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Politically Connected Boards of Directors and the Allocation of Procurement Contracts 有政治关系的董事会和采购合同的分配
Pub Date : 2012-09-09 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.965888
E. Goldman, Jongil So, Jörg Rocholl
This article analyzes whether political connections of the board of directors of publicly traded companies in the USA affect the allocation of government procurement contracts. It focuses on the change in control of both House and Senate following the 1994 election and finds that companies with boards connected to the winning (losing) party experience a significant and large increase (decrease) in procurement contracts after the election. The results remain significant after controlling for industry classifications as well as for several other company characteristics. The findings highlight one of the main avenues through which corporate political connections add value to US companies. Copyright 2013, Oxford University Press.
本文分析了美国上市公司董事会的政治关系是否会影响政府采购合同的分配。它着重于1994年选举后众议院和参议院控制权的变化,并发现与胜(败)党有联系的董事会的公司在选举后的采购合同显著增加(减少)。在控制了行业分类以及其他几个公司特征之后,结果仍然显着。这些发现凸显了企业政治关系为美国企业增加价值的主要途径之一。牛津大学出版社版权所有
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引用次数: 629
Preference Monotonicity and Information Aggregation in Elections 选举中的偏好单调性与信息聚合
Pub Date : 2008-12-12 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.912945
Sourav Bhattacharya
If voter preferences depend on a noisy state variable, under what conditions do large elections deliver outcomes "as if" the state were common knowledge? While the existing literature models elections using the jury metaphor where a change in information regarding the state induces voters to switch in favour of only one alternative, I allow for more general preferences where a change in information can induce switch in favour of either alternative. I show that information is aggregated for any voting rule if and only if the probability of switch in favour one alternative is strictly greater than the probability of switch away from that alternative for any change in information. In other words, unless preferences closely conform to the jury metaphor, for large classes of voting rules, there are equilibria that produce outcomes different from the full information outcome with high probability. This condition is very fragile and may be easily violated in spatial elections if the policy space is multidimensional. I conclude that state-contingent conflict in voter preferences may often lead to failure of information aggregation.
如果选民的偏好取决于一个嘈杂的州变量,那么在什么条件下,大型选举产生的结果“好像”该州是众所周知的?虽然现有的文献使用陪审团的比喻来模拟选举,其中关于国家的信息变化会导致选民转而支持一种选择,但我允许更普遍的偏好,其中信息的变化可以诱导选民转而支持任何一种选择。我表明,当且仅当支持一种选择的概率严格大于因信息变化而放弃该选择的概率时,任何投票规则的信息都是聚合的。换句话说,除非偏好完全符合陪审团的隐喻,否则对于大量的投票规则,存在产生与完全信息结果高概率不同的结果的均衡。如果政策空间是多维的,这个条件是非常脆弱的,很容易在空间选举中被打破。我的结论是,选民偏好中的州因冲突可能经常导致信息聚合的失败。
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引用次数: 94
Role Conflict: Society's Dilemma with Excellence in Marketing 角色冲突:卓越营销的社会困境
Pub Date : 2008-07-27 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1181644
J. Armstrong
In recent years, the American market system has come under increasing criticism from those it serves. Many young people, radicals, members of minority groups and even middle-of-the-roaders are concerned about such things as poor product quality, poor variety, unsafe products. and misleading advertising. From almost any vantage point, flaws in the American economic system are visible.
近年来,美国的市场体系受到其服务对象越来越多的批评。许多年轻人、激进分子、少数群体成员,甚至是中间路线的人都担心产品质量差、品种少、不安全等问题。还有误导性的广告。从几乎任何有利的角度来看,美国经济体系的缺陷都是显而易见的。
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引用次数: 3
The Structural Transformation as a Pathway Out of Poverty: Analytics, Empirics and Politics 结构转型是摆脱贫困的途径:分析、经验与政治
Pub Date : 2008-07-23 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1213154
C. Timmer, Selvin Akkus
A powerful historical pathway of structural transformation is experienced by all successful developing countries, and this Working Paper presents the results of new empirical analysis of the process. Making sure the poor are connected to both the structural transformation and to the policy initiatives designed to ameliorate the distributional consequences of rapid transformation has turned out to be a major challenge for policy makers over the past half century. There are successes and failures, and the historical record illuminates what works and what does not. Trying to stop the structural transformation does not work, at least for the poor, and in fact can lead to prolonged immiseration. Investing in the capacity of the poor to cope with change and to participate in its benefits through better education and health does seem to work. Such investments typically require significant public sector resources and policy support, and thus depend on political processes that are themselves conditioned by the pressures generated by the structural transformation itself.
所有成功的发展中国家都经历过结构转型的强大历史路径,本工作文件提出了对这一过程进行新的实证分析的结果。在过去的半个世纪里,确保穷人与结构转型和旨在改善快速转型带来的分配后果的政策举措联系起来,已成为政策制定者面临的一项重大挑战。有成功也有失败,历史记录说明了什么可行,什么不可行。试图阻止结构转型是行不通的,至少对穷人来说是这样,实际上可能导致长期的贫困。投资于穷人应对变化的能力,并通过改善教育和保健来分享变化带来的好处,似乎确实有效。这种投资通常需要大量的公共部门资源和政策支持,因此取决于政治进程,而政治进程本身受结构改革本身所产生的压力的制约。
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引用次数: 176
Korean Institutional Reform in Comparative Perspective 比较视角下的韩国制度改革
Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1143524
M. Noland, E. Weeks
In recent years, academic economists have come to appreciate the centrality of public institutions in contributing to economic performance. Yet Korea, arguably the premier success story of the last half-century, has sometimes been described as a First World economy with Third World institutions. Although Korea modestly underachieves on most of the 52 institutional indicators examined in this paper, it is not an outlier, and on most indicators it is converging on global norms from below. The patterns on specific indicators suggest that global institutions play some role as an external policy anchor. The reason is straightforward: The existence of international norms gives policymakers a goal to aim for, and the existence of international institutions (and other avenues of international diplomatic pressure) helps in overcoming the historical weakness and parochialism of Korean public institutions.
近年来,学院派经济学家开始认识到公共机构在促进经济表现方面的核心作用。然而,可以说是过去半个世纪最成功的韩国,有时也被描述为拥有第三世界制度的第一世界经济体。虽然韩国在本文研究的52项制度指标中的大多数指标上表现略差,但它并不是一个异常值,而且在大多数指标上,它正在从下向全球标准靠拢。具体指标的模式表明,全球机构作为外部政策锚发挥了一定作用。原因很简单:国际规范的存在为政策制定者提供了一个目标,国际机构(以及其他国际外交压力渠道)的存在有助于克服韩国公共机构的历史弱点和狭隘性。
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引用次数: 4
'Personal Influence': Social Context and Political Competition “个人影响”:社会背景与政治竞争
Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1057681
A. Galeotti, A. Mattozzi
This paper studies the effect of social learning on political outcomes in a model of informative campaign advertising. Voters' communication network affects parties' incentives to disclose political information, voters' learning about candidates running for office, and polarization of the electoral outcome. In richer communication networks, parties disclose less political information and voters are more likely to possess erroneous beliefs about the characteristics of the candidates. In turn, a richer communication network among voters may lead to political polarization. These results are reinforced when interpersonal communication occurs more frequently among ideologically homogeneous individuals and parties can target political advertising.(JEL D72, D85, M37, Z13)
本文在信息性竞选广告模型中研究了社会学习对政治结果的影响。选民的沟通网络影响政党披露政治信息的动机、选民对竞选候选人的了解以及选举结果的两极分化。在更丰富的沟通网络中,政党披露的政治信息更少,选民更有可能对候选人的特征产生错误的看法。反过来,选民之间更丰富的沟通网络可能导致政治两极分化。当意识形态同质的个人之间的人际交流更频繁时,这些结果就会得到加强,政党也可以针对政治广告进行宣传。(凝胶d72, d85, m37, z13)
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引用次数: 45
Do College Football Games Pay for Themselves? The Impact of College Football Games on Local Sales Tax Revenue 大学橄榄球比赛能自己赚钱吗?大学橄榄球比赛对地方销售税收入的影响
Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1140271
D. Coates, C. Depken
This paper analyzes the net impacts of college football games on the sales tax revenues and taxable sales of four mid-sized cities in Texas. The paper addresses the question in the title, but also asks whether state policy makers might be justified in encouraging schools in their state to play one another based on the local economic impact those games will have. In general, our evidence suggests the answer to that question is no.
本文分析了大学橄榄球比赛对德克萨斯州四个中等城市的销售税收入和应税销售额的净影响。这篇论文解决了题目中的问题,但也提出了一个问题:基于这些游戏对当地经济的影响,州政策制定者是否有理由鼓励本州的学校互相玩游戏。总的来说,我们的证据表明,这个问题的答案是否定的。
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引用次数: 12
Campaign Finance Regulation with Competing Interest Groups 与竞争利益集团的竞选财务监管
Pub Date : 2008-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1124084
Gergely Ujhelyi
Regulatory caps on contributions to political campaigns are the cornerstones of campaign finance legislation in many established democracies, and their introduction is considered by most emerging ones. Are these regulations desirable? This paper studies contribution caps in a menu auction lobbying model with limited budgets and costly entry. In the absence of entry, contribution caps improve welfare by "leveling the political playing field". With entry, however, a competition effect and a bargaining effect may arise, resulting in inefficient entry and exit decisions. In particular, a cap may lead to worse policies than the status quo; and even if better policies are chosen, the resulting gain in welfare may be more than offset by the entry costs. Regulation can also lead to the simultaneous entry of competing groups, creating costly rent-seeking on issues previously unaffected by lobbying.
对政治竞选捐款设定监管上限是许多老牌民主国家竞选财务立法的基石,大多数新兴民主国家都考虑引入这一规定。这些规定是可取的吗?本文研究了预算有限、进入成本高的菜单拍卖游说模型中的捐款上限问题。在没有进入的情况下,捐款上限通过“公平的政治竞争环境”改善了福利。但进入后,可能会产生竞争效应和议价效应,导致进入和退出决策效率低下。特别是,上限可能会导致比现状更糟糕的政策;即使选择了更好的政策,由此带来的福利收益也可能被进入成本所抵消。监管还可能导致竞争集团同时进入,在以前不受游说影响的问题上产生代价高昂的寻租行为。
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引用次数: 15
Argentina: A Case Study on the Plan Jefes y Jefas de Hogar Desocupados, or the Employment Road to Economic Recovery 阿根廷:就业之路通往经济复苏计划案例研究
Pub Date : 2008-05-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1132772
D. Kostzer
After the 2001 crisis, Argentina - once the poster-child for pro-market structural-adjustment policies - had to define a new strategy in order to manage the societal demands that had led to the fall of the previous administration. The demand by the majority of the population for employment recovery spurred the government to introduce a massive employment program, the Plan Jefes y Jefas de Hogar Desocupados (Program for Unemployed Male and Female Heads of Households). This program, which accounted for less than 1 percent of GDP at the outset, paved the way for a reduction of the contractionary effects that otherwise would have caused a catastrophic devaluation of the currency. This paper explores how Argentina pursued a strategy of employment generation, with the state participating as employer of last resort, to recover from one of the worst social and economic crises in its history.
2001年金融危机后,阿根廷——曾经是亲市场结构调整政策的典范——不得不制定一项新战略,以管理导致上届政府垮台的社会需求。大多数人对恢复就业的需求促使政府推出了一项大规模的就业计划,即“失业男女户主计划”。该计划一开始只占GDP的不到1%,为减少紧缩效应铺平了道路,否则将导致灾难性的货币贬值。本文探讨了阿根廷如何追求创造就业的战略,国家作为最后的雇主参与其中,从其历史上最严重的社会和经济危机之一中复苏。
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引用次数: 51
Takings Constraints: Mechanisms to Minimize the Uncompensated Increment and Limit the Government's Power to Take Property 征收约束:减少无偿增量和限制政府征收财产权力的机制
Pub Date : 2008-05-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1131795
Colin Parent
The breadth of takings scholarship has left useful ideas diluted amongst an ocean of theories. This article addresses that problem by creating a clear and useful taxonomy for takings constraints by which takings theories can be categorized and analyzed. These new categories are (1) compensatory restraints on how much government must compensate property owners, (2) categorical constraints which absolutely limit which property can be taken and for what purposes, and (3) processes constraints which limit how property is condemned. Furthermore, this article suggests that compensatory restraints are appropriate to minimize economic harms, and categorical constraints are only appropriate to minimize the destruction of property owners' autonomy. This new theory is only possible with the use of the new taxonomy to describe takings constraints. This paper does not attempt to argue which interests of property should be protected - a topic already developed in the scholarship. However, its new theory provides a framework for policymakers to apply when deciding what takings constraints to use when seeking to advance their substantive values in property, whatever those values may be.
学术研究的广度使得有用的思想被淹没在理论的海洋中。本文通过为征收约束创建一个清晰而有用的分类法来解决这个问题,通过这个分类法可以对征收理论进行分类和分析。这些新类别是:(1)对政府必须补偿财产所有者多少的补偿性限制,(2)绝对限制哪些财产可以被拿走以及用于什么目的的绝对限制,以及(3)限制财产如何被定罪的过程限制。此外,本文认为补偿性约束适用于最小化经济损害,而分类约束只适用于最小化对财产所有者自主权的破坏。这个新理论只有在使用新的分类法来描述征收限制时才有可能。本文并不试图争论哪些财产利益应该受到保护——这是学术界已经提出的一个话题。然而,它的新理论为政策制定者提供了一个框架,当他们在寻求提高财产的实质性价值时,无论这些价值是什么,他们都可以决定使用哪些征收限制。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Political Economy (Topic)
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