Few major cities have undergone so thorough a transformation as early modern Rome, where a shrunken “gigantic cadaver” became a paradigmatic early modern theater of architectural magnificence, worthy of its ancient predecessor. No single site better exemplifies this transformation than the Campidoglio, the ancient Capitoline Hill, surmounted by a grand piazza bordered on three sides by palaces but open to the city on the fourth side where St. Peter’s dome, designed by Michelangelo for Pope Paul III (r. 1534–49), rises above the distant skyline. The same architect and patron played key roles in the sixteenth-century remodeling of the Campidoglio (Fig. 1), though the only building actually erected on the hill by the pope was not part of Michelangelo’s Capitoline ensemble. Early in his long pontificate, Paul saw to the construction of the Torre Farnese (or Paolina), a fortified residence designed with an eye to defense and domination, certainly not aesthetics. Until its demolition to make way for the Victor Emmanuel Monument (1885), the Torre Farnese was a looming presence on the hill, overlooking a city where by now numerous palaces exemplified the classicizing, formal language of the Renaissance, of which it showed hardly a trace. Nor could there be a stronger contrast with Michelangelo’s highly innovative and allusive designs for the civic palaces on the Campidoglio, though these were not realized until long after Paul’s death (the date of the design is a different issue, as noted below), or indeed with the same architect’s work, from 1546, on Paul’s own family palace, the Palazzo Farnese. It has recently been suggested that we should see the rustic character of the Torre Farnese, traditionally sometimes referred to as a villa, in a more positive light, and as
很少有大城市像近代早期的罗马那样经历了如此彻底的转变，在那里，一个缩小了的“巨大的尸体”变成了一个典型的建筑宏伟的早期现代剧院，不逊于它的古代前身。坎皮多里奥(Campidoglio)是最能体现这种转变的地方。坎皮多里奥是古老的卡比托利欧山(Capitoline Hill)，山顶上有一个大广场，三面是宫殿，四面面向城市，圣彼得大教堂的圆顶由米开朗基罗(Michelangelo)为教皇保罗三世(Pope Paul III, 1534-49年)设计，高耸在远处的天际线之上。这位建筑师和赞助人在16世纪坎皮多里奥教堂的重建中发挥了关键作用(图1)，尽管教皇在山上建造的唯一一座建筑并不是米开朗基罗卡比托利欧合集的一部分。在他漫长的教皇任期的早期，保罗负责建造了法尔内塞宫(Torre Farnese)，这是一座坚固的住宅，设计目的是为了防御和统治，当然不是为了美观。直到1885年为了修建维克多·伊曼纽尔纪念碑而拆除之前，法尔内塞塔一直是这座山上若隐若现的存在，俯瞰着这座城市，那里有许多宫殿，这些宫殿代表了文艺复兴时期的古典主义和正式语言，几乎没有一丝痕迹。米开朗基罗为坎皮多里奥的市政宫殿设计的高度创新和暗示的设计也没有更强烈的对比，尽管这些设计直到保罗死后很久才实现(设计的日期是另一个问题，见下文)，或者实际上与同一位建筑师的作品，从1546年开始，保罗自己的家族宫殿，法尔内塞宫。最近有人建议，我们应该看到Torre Farnese的乡村特色，传统上有时被称为别墅，在一个更积极的光，作为
{"title":"Fluid City: River Gods in Rome and Contested Topography","authors":"Charles A. Burroughs","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Few major cities have undergone so thorough a transformation as early modern Rome, where a shrunken “gigantic cadaver” became a paradigmatic early modern theater of architectural magnificence, worthy of its ancient predecessor. No single site better exemplifies this transformation than the Campidoglio, the ancient Capitoline Hill, surmounted by a grand piazza bordered on three sides by palaces but open to the city on the fourth side where St. Peter’s dome, designed by Michelangelo for Pope Paul III (r. 1534–49), rises above the distant skyline. The same architect and patron played key roles in the sixteenth-century remodeling of the Campidoglio (Fig. 1), though the only building actually erected on the hill by the pope was not part of Michelangelo’s Capitoline ensemble. Early in his long pontificate, Paul saw to the construction of the Torre Farnese (or Paolina), a fortified residence designed with an eye to defense and domination, certainly not aesthetics. Until its demolition to make way for the Victor Emmanuel Monument (1885), the Torre Farnese was a looming presence on the hill, overlooking a city where by now numerous palaces exemplified the classicizing, formal language of the Renaissance, of which it showed hardly a trace. Nor could there be a stronger contrast with Michelangelo’s highly innovative and allusive designs for the civic palaces on the Campidoglio, though these were not realized until long after Paul’s death (the date of the design is a different issue, as noted below), or indeed with the same architect’s work, from 1546, on Paul’s own family palace, the Palazzo Farnese. It has recently been suggested that we should see the rustic character of the Torre Farnese, traditionally sometimes referred to as a villa, in a more positive light, and as","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"5 1","pages":"187 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83951740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his Etymologies, Isidore of Seville defines the interpres, or translator, as one situated “between two languages” as well as one who stands “between God, whom he interprets, and men, to whom he reveals the divine mysteries.” Rita Copeland points to this quote as emblematic of the conceptual inseparability of translation and glossing in the Middle Ages, where these related hermeneutic practices shaped the reception of texts and the conversation surrounding them. The interpretive “standing between” was in some sense the necessary yet problematic condition for the “carrying across” of translation. By repackaging ancient Latin texts for a contemporary French audience, medieval translators not only recoded them “word for word” or “sense for sense”; their translations brought old texts into dialogue with contemporary debates, and as such, filled an important social function. In framing that dialogue, translators did not necessarily endorse the views expressed in the texts they translated, nor were they bound by modern standards of objectivity or of “fidelity” to an “authentic” original or its presumed authorial intent. Indeed, translators who failed to properly situate controversial material within a culturally acceptable moral framework could face public backlash. For example, Jean Le Fèvre frames his late fourteenth-century Livre de Leesce, a verse-by-verse critique of Matheolus’s misogynistic Liber lamentationem, as a response to critics who read his earlier translation of the same work without commentary as an implicit endorsement of Matheolus’s vitriol against women. The medieval Bible translator, like the vernacular preacher, was doubly an interpres in Isidore’s definition, one who mediated both words and “mysteries,” or spiritual meanings, according to the perceived needs and aptitudes of a lay audience. The Bible
塞维利亚的伊西多尔(Isidore)在他的《词源学》(Etymologies)中，将口译员或翻译家定义为“处于两种语言之间”的人，以及“站在他所解释的上帝和向其揭示神圣奥秘的人之间”的人。丽塔·科普兰(Rita Copeland)指出，这句话象征着中世纪翻译和注释在概念上的不可分割性，这些相关的解释学实践塑造了对文本的接受和围绕文本的对话。从某种意义上说，解释性的“站在中间”是翻译“跨越”的必要条件，但也存在问题。通过为当代法国读者重新包装古拉丁语文本，中世纪的译者不仅“逐字逐句”或“逐义逐义”地重新编码它们;他们的翻译使古老的文本与当代的辩论进行了对话，因此，填补了重要的社会功能。在构建这种对话的过程中，译者不一定赞同他们所翻译的文本中所表达的观点，也不受现代客观性标准或“忠实”于“真实”原作或其假定的作者意图的标准的约束。事实上，未能将有争议的材料恰当地置于文化上可接受的道德框架内的译者可能会面临公众的强烈反对。例如，让·勒弗勒特尔在他14世纪晚期的作品《利弗尔·德·里斯》(Livre de Leesce)中，逐字逐句地批评了马特奥鲁斯(Matheolus)厌恶女性的《利伯哀歌》(Liber lamentationem)，作为对评论家的回应，这些评论家将他早期翻译的同一部作品没有评论，视为对马特奥鲁斯(Matheolus)对女性的刻薄的含蓄认可。在伊西多尔的定义中，中世纪的《圣经》翻译者就像当地的传教士一样，是双重的解释者，他们根据外行读者的感知需求和能力，调解文字和“奥秘”或精神意义。《圣经》
{"title":"Solomon au feminin: (Re)translating Proverbs 31 in Christine de Pizan’s Cité des dames","authors":"Jeanette Patterson","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0009","url":null,"abstract":"In his Etymologies, Isidore of Seville defines the interpres, or translator, as one situated “between two languages” as well as one who stands “between God, whom he interprets, and men, to whom he reveals the divine mysteries.” Rita Copeland points to this quote as emblematic of the conceptual inseparability of translation and glossing in the Middle Ages, where these related hermeneutic practices shaped the reception of texts and the conversation surrounding them. The interpretive “standing between” was in some sense the necessary yet problematic condition for the “carrying across” of translation. By repackaging ancient Latin texts for a contemporary French audience, medieval translators not only recoded them “word for word” or “sense for sense”; their translations brought old texts into dialogue with contemporary debates, and as such, filled an important social function. In framing that dialogue, translators did not necessarily endorse the views expressed in the texts they translated, nor were they bound by modern standards of objectivity or of “fidelity” to an “authentic” original or its presumed authorial intent. Indeed, translators who failed to properly situate controversial material within a culturally acceptable moral framework could face public backlash. For example, Jean Le Fèvre frames his late fourteenth-century Livre de Leesce, a verse-by-verse critique of Matheolus’s misogynistic Liber lamentationem, as a response to critics who read his earlier translation of the same work without commentary as an implicit endorsement of Matheolus’s vitriol against women. The medieval Bible translator, like the vernacular preacher, was doubly an interpres in Isidore’s definition, one who mediated both words and “mysteries,” or spiritual meanings, according to the perceived needs and aptitudes of a lay audience. The Bible","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"4 1","pages":"353 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88432636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In “Dreaming the Middle Ages,” Umberto Eco examines the shelves in an American bookstore. He lists several titles he believes constitute a “neomedieval wave” in popular culture. He then characterizes “Ten Little Middle Ages” that demonstrate various ahistoric, “ medieval” portrayals found in popular culture. The book titles he lists, such as The Sword is Forged, The Lure of the Basilisk, and Dragonquest, clearly belong in the bookstore’s Science Fiction and Fantasy section. If Eco had searched the Mystery section of the store, he would have found a similar “neomedieval wave.” One of the most prolific authors in this subgenre is Paul C. Doherty, who read history at Oxford where he wrote his D.Phil. thesis, “Isabella, Queen of England, 1296–1330,” in 1978. In a career spanning thirty years, Doherty has published more than one hundred historical mystery novels, most of them set in the Middle Ages. Doherty’s Canterbury series (1994–2012), based on Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, relates most closely to the neomedieval category that Eco labels traditional, “or of occult philosophy”: a world “swarming with Knights Templars [sic], Rosicrucians, [and] alchemists.” The seven novels in Doherty’s series fit Eco’s category of occult philosophy by connecting each mystery to the actions of a supernatural cabal or secret society. Despite the use of supernatural events and conspiracy theories in his plots, Doherty attempts to “portray accurate ‘pictures, or windows of medieval life’” in his books. He believes that “a good historical mystery offers an experience of a different world to the one in which the reader lives, one which, in many ways, is alien to them. It introduces people to a new world.” In the introductions included in the recent Kindle releases of his back catalogue, Doherty expands
在《梦中中世纪》(Dreaming the Middle Ages)一书中，翁贝托·艾柯(Umberto Eco)在一家美国书店里检查书架。他列举了几个他认为在流行文化中构成“新中世纪浪潮”的书名。然后，他描述了“十个小中世纪”，展示了流行文化中各种非历史性的“中世纪”形象。他列出的书名，比如《剑是锻造的》、《蛇怪的诱惑》和《寻龙记》，显然属于书店的科幻和奇幻类。如果艾柯搜了商店的神秘区，他会发现类似的“新中世纪浪潮”。这一流派中最多产的作家之一是保罗·c·多尔蒂，他在牛津大学读历史，并在那里获得了哲学博士学位。论文，“伊莎贝拉，英国女王，1296-1330”，1978年。在长达三十年的职业生涯中，多尔蒂出版了一百多本历史推理小说，其中大部分以中世纪为背景。多尔蒂的坎特伯雷系列(1994-2012)以乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事》为基础，与埃柯称之为传统的“或神秘哲学”的新中世纪类别关系最为密切:一个“挤满了圣殿骑士团、玫瑰十字会和炼金术士”的世界。多尔蒂系列的七部小说都符合艾柯的神秘哲学范畴，它们将每个谜团都与超自然的阴谋或秘密社会的行为联系起来。尽管在他的故事情节中使用了超自然事件和阴谋论，多尔蒂还是试图在他的书中“描绘出准确的‘画面，或中世纪生活的窗口’”。他认为，“一部优秀的历史悬疑小说为读者提供了一个不同的世界的体验，一个在很多方面与他们格格不入的世界。”它向人们介绍了一个新的世界。”在他最近发布的Kindle旧目录的介绍中，Doherty进行了扩展
{"title":"Writing Like a Fan: Fan Fiction and Medievalism in Paul C. Doherty’s Canterbury Mysteries","authors":"R. Knight","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2016.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2016.0005","url":null,"abstract":"In “Dreaming the Middle Ages,” Umberto Eco examines the shelves in an American bookstore. He lists several titles he believes constitute a “neomedieval wave” in popular culture. He then characterizes “Ten Little Middle Ages” that demonstrate various ahistoric, “ medieval” portrayals found in popular culture. The book titles he lists, such as The Sword is Forged, The Lure of the Basilisk, and Dragonquest, clearly belong in the bookstore’s Science Fiction and Fantasy section. If Eco had searched the Mystery section of the store, he would have found a similar “neomedieval wave.” One of the most prolific authors in this subgenre is Paul C. Doherty, who read history at Oxford where he wrote his D.Phil. thesis, “Isabella, Queen of England, 1296–1330,” in 1978. In a career spanning thirty years, Doherty has published more than one hundred historical mystery novels, most of them set in the Middle Ages. Doherty’s Canterbury series (1994–2012), based on Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, relates most closely to the neomedieval category that Eco labels traditional, “or of occult philosophy”: a world “swarming with Knights Templars [sic], Rosicrucians, [and] alchemists.” The seven novels in Doherty’s series fit Eco’s category of occult philosophy by connecting each mystery to the actions of a supernatural cabal or secret society. Despite the use of supernatural events and conspiracy theories in his plots, Doherty attempts to “portray accurate ‘pictures, or windows of medieval life’” in his books. He believes that “a good historical mystery offers an experience of a different world to the one in which the reader lives, one which, in many ways, is alien to them. It introduces people to a new world.” In the introductions included in the recent Kindle releases of his back catalogue, Doherty expands","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"114 1","pages":"291 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80743423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
s.” 11. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. 12. Wolfgang Kemp’s study of Gothic stained glass is perhaps the best example of many such investigations. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). See also Schlozman, ch. 4. 13. See Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 72. KARL WHITTINGToN 109 14. Ibid., 8–9. on the production of the artist, she cites Georg Graf Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig: Quelle u. Meyer, 1907), 151–52; Ingrid Gardill, Sancta Benedicta: Missionarin, Märtyrerin, Patronin: der Prachtcodex aus dem Frauenkloster Saînte-Benoîte in Origny (Petersberg, Germany: Imhoff, 2005), 219–46; and Alison Stones, “L’atelier artistiqe de la Vie de saint Benoîte d’origny: nouvelles considerations,” Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires (1990). See also Eleanor S. Greenhill, “A Fourteenth-Century Workshop of Manuscript Illuminators and Its Localization,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977), 1–25, who suggests a precise location for production at Amiens. 15. Valls, “What Difference Does Language Make,” 85. Schlozman argues for a monastic hospital as the most likely patron, pointing to the frequent inclusion of monks throughout the pictorial program, including in unexpected situations. She also mentions the emphasis on copying and translation. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 18–20; 24–26. For a recent treatment of the intersection of healing and monasticism, see Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine, and the Friars (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), and Montford, “Dangers and Disorders: The Decline of the Dominican Frater Medicus,” Journal for the Society for the Social History of Medicine 16.2 (2003), 169–91. 16. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. Jones is a pioneering scholar in the field of medical illustration, and the author of numerous meticulous and fascinating works; in no way am I downplaying his contributions. I am simply responding to his statements about the Sloane manuscript; in other essays, he has pointed out fascinating connections between medical and religious imagery. 17. See, for example, Jeremy Citrome, The Surgeon in Medieval English Literature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 18. In her study, Schlozman argues for a bit more of a programmatic approach than I suggest. She identifies an overarching pattern or arc in the connections between the two cycles, while I tend to think their moments of contact are more incidental, secondary to the aims of the overall comparison between the two. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 47. 19. Translation mine, transcription from Valls, Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 25: “Aprés ce que Deix ot le monde crié et il l’ot enbeli de sustance terrienne, il ot formé homme et mis en lui esprit de vie....Et mist en homme et l’enbeli gloreusement de forme et de sapienc
{"title":"Picturing Christ as Surgeon and Patient in British Library MS Sloane 1977","authors":"Karl Whittington","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0009","url":null,"abstract":"s.” 11. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. 12. Wolfgang Kemp’s study of Gothic stained glass is perhaps the best example of many such investigations. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). See also Schlozman, ch. 4. 13. See Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 72. KARL WHITTINGToN 109 14. Ibid., 8–9. on the production of the artist, she cites Georg Graf Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verhältnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig: Quelle u. Meyer, 1907), 151–52; Ingrid Gardill, Sancta Benedicta: Missionarin, Märtyrerin, Patronin: der Prachtcodex aus dem Frauenkloster Saînte-Benoîte in Origny (Petersberg, Germany: Imhoff, 2005), 219–46; and Alison Stones, “L’atelier artistiqe de la Vie de saint Benoîte d’origny: nouvelles considerations,” Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires (1990). See also Eleanor S. Greenhill, “A Fourteenth-Century Workshop of Manuscript Illuminators and Its Localization,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977), 1–25, who suggests a precise location for production at Amiens. 15. Valls, “What Difference Does Language Make,” 85. Schlozman argues for a monastic hospital as the most likely patron, pointing to the frequent inclusion of monks throughout the pictorial program, including in unexpected situations. She also mentions the emphasis on copying and translation. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 18–20; 24–26. For a recent treatment of the intersection of healing and monasticism, see Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine, and the Friars (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), and Montford, “Dangers and Disorders: The Decline of the Dominican Frater Medicus,” Journal for the Society for the Social History of Medicine 16.2 (2003), 169–91. 16. Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts, 84. Jones is a pioneering scholar in the field of medical illustration, and the author of numerous meticulous and fascinating works; in no way am I downplaying his contributions. I am simply responding to his statements about the Sloane manuscript; in other essays, he has pointed out fascinating connections between medical and religious imagery. 17. See, for example, Jeremy Citrome, The Surgeon in Medieval English Literature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 18. In her study, Schlozman argues for a bit more of a programmatic approach than I suggest. She identifies an overarching pattern or arc in the connections between the two cycles, while I tend to think their moments of contact are more incidental, secondary to the aims of the overall comparison between the two. Schlozman, Christ Among the Surgeons, 47. 19. Translation mine, transcription from Valls, Studies on Roger Frugardi’s Chirurgia, 25: “Aprés ce que Deix ot le monde crié et il l’ot enbeli de sustance terrienne, il ot formé homme et mis en lui esprit de vie....Et mist en homme et l’enbeli gloreusement de forme et de sapienc","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"40 1","pages":"115 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85092601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“The Treasure Above All Treasures”: Red Mouths, Medieval Fetishes, and the Limits of Modern Interpretation","authors":"Olga V. Trokhimenko","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"80 1","pages":"227 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83829880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Johannes Fontana’s Drawing for a Castellus Umbrarum, Udine or Padua, c. 1415–20","authors":"Bennett Gilbert","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"14 1","pages":"255 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80198119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Poverty, Property, and the Self in the Late Middle Ages: The Case of Chaucer’s Griselda","authors":"María Bullón-Fernández","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"1 1","pages":"193 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86430607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“A Gallehault was the Book”: Francesca da Rimini and the Manesse Minnesanger Manuscript","authors":"Elena Lombardi","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"27 1","pages":"151 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81325866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The history of drama in England has customarily been traced back to the apparent enactment of a Latin text, the Visitatio sepulchri, in the second half of the tenth century. Vernacular drama has been tracked to the twelfth century, as typified by the Anglo-Norman Le Mystère (or Jeu) d’Adam. While recitative and mimesis likely accompanied storytelling in Old English, the Anglo-Saxon period is considered devoid of any vernacular drama. As M. Bradford Bedingfield points out, the words Anglo-Saxon and drama are rarely linked. Anomalies in Old English literature, two dialogues within the first work of the Exeter Book closely resemble in structure the Visitatio sepulchri. Despite this correspondence, these works, unlike the Visitatio, are not marked for performance. It is, however, because of this comparability that I argue here that drama as a literary form does exist in Old English, if drama is also defined in terms of text alone, rather than just performance. My argument will begin with a discussion of what constitutes medieval drama. I will analyze the feasibility of also defining drama strictly in textual terms from the perspectives of medieval European drama scholarship and performance studies. After a close examination of these dialogues, I will show the structural parallels with the Visitatio. Finally, with my reassessment of certain texts as dramas, I will draw the resultant implications for the history of medieval English drama.
{"title":"Drama without Performance and Two Old English Anomalies","authors":"Francis J. Finan","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0005","url":null,"abstract":"The history of drama in England has customarily been traced back to the apparent enactment of a Latin text, the Visitatio sepulchri, in the second half of the tenth century. Vernacular drama has been tracked to the twelfth century, as typified by the Anglo-Norman Le Mystère (or Jeu) d’Adam. While recitative and mimesis likely accompanied storytelling in Old English, the Anglo-Saxon period is considered devoid of any vernacular drama. As M. Bradford Bedingfield points out, the words Anglo-Saxon and drama are rarely linked. Anomalies in Old English literature, two dialogues within the first work of the Exeter Book closely resemble in structure the Visitatio sepulchri. Despite this correspondence, these works, unlike the Visitatio, are not marked for performance. It is, however, because of this comparability that I argue here that drama as a literary form does exist in Old English, if drama is also defined in terms of text alone, rather than just performance. My argument will begin with a discussion of what constitutes medieval drama. I will analyze the feasibility of also defining drama strictly in textual terms from the perspectives of medieval European drama scholarship and performance studies. After a close examination of these dialogues, I will show the structural parallels with the Visitatio. Finally, with my reassessment of certain texts as dramas, I will draw the resultant implications for the history of medieval English drama.","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"14 1","pages":"23 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75252483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sodomites are from Mars: Deconstructing Rhetoric in the Commedia","authors":"J. S. Pastor","doi":"10.1353/MDI.2014.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MDI.2014.0000","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36685,"journal":{"name":"Scripta Mediaevalia","volume":"1 1","pages":"117 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89772657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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