At the end of the Canterbury Tales stands Chaucer’s “Retraction,” wherein he seems, at first glance, to be taking back and apologizing for the book we have just read. However, this troubling appendage is not what it might seem; not only is Chaucer not “taking back” the Canterbury Tales, he is actually revealing something about the Tales not evident until this moment in the narrative. What we see in the Retraction is Chaucer reconsidering his works, evaluating his role as author, and anticipating future judgment (God’s judgment of Chaucer, and future readers’ judgment of Chaucer’s works). Chaucer is not seeking expiation, as the metaphor of pilgrimage would immediately suggest; instead, he is seeking—and has just attained—self-knowledge. The Tales represent the process of Chaucer-poet’s mapping the terrain of his own consciousness. Aranye Fradenburg states that “Of all medieval narrative poets, Chaucer is by far the most preoccupied with affective and cognitive states—with the state and nature of sentience as such.” Indeed, knowing (konnynge) proves to be the ultimate goal of the Tales as well as the culmination of Chaucer-poet’s journey of introspection. Even though the achievement of self-knowledge may not be the explicit focus of each individual tale, it is nonetheless the unifying trajectory that shapes and drives the Canterbury Tales as a whole. Chaucer-poet’s journey toward self-knowledge is a process that can be seen, retrospectively, as beginning with the Knight’s Tale, and having its climax between the Tale of Sir Thopas and the Tale of Melibee. The idea of Retraction must consequently be extended and applied not only to the section titled “Retraction,” but also to the Canterbury Tales as a whole. The entire collection is Chaucer’s re-handling and re-consideration of his literary legacy, even though we, as readers, do not know until we reach the end of the text that we have
{"title":"Retraction and Re-Collection: Chaucer’s Apocalyptic Self-Examination","authors":"Deirdre A. Riley","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0003","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of the Canterbury Tales stands Chaucer’s “Retraction,” wherein he seems, at first glance, to be taking back and apologizing for the book we have just read. However, this troubling appendage is not what it might seem; not only is Chaucer not “taking back” the Canterbury Tales, he is actually revealing something about the Tales not evident until this moment in the narrative. What we see in the Retraction is Chaucer reconsidering his works, evaluating his role as author, and anticipating future judgment (God’s judgment of Chaucer, and future readers’ judgment of Chaucer’s works). Chaucer is not seeking expiation, as the metaphor of pilgrimage would immediately suggest; instead, he is seeking—and has just attained—self-knowledge. The Tales represent the process of Chaucer-poet’s mapping the terrain of his own consciousness. Aranye Fradenburg states that “Of all medieval narrative poets, Chaucer is by far the most preoccupied with affective and cognitive states—with the state and nature of sentience as such.” Indeed, knowing (konnynge) proves to be the ultimate goal of the Tales as well as the culmination of Chaucer-poet’s journey of introspection. Even though the achievement of self-knowledge may not be the explicit focus of each individual tale, it is nonetheless the unifying trajectory that shapes and drives the Canterbury Tales as a whole. Chaucer-poet’s journey toward self-knowledge is a process that can be seen, retrospectively, as beginning with the Knight’s Tale, and having its climax between the Tale of Sir Thopas and the Tale of Melibee. The idea of Retraction must consequently be extended and applied not only to the section titled “Retraction,” but also to the Canterbury Tales as a whole. The entire collection is Chaucer’s re-handling and re-consideration of his literary legacy, even though we, as readers, do not know until we reach the end of the text that we have","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"15 1","pages":"263 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MDI.2016.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72513409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
If the logic of imperialism and the logic of modernity share a notion of time, they also share a notion of space as territory.... Witness especially, the “war against terrorism” after the events of 11 September 2001. The borders and autonomy of nation-states, the geographies of nationhood are irrelevant in this war, which can justify imperialist aggression in the name of “homeland security” of the United States. Even the boundaries between space and outer space are not binding any more. In this expansive and expanding continent, how do I locate myself? —Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Feminism without Borders
{"title":"Transnational Feminism and Medieval Futures: The Cartographic Imaginary in Christine de Pizan’s Chemin de long estude","authors":"M. Desmond","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0011","url":null,"abstract":"If the logic of imperialism and the logic of modernity share a notion of time, they also share a notion of space as territory.... Witness especially, the “war against terrorism” after the events of 11 September 2001. The borders and autonomy of nation-states, the geographies of nationhood are irrelevant in this war, which can justify imperialist aggression in the name of “homeland security” of the United States. Even the boundaries between space and outer space are not binding any more. In this expansive and expanding continent, how do I locate myself? —Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Feminism without Borders","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"15 1","pages":"393 - 424"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79004473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Medieval futures” connotes not necessarily the next move for medieval studies but the reshaping of our future with the medieval in mind. Medieval texts can inform and offer novel approaches to direct action, social justice, as well as social libertarian, anticapitalist, anti-Statist movements. To this end, I advocate decontextualizing medieval literary texts so that their radical possibility can inform our own spaces and movement, particularly in terms of social justice, dissent, and protest. By decontextualizing the text, I mean the removal of the literary text from its temporal and regional political context in order to allow the text to reflect the radical possibilities applicable to our current and future political environments. Reading the late medieval English text Ywain and Gawain through a lens of contemporary radical politics demonstrates how a medieval literary artifact can help us better understand—and ultimately transform—our own political realities. The occupation of physical space has been and continues to be a tried and tested means of voicing opposition against oppressive power structures. In many cases, people take to the streets and inhabit a particular place with symbolic value in order to make their dissent visible. Although the general constitution of space appears static and unchanging, redefining space allows for the resistance to the status quo. Theorists such as Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Henri Lefebvre, Edward Soja, and David Harvey, among others, discuss the ways in which social spaces (i.e., public squares, buildings, rooms, etc.) undergo change through use and social desire. Space is malleable and plastic; it never has a set use or meaning. Lefebvre puts a finer point on this idea: “There is no sense in which space can be treated solely as an a priori condition of these institutions and the
“中世纪的未来”并不一定意味着中世纪研究的下一步，而是以中世纪的思想重塑我们的未来。中世纪文本可以为直接行动、社会正义以及社会自由主义、反资本主义、反中央集权运动提供信息和新方法。为此，我主张将中世纪文学文本去语境化，这样它们的激进可能性就可以为我们自己的空间和运动提供信息，特别是在社会正义、异议和抗议方面。通过文本去语境化，我的意思是将文学文本从它的时间和区域政治背景中移除，以便让文本反映出适用于我们当前和未来政治环境的激进可能性。通过当代激进政治的视角来阅读中世纪晚期的英文文本《Ywain and Gawain》，我们可以看到中世纪的文学作品是如何帮助我们更好地理解并最终改变我们自己的政治现实的。占领实际空间一直是并将继续是一种久经考验的反对压迫性权力结构的手段。在许多情况下，人们走上街头，居住在具有象征意义的特定地方，以使他们的异议可见。虽然空间的一般构成看起来是静态的和不变的，但重新定义空间允许对现状的抵抗。诸如吉尔·德勒兹和菲利克斯·瓜塔里、亨利·列斐弗尔、爱德华·索亚和大卫·哈维等理论家讨论了社会空间(即公共广场、建筑、房间等)通过使用和社会欲望而发生变化的方式。空间是可塑的;它从来没有固定的用法或含义。列斐伏尔对这一观点提出了更好的观点:“空间不能仅仅被视为这些机构和社会的先天条件
{"title":"Shaping Our (Medieval) Future through Nomadic Insurgency: A Radical Reading of Ywain and Gawain","authors":"Christian Beck","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0007","url":null,"abstract":"“Medieval futures” connotes not necessarily the next move for medieval studies but the reshaping of our future with the medieval in mind. Medieval texts can inform and offer novel approaches to direct action, social justice, as well as social libertarian, anticapitalist, anti-Statist movements. To this end, I advocate decontextualizing medieval literary texts so that their radical possibility can inform our own spaces and movement, particularly in terms of social justice, dissent, and protest. By decontextualizing the text, I mean the removal of the literary text from its temporal and regional political context in order to allow the text to reflect the radical possibilities applicable to our current and future political environments. Reading the late medieval English text Ywain and Gawain through a lens of contemporary radical politics demonstrates how a medieval literary artifact can help us better understand—and ultimately transform—our own political realities. The occupation of physical space has been and continues to be a tried and tested means of voicing opposition against oppressive power structures. In many cases, people take to the streets and inhabit a particular place with symbolic value in order to make their dissent visible. Although the general constitution of space appears static and unchanging, redefining space allows for the resistance to the status quo. Theorists such as Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Henri Lefebvre, Edward Soja, and David Harvey, among others, discuss the ways in which social spaces (i.e., public squares, buildings, rooms, etc.) undergo change through use and social desire. Space is malleable and plastic; it never has a set use or meaning. Lefebvre puts a finer point on this idea: “There is no sense in which space can be treated solely as an a priori condition of these institutions and the","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"28 1","pages":"325 - 351"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72549109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“On Monday, July 20, at the break of dawn, I was born in the city of Arezzo,” Petrarch recounts in a letter to Boccaccio, “a red-letter day for our people,” as it was that very morning that the White Guelphs stormed Florence’s gates in a failed uprising. Due to this factional strife, Petrarch had been born in exile, although in February the following year he and his mother were permitted to move to the family holding of Incisa, just inside Florentine territory, where he spent his early childhood. Before leaving for that country estate, Petrarch would have been baptized in Arezzo’s Santa Maria della Pieve, just a five-minute walk from his birthplace on Viccolo dell’Orto (Fig. 1). The thirteenth-century façade has stolid Romanesque arches that in turn support three registers of rapidly rhythmic loggias; these arcades confound the eye with their vertiginous sense of upward climb and sequential dance. Adding to this dizzying profusion is the exuberant menagerie of whimsical interlacing and zoomorphic forms. In contrast, the columns of the ground register are more stately, crowned in antique Corinthian capitals, perhaps recycled from the town’s ancient Roman buildings. The portal through which Petrarch most likely entered is still watched over by a carved lunette of the Madonna in orans pose, identified by a nearby inscription as the work of Marchionne, dated 1216 (Fig. 2). Also in the barrel of this entrance are polychromed statues of the labors of the months, cheerfully smiling their welcome to the initiates below. Precocious as he was, even Petrarch as an infant would have been unable to appreciate the elaborate decoration of Santa Maria. But the pieve highlights a key aspect of Duecento and Trecento experience, namely the saturation of one’s environs with
{"title":"The Presence of the Past and the Shadows of Futurity: Petrarch, Vernacular Art Criticism, and the Anticipation of the Connoisseur","authors":"K. Gross","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0010","url":null,"abstract":"“On Monday, July 20, at the break of dawn, I was born in the city of Arezzo,” Petrarch recounts in a letter to Boccaccio, “a red-letter day for our people,” as it was that very morning that the White Guelphs stormed Florence’s gates in a failed uprising. Due to this factional strife, Petrarch had been born in exile, although in February the following year he and his mother were permitted to move to the family holding of Incisa, just inside Florentine territory, where he spent his early childhood. Before leaving for that country estate, Petrarch would have been baptized in Arezzo’s Santa Maria della Pieve, just a five-minute walk from his birthplace on Viccolo dell’Orto (Fig. 1). The thirteenth-century façade has stolid Romanesque arches that in turn support three registers of rapidly rhythmic loggias; these arcades confound the eye with their vertiginous sense of upward climb and sequential dance. Adding to this dizzying profusion is the exuberant menagerie of whimsical interlacing and zoomorphic forms. In contrast, the columns of the ground register are more stately, crowned in antique Corinthian capitals, perhaps recycled from the town’s ancient Roman buildings. The portal through which Petrarch most likely entered is still watched over by a carved lunette of the Madonna in orans pose, identified by a nearby inscription as the work of Marchionne, dated 1216 (Fig. 2). Also in the barrel of this entrance are polychromed statues of the labors of the months, cheerfully smiling their welcome to the initiates below. Precocious as he was, even Petrarch as an infant would have been unable to appreciate the elaborate decoration of Santa Maria. But the pieve highlights a key aspect of Duecento and Trecento experience, namely the saturation of one’s environs with","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"1 1","pages":"147 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79991828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Future Perfect: Reading Temporalities at the Royal Women’s Monastery at Chelles, ca. 660–1050","authors":"H. Scheck","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"27 1","pages":"50 - 9"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83452780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Situated on the western coast of Galicia, Santiago de Compostela claims to hold the tomb of St. James the Apostle. According to tradition, James was martyred in Palestine in 44 CE; his body was then miraculously transferred by boat to the Galician coast and buried there, as James was reputed to have evangelized the Iberian Peninsula. Veneration of the relics of St. James began in the ninth century, and by the twelfth century, Compostela was the end-point of an elaborate network of pilgrimage routes—the Camino de Santiago— originating all over Western Europe. Since the Middle Ages, the historiography of the city of Santiago de Compostela has been overshadowed by the Camino de Santiago. The modern revival of pilgrimage along the Camino in the nineteenth century constructed a political ideology that in turn acquired considerable cultural capital in the twentieth century. A look at Santiago de Compostela under Diego Gelmírez (1093–1140), the twelfth-century administrator, bishop, and archbishop-count of the cathedral, allows us to consider what is overlooked and who is excluded in the rich historiography of the cult of St. James of Compostela, a historiography that has often obscured the intensive efforts at production of the cult in the first place.
{"title":"Producing the Route of St. James: The Camino de Santiago in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries","authors":"Barbara Abou-el-Haj","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Situated on the western coast of Galicia, Santiago de Compostela claims to hold the tomb of St. James the Apostle. According to tradition, James was martyred in Palestine in 44 CE; his body was then miraculously transferred by boat to the Galician coast and buried there, as James was reputed to have evangelized the Iberian Peninsula. Veneration of the relics of St. James began in the ninth century, and by the twelfth century, Compostela was the end-point of an elaborate network of pilgrimage routes—the Camino de Santiago— originating all over Western Europe. Since the Middle Ages, the historiography of the city of Santiago de Compostela has been overshadowed by the Camino de Santiago. The modern revival of pilgrimage along the Camino in the nineteenth century constructed a political ideology that in turn acquired considerable cultural capital in the twentieth century. A look at Santiago de Compostela under Diego Gelmírez (1093–1140), the twelfth-century administrator, bishop, and archbishop-count of the cathedral, allows us to consider what is overlooked and who is excluded in the rich historiography of the cult of St. James of Compostela, a historiography that has often obscured the intensive efforts at production of the cult in the first place.","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"18 1","pages":"51 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87253817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Leper on the Road to Canterbury: The Summoner, Digital Manuscripts, and Possible Futures","authors":"Bridget Whearty","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"1139 1","pages":"223 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83573334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Close to the foot of the mountain of Purgatory, while still outside the gate of Purgatory proper, Dante stages a scene of wishedfor political and cultural reconciliation. In Purgatorio 6, a troop of souls who repented late and were violently killed surrounds Dante and Virgil, clamoring for Dante’s attention. Just beyond this group, the two travelers encounter a solitary, seated figure who asks them where they hail from. “Mantoa...,” Virgil begins to reply, when the shade leaps up to identify himself as “Sordello / de la tua terra [Sordello from your city]” (74–75), and the two fellow citizens embrace. This imagined embrace between Sordello, a thirteenth-century troubadour born in Mantua, in the Italian region of Lombardy, and Virgil, the ancient author of the Aeneid (also born in Mantua), conveys both the future that Dante foresees for Italian literary production, as well as his political hopes for a pacification of the factional violence besetting northern Italy in his time, violence resulting from the ongoing conflict for hegemony between papal and imperial interests. Dante explicitly contrasts these two characters’ mutual benevolence to contemporary politics. Upon their embrace, Dante-narrator interrupts the narrative with a halfcanto digression in which he denounces contemporary Italy for engaging in internecine wars and civil strife when “quell’anima gentil [that noble soul],” Sordello, was ready to fête Virgil merely upon learning that they were both from the same northern Italian city. Is Dante here suggesting the importance of communal or regional identities even in the afterlife? It seems unlikely. Later, on the Purgatorial terrace of envy, when Dante-pilgrim asks if any of the souls are from Italy, the Sienese Sapia replies, “ciascuna è cittadina / d’una vera città [each of us is citizen of one true city]” (13.94–95), a seeming rebuke to her fellow Tuscan for his continued interest in divisive earthly categories.
在离炼狱山脚不远的地方，在炼狱大门外，但丁上演了一场希望政治和文化和解的场景。在《炼狱》第六章中，一群忏悔晚了、被暴力杀害的灵魂包围着但丁和维吉尔，吵着要引起但丁的注意。就在这群人后面，这两个旅行者遇到了一个孤独的、坐着的人，他问他们从哪里来。“Mantoa…维吉尔开始回答，这时影子跳起来，表明自己是“Sordello / de la tua terra[来自你的城市的Sordello]”(74-75)，两个同胞拥抱在一起。Sordello，一个13世纪的吟游诗人，出生在意大利伦巴第地区的曼图亚，和Virgil，《埃涅伊德》的古代作者(也出生在曼图亚)之间的这种想象的拥抱，既传达了但丁对意大利文学作品的未来的预见，也传达了他对平息当时困扰意大利北部的派系暴力的政治希望，暴力源于教皇和帝国利益之间持续不断的霸权冲突。但丁明确地将这两个人物的相互仁慈与当代政治进行了对比。在他们的拥抱中，但丁叙述者用半章的离间打断了叙述，他谴责当代意大利卷入了内讧战争和内乱，当“quelanima gentil[那个高贵的灵魂]”Sordello，在得知他们都来自同一个意大利北部城市后，准备fête维吉尔。但丁在这里是在暗示公共或地区身份的重要性，即使是在死后?这似乎不太可能。后来，在嫉妒的炼狱平台上，当但丁朝圣者问是否有灵魂来自意大利时，锡耶纳人萨皮亚回答说:“ciascuna è cittadina / d 'una vera citt[我们每个人都是一个真正的城市的公民]”(13.94-95)，这似乎是对她的托斯卡纳同胞的斥责，因为他一直对分裂的尘世分类感兴趣。
{"title":"Virgil and Sordello’s Embrace in Dante’s Commedia: Latin Poeta Meets Vernacular Dicitore","authors":"Olivia Holmes","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Close to the foot of the mountain of Purgatory, while still outside the gate of Purgatory proper, Dante stages a scene of wishedfor political and cultural reconciliation. In Purgatorio 6, a troop of souls who repented late and were violently killed surrounds Dante and Virgil, clamoring for Dante’s attention. Just beyond this group, the two travelers encounter a solitary, seated figure who asks them where they hail from. “Mantoa...,” Virgil begins to reply, when the shade leaps up to identify himself as “Sordello / de la tua terra [Sordello from your city]” (74–75), and the two fellow citizens embrace. This imagined embrace between Sordello, a thirteenth-century troubadour born in Mantua, in the Italian region of Lombardy, and Virgil, the ancient author of the Aeneid (also born in Mantua), conveys both the future that Dante foresees for Italian literary production, as well as his political hopes for a pacification of the factional violence besetting northern Italy in his time, violence resulting from the ongoing conflict for hegemony between papal and imperial interests. Dante explicitly contrasts these two characters’ mutual benevolence to contemporary politics. Upon their embrace, Dante-narrator interrupts the narrative with a halfcanto digression in which he denounces contemporary Italy for engaging in internecine wars and civil strife when “quell’anima gentil [that noble soul],” Sordello, was ready to fête Virgil merely upon learning that they were both from the same northern Italian city. Is Dante here suggesting the importance of communal or regional identities even in the afterlife? It seems unlikely. Later, on the Purgatorial terrace of envy, when Dante-pilgrim asks if any of the souls are from Italy, the Sienese Sapia replies, “ciascuna è cittadina / d’una vera città [each of us is citizen of one true city]” (13.94–95), a seeming rebuke to her fellow Tuscan for his continued interest in divisive earthly categories.","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"19 1","pages":"117 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87628932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gilding the Lily: John of Rupescissa’s Prophetic System and the Decline of the Angevins of Naples","authors":"Elizabeth Casteen","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"139 15","pages":"119 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MDI.2016.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72493902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1966: The US war in Vietnam begins to escalate rapidly. To meet the needs of this highly intensive, overseas military engagement, the Selective Service conscripts 343,000 American men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-six into the US army. Until this year, draft boards had generally granted deferments to full-time university students, but now all “underperforming” students are required to pass an exam to avoid being reclassified as draft-eligible. The antiwar movement consequently becomes more active on university campuses. Antiwar rallies are held in several US cities on March 26, including a large rally in New York City drawing 22,000 participants. Martin Luther King Jr. denounces the war in Vietnam. For the rest of the long decade of the sixties, the war and the student antiwar movements it generated collide—sometimes violently—over conflicting views of the American future.
{"title":"Medieval Futures: The Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Binghamton University: 1966–2016","authors":"M. Desmond","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0013","url":null,"abstract":"1966: The US war in Vietnam begins to escalate rapidly. To meet the needs of this highly intensive, overseas military engagement, the Selective Service conscripts 343,000 American men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-six into the US army. Until this year, draft boards had generally granted deferments to full-time university students, but now all “underperforming” students are required to pass an exam to avoid being reclassified as draft-eligible. The antiwar movement consequently becomes more active on university campuses. Antiwar rallies are held in several US cities on March 26, including a large rally in New York City drawing 22,000 participants. Martin Luther King Jr. denounces the war in Vietnam. For the rest of the long decade of the sixties, the war and the student antiwar movements it generated collide—sometimes violently—over conflicting views of the American future.","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"5 1","pages":"1 - 8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75199678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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