thomas Aquinas to Aristotele’s Ethics, at the end of which we read: “Iohannes de Certaldo scripsit feliciter hoc opus. Explevi tempore credo brevi et cetera. τέλος [John of Certaldo successfully transcribed this work. I have completed it in what I believe was a short time, etc. The End]”; 3. The Laurenziano Pluteo 38. 17 (1340–45), in which he copied Terence’s Comedies, with the signature on folio 84 r.: “Iohannes de Certaldo scripsit [Transcribed by John of Certaldo].”
{"title":"Authorial Strategies and Manuscript Tradition: Boccaccio and the Decameron’s Early Diffusion","authors":"M. Cursi","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0009","url":null,"abstract":"1. The Laurenziano Pluteo 33. 31, transcribed between 1338 and 1348, containing a Miscellanea latina in which, on f. 16v., we can read: “Feliciter Iohannes [Successfully, John]”; 2. The Ambrosiano A 204 inferior, which can be dated around 1340–45, in which Boccaccio transcribed the apparatus of the glosses by Thomas Aquinas to Aristotele’s Ethics, at the end of which we read: “Iohannes de Certaldo scripsit feliciter hoc opus. Explevi tempore credo brevi et cetera. τέλος [John of Certaldo successfully transcribed this work. I have completed it in what I believe was a short time, etc. The End]”; 3. The Laurenziano Pluteo 38. 17 (1340–45), in which he copied Terence’s Comedies, with the signature on folio 84 r.: “Iohannes de Certaldo scripsit [Transcribed by John of Certaldo].”","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"99 1","pages":"110 - 87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78097013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
All worthy poets are magnets that attract orphaned writings in search of an author. As lodestones, they also draw legendary accretions to their life stories. With the passing of time, poets puff up, pulling into their personal space apocryphal works, specious biographical anecdotes, and fanciful portraits. Who was more deserving than Homer to have thrust upon him a third epic, the Batrachomyomachia (batrachos + mus + machia = frog-mouse war)? Actually, an epic parody of the Iliad, this amusing battle of small creatures first appeared, attributed to Homer, printed at Brescia (1474?), then at Venice in 1486. Virgil for centuries, up into the twentieth, enjoyed a surplus of verse in the Appendix vergiliana. Short poems he is said to have written at age twenty-six are filed as interpolations into the fourth-century version of his Vita by Donatus, who augmented the second-century archetype by Suetonius. Virgil’s Loeb Library translator dismisses them as spurious, but includes them as “minor poems” in his edition, first issued nearly a hundred years ago, following, as is proper for an Appendix, the trio of canonical works—Eclogues, Georgics, and the Aeneid. This suggests that major editions of an author will have what is usually an appended category at the end with suppositious writings. The apocrypha themselves cluster into canons, as we shall see for Boccaccio. Thus by attracting apocrypha do those who are already great become even greater—provided, generally speaking, that they are men. Female poets can fare rather differently. Women are subject to an opposite process of reduction. What they have written may mysteriously migrate into the orbits of their male contemporaries, as would have happened to the sixteenth-century poet Laura Battiferra degli Ammannati, if the opinion of her eighteenth-century reader Anton Maria Biscioni had prevailed. Biscioni, learned librarian of the Biblioteca Laurenziana, rightly penned in the manuscript of her poetry, Il primo libro dell’opere toscane, that it served the printer for the first edition of 1560. Biscioni then mistakenly continues: “I think
所有有价值的诗人都是磁铁，吸引着寻找作者的孤儿作品。就像磁石一样，它们也为自己的生活故事增添了传奇色彩。随着时间的流逝，诗人膨胀起来，把虚构的作品、似是而非的传记轶事和幻想的肖像拉进他们的个人空间。还有谁比荷马更有资格写出第三部史诗《蛙鼠之战》(Batrachomyomachia)呢?实际上，这是对《伊利亚特》的史诗模仿，这个有趣的小生物之战最早出现，被认为是荷马的作品，印刷于布雷西亚(1474?)，然后于1486年在威尼斯。维吉尔几个世纪以来，一直到二十世纪，在附录中都有大量的诗句。据说他在26岁时写的短诗是多纳图斯(Donatus)在四世纪版本的《生活》(Vita)中插入的，多纳图斯补充了二世纪苏托尼乌斯(Suetonius)的原型。维吉尔在勒布图书馆的翻译者认为它们是假的，但在他的版本中把它们作为“小诗”收录了出来，第一版出版于近百年前，紧随其后的是《牧歌》、《圣歌》和《埃涅阿斯纪》，这是一个合适的附录。这表明，一个作者的主要版本将有什么通常是附加的类别，在最后与假设的作品。伪经本身也聚集成正典，我们将看到薄伽丘。因此，那些已经很伟大的人通过吸引伪经而变得更伟大——一般来说，如果他们是人的话。女诗人的境遇则大不相同。女性则要经历一个相反的减少过程。她们所写的东西可能会神秘地进入同时代男性的生活轨道，就像16世纪诗人劳拉·巴蒂费拉·德格里·曼纳提(Laura Battiferra degli Ammannati)的遭遇一样，如果她的18世纪读者安东·玛丽亚·比西奥尼(Anton Maria Biscioni)的观点占上风的话。毕肖尼是劳伦齐亚纳图书馆博学的图书管理员，她在她的诗歌手稿中正确地写道，1560年的第一版是由印刷厂出版的。比肖尼接着错误地说:“我认为
{"title":"The Apocryphal Boccaccio","authors":"V. Kirkham","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0002","url":null,"abstract":"All worthy poets are magnets that attract orphaned writings in search of an author. As lodestones, they also draw legendary accretions to their life stories. With the passing of time, poets puff up, pulling into their personal space apocryphal works, specious biographical anecdotes, and fanciful portraits. Who was more deserving than Homer to have thrust upon him a third epic, the Batrachomyomachia (batrachos + mus + machia = frog-mouse war)? Actually, an epic parody of the Iliad, this amusing battle of small creatures first appeared, attributed to Homer, printed at Brescia (1474?), then at Venice in 1486. Virgil for centuries, up into the twentieth, enjoyed a surplus of verse in the Appendix vergiliana. Short poems he is said to have written at age twenty-six are filed as interpolations into the fourth-century version of his Vita by Donatus, who augmented the second-century archetype by Suetonius. Virgil’s Loeb Library translator dismisses them as spurious, but includes them as “minor poems” in his edition, first issued nearly a hundred years ago, following, as is proper for an Appendix, the trio of canonical works—Eclogues, Georgics, and the Aeneid. This suggests that major editions of an author will have what is usually an appended category at the end with suppositious writings. The apocrypha themselves cluster into canons, as we shall see for Boccaccio. Thus by attracting apocrypha do those who are already great become even greater—provided, generally speaking, that they are men. Female poets can fare rather differently. Women are subject to an opposite process of reduction. What they have written may mysteriously migrate into the orbits of their male contemporaries, as would have happened to the sixteenth-century poet Laura Battiferra degli Ammannati, if the opinion of her eighteenth-century reader Anton Maria Biscioni had prevailed. Biscioni, learned librarian of the Biblioteca Laurenziana, rightly penned in the manuscript of her poetry, Il primo libro dell’opere toscane, that it served the printer for the first edition of 1560. Biscioni then mistakenly continues: “I think","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"38 1","pages":"169 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76525738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Boccaccio and the Seventh Art: The Decameronian Films of Fellini, De Laurentiis, Pasolini, Woody Allen","authors":"M. Marcus","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"34 1","pages":"267 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88705713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In late fourteenthand early fifteenth-century Paris, interaction between members of the chancellery, the university community, and the royal family generated a rich intellectual climate in which visual and textual translation flourished and were inextricably intertwined in books made for royalty and members of the nobility. Contact with Italian literature at the papal court in Avignon at the turn of the fifteenth century sparked interest in translating Boccaccio’s work for the French courtly elite. Because of the popularity of illuminated manuscripts among the elite, translators drawn from the French chancellery sought to shape the reception of translations of Boccaccio through the interaction between translated text and visual imagery. Petrarch had translated one story from the Decameron—that of Griselda—into Latin circa 1373 and in doing so both emphasized its value as a source of moral philosophy and began to shape Boccaccio’s reception. Around 1384, Philippe de Mezières translated Petrarch’s Griselda into French and incorporated it in Le Miroir des dames mariées. Beginning in the 1400s, Boccaccio’s Latin De casibus virorum illustrium was known in Paris and mined as a source of exempla for, among others, Nicolas de Gonesse’s completion in 1401 of the translation into French of Valerius Maximus’s Les faits et paroles memorables. As interest in Boccaccio expanded, distinct individual voices emerged. One of them was Laurent de Premierfait, who had made his name as a humanist and a gifted Latin poet at the papal court in Avignon before coming to Paris in 1398. Laurent played a significant role in the textual and visual translation of Giovanni Boccaccio’s work from 1400–1414. By the early fifteenth century, complete copies of some of Boccaccio’s writings were translated into French and quickly
在14世纪晚期到15世纪早期的巴黎，总理府成员，大学社区和皇室成员之间的互动产生了一种丰富的知识氛围，在这种氛围中，视觉和文本翻译蓬勃发展，并且在为皇室和贵族成员制作的书籍中密不可分。15世纪初，在阿维尼翁的教皇宫廷接触意大利文学，激发了他为法国宫廷精英翻译薄伽丘作品的兴趣。由于彩绘手稿在精英阶层中很受欢迎，来自法国总理院的翻译人员试图通过翻译文本和视觉图像之间的相互作用来塑造薄伽丘译本的接受程度。大约在1373年，彼特拉克把《十日谈》中的一个故事——格里塞尔达的故事——翻译成了拉丁文，这样做既强调了它作为道德哲学来源的价值，也开始影响薄伽丘的接受。大约在1384年，Philippe de meziires将Petrarch的《Griselda》翻译成法语，并将其纳入《Le Miroir des dames mari》中。从15世纪开始，薄伽鸠的拉丁文《casibus virorum illustrium》在巴黎闻名，并被视为榜样，其中包括尼古拉斯·德·戈内斯(Nicolas De Gonesse)于1401年完成了瓦莱里乌斯·马克西姆斯(Valerius Maximus)的《Les faits et paroles memorables》的法语翻译。随着人们对薄伽丘兴趣的扩大，不同的个人声音出现了。其中之一是洛朗·德·普雷梅尔费特(Laurent de Premierfait)，在1398年来到巴黎之前，他在阿维尼翁的教皇宫廷里以人文主义者和有天赋的拉丁诗人而闻名。从1400年到1414年，劳伦特在乔瓦尼·薄伽丘作品的文本和视觉翻译中发挥了重要作用。到15世纪早期，薄伽丘的一些完整的作品被迅速翻译成法语
{"title":"Illuminating Boccaccio: Visual Translation in Early Fifteenth-Century France","authors":"Anne D. Hedeman","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0010","url":null,"abstract":"In late fourteenthand early fifteenth-century Paris, interaction between members of the chancellery, the university community, and the royal family generated a rich intellectual climate in which visual and textual translation flourished and were inextricably intertwined in books made for royalty and members of the nobility. Contact with Italian literature at the papal court in Avignon at the turn of the fifteenth century sparked interest in translating Boccaccio’s work for the French courtly elite. Because of the popularity of illuminated manuscripts among the elite, translators drawn from the French chancellery sought to shape the reception of translations of Boccaccio through the interaction between translated text and visual imagery. Petrarch had translated one story from the Decameron—that of Griselda—into Latin circa 1373 and in doing so both emphasized its value as a source of moral philosophy and began to shape Boccaccio’s reception. Around 1384, Philippe de Mezières translated Petrarch’s Griselda into French and incorporated it in Le Miroir des dames mariées. Beginning in the 1400s, Boccaccio’s Latin De casibus virorum illustrium was known in Paris and mined as a source of exempla for, among others, Nicolas de Gonesse’s completion in 1401 of the translation into French of Valerius Maximus’s Les faits et paroles memorables. As interest in Boccaccio expanded, distinct individual voices emerged. One of them was Laurent de Premierfait, who had made his name as a humanist and a gifted Latin poet at the papal court in Avignon before coming to Paris in 1398. Laurent played a significant role in the textual and visual translation of Giovanni Boccaccio’s work from 1400–1414. By the early fifteenth century, complete copies of some of Boccaccio’s writings were translated into French and quickly","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"26 1","pages":"111 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83984536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Decameron 3.6.4, Boccaccio describes Naples as a “citta antichissima e forse cosi dilettevole, o piu, come ne sia alcuna altra in Italia [ancient city... which is perhaps as delectable a city as any to be found in Italy],” thus expressing his admiration for the city he lived in as a young man. His years in Naples (1327–1340/41) were to influence most of his work from the Caccia di Diana (1334–37) to De casi bus virorum illustrium, which was dedicated to Mainardo Cavalcanti, military commander of the Duchy of Amalfi, and, on his final visit to Naples in 1370–71, he gave a copy of the Genealogie deorum gen tilium, a work in part based on texts he had consulted in Robert’s library, to his Neapolitan friend Pietro Piccolo da Monteforte, who read it and made suggestions that were included in the following version. Moreover, for much of his life after his return to Florence in 1340/41, Boccaccio attempted to obtain a position at the court in Naples, though when he was finally offered that of court poet by Joanna I and her third husband, James of Majorca, in 1370, he turned it down. So, Boccaccio’s works show that he had assimilated Neapolitan culture, but none more so than his so-called Neapolitan letter (Epistola napoletana), sometimes given the title La Machinta in the manuscripts. Written around 1339 and addressed to Francesco de’ Bardi, who is said to have been living in Gaeta at the time, the letter celebrates the birth of a baby to a woman called Machinti, the father of whom is purported to be Bardi himself. It is made up of two parts, a first “letter of presentation” in a formal style in Tuscan, and a second “che noi per diporto di noi medesimi ti scriviamo [which we are writing to you for our own amusement]” (437), written in the Neapolitan vernacular. The letter is transmitted by thirty-nine manuscripts. On the whole, it has been studied by scholars of the history of Italian,
在《十日谈》3.6.4中，薄伽丘将那不勒斯描述为“意大利的一座古城……这可能是意大利最令人愉快的城市了]，因此表达了他对自己年轻时居住过的这座城市的钦佩。他在那不勒斯的岁月(1327-1340/41)对他的大部分作品产生了影响，从《戴安娜的Caccia》(1334-37)到《De casi - bus virorum illuum》(献给阿马尔菲公国的军事指挥官Mainardo Cavalcanti)，在1370-71年他最后一次访问那不勒斯时，他给了他的那不勒斯朋友Pietro Piccolo da Monteforte一份《deorum gen - tilium家世》的副本，该作品部分基于他在罗伯特图书馆查阅的文本。他们阅读了它并提出了建议，这些建议包含在下面的版本中。此外，在1340年至1341年回到佛罗伦萨后的大部分时间里，薄伽丘都试图在那不勒斯的宫廷中获得一个职位，尽管当乔安娜一世和她的第三任丈夫马略卡岛的詹姆斯在1370年最终向他提供宫廷诗人的职位时，他拒绝了。因此，薄伽丘的作品表明他已经吸收了那不勒斯文化，但最重要的是他所谓的那不勒斯书信(Epistola napoletana)，有时在手稿中被称为《机械》(La machita)。这封信写于1339年左右，写给当时住在加埃塔的弗朗西斯科·德·巴尔迪(Francesco de ' Bardi)，庆祝一位名叫马金蒂(Machinti)的女子生下了一个孩子，据说孩子的父亲就是巴尔迪本人。它由两部分组成，第一部分是托斯卡纳正式风格的“呈递信”，第二部分是用那不勒斯方言写的“che noi per diporto di noi medesimi ti scriviamo(我们为自己的娱乐而写给你的)”(437)。这封信由三十九份手稿传送。总的来说，意大利历史学者对它进行了研究，
{"title":"Boccaccio’s Neapolitan Letter and Multilingualism in Angevin Naples","authors":"C. Lee","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0003","url":null,"abstract":"In Decameron 3.6.4, Boccaccio describes Naples as a “citta antichissima e forse cosi dilettevole, o piu, come ne sia alcuna altra in Italia [ancient city... which is perhaps as delectable a city as any to be found in Italy],” thus expressing his admiration for the city he lived in as a young man. His years in Naples (1327–1340/41) were to influence most of his work from the Caccia di Diana (1334–37) to De casi bus virorum illustrium, which was dedicated to Mainardo Cavalcanti, military commander of the Duchy of Amalfi, and, on his final visit to Naples in 1370–71, he gave a copy of the Genealogie deorum gen tilium, a work in part based on texts he had consulted in Robert’s library, to his Neapolitan friend Pietro Piccolo da Monteforte, who read it and made suggestions that were included in the following version. Moreover, for much of his life after his return to Florence in 1340/41, Boccaccio attempted to obtain a position at the court in Naples, though when he was finally offered that of court poet by Joanna I and her third husband, James of Majorca, in 1370, he turned it down. So, Boccaccio’s works show that he had assimilated Neapolitan culture, but none more so than his so-called Neapolitan letter (Epistola napoletana), sometimes given the title La Machinta in the manuscripts. Written around 1339 and addressed to Francesco de’ Bardi, who is said to have been living in Gaeta at the time, the letter celebrates the birth of a baby to a woman called Machinti, the father of whom is purported to be Bardi himself. It is made up of two parts, a first “letter of presentation” in a formal style in Tuscan, and a second “che noi per diporto di noi medesimi ti scriviamo [which we are writing to you for our own amusement]” (437), written in the Neapolitan vernacular. The letter is transmitted by thirty-nine manuscripts. On the whole, it has been studied by scholars of the history of Italian,","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"18 1","pages":"21 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75335556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Il marchese di Sanluzzo da’ prieghi de’ suoi uomini costretto di pigliar moglie, per prenderla a suo modo piglia una figliuola d’un villano, della quale ha due figliuoli, li quali le fa veduto d’uccidergli; poi, mostrando lei essergli rincresciuta e avere altra moglie presa a casa faccendosi ritornare la propria figliuola come se sua moglie fosse, lei avendo in camiscia cacciata e a ogni cosa trovandola paziente, piú cara che mai in casa tornatalasi, i suoi figliuoli grandi le mostra e come marchesana l’onora e fa onorare. (Decameron 10.10.1)
{"title":"The Marquis of Saluzzo, or the Griselda Story Before It Was Hijacked: Calculating Matrimonial Odds in Decameron 10.10","authors":"Teodolinda Barolini","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2013.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2013.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Il marchese di Sanluzzo da’ prieghi de’ suoi uomini costretto di pigliar moglie, per prenderla a suo modo piglia una figliuola d’un villano, della quale ha due figliuoli, li quali le fa veduto d’uccidergli; poi, mostrando lei essergli rincresciuta e avere altra moglie presa a casa faccendosi ritornare la propria figliuola come se sua moglie fosse, lei avendo in camiscia cacciata e a ogni cosa trovandola paziente, piú cara che mai in casa tornatalasi, i suoi figliuoli grandi le mostra e come marchesana l’onora e fa onorare. (Decameron 10.10.1)","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"116 1","pages":"23 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74822990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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