Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2037819
Camilo López-Aguirre, Diana Farías
ABSTRACT Equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) in the workforce are paramount for the betterment of the scientific endeavor. Colombia is a country with great scientific potential, but also multiple long-lasting socioeconomical difficulties. Here, we provide a quantitative analysis of the temporal trajectories of gender parity in scientific publishing in Colombia. Data was dissected based on education level, researcher’s rank and research area, in order to elucidate differential patterns of scientific publishing. We controlled for gender-based differences in number of researchers by quantifying per capita scientific productivity. Our results show widespread gender disparity in scientific publishing persistent across time. Gender-based differences in per capita scientific publishing indicate that gender disparity persists even after controlling for differences in the number of researchers. Temporal trajectories revealed a decrease in women publishing in the medical sciences and a widening of the per capita publishing gender gap. Women senior researchers and women researchers with doctoral degrees had the lowest publishing participation within their group, suggesting access to postgraduate education or entering the workforce in themselves do not prevent women from being underrepresented. We highlight the need to understand the problem of underrepresentation in science and possible ways to address it beyond increasing the number of women researchers.
{"title":"The mirage of scientific productivity and how women are left behind: the Colombian case","authors":"Camilo López-Aguirre, Diana Farías","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2037819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2037819","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) in the workforce are paramount for the betterment of the scientific endeavor. Colombia is a country with great scientific potential, but also multiple long-lasting socioeconomical difficulties. Here, we provide a quantitative analysis of the temporal trajectories of gender parity in scientific publishing in Colombia. Data was dissected based on education level, researcher’s rank and research area, in order to elucidate differential patterns of scientific publishing. We controlled for gender-based differences in number of researchers by quantifying per capita scientific productivity. Our results show widespread gender disparity in scientific publishing persistent across time. Gender-based differences in per capita scientific publishing indicate that gender disparity persists even after controlling for differences in the number of researchers. Temporal trajectories revealed a decrease in women publishing in the medical sciences and a widening of the per capita publishing gender gap. Women senior researchers and women researchers with doctoral degrees had the lowest publishing participation within their group, suggesting access to postgraduate education or entering the workforce in themselves do not prevent women from being underrepresented. We highlight the need to understand the problem of underrepresentation in science and possible ways to address it beyond increasing the number of women researchers.","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85860572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2021.1992959
Héctor Ricardo Hernández Galeano
That which is most palpable of media devices – a uniform tactile screen or the sleek casing of a smartphone – often renders less visible the complex materiality of that technology. Similarly, when speaking about artificial intelligence (AI) and its apparent ability to learn, buzzwords and phrases gloss over a careful understanding of how AI works and how it arose. Jussi Parikka and Kate Crawford concern themselves with ostensibly distinct matters: the former explores what it means to think of media geologically in A Geology of Media, while the latter investigates the history and discourse surrounding AI in Atlas of AI. Nonetheless, Parikka and Crawford coincide in the thrust of their projects: there is a particular theoretical potential in media devices and artificial intelligence that is not obvious in their final, packaged form. Parikka proposes a “metallurgical way of conducting theoretical work” that foregrounds nonhuman, geologic agency in the production of modern media technology. He calls attention to the geologic materiality of media through literature, art and theory: transdisciplinarity is central to the metallurgic method. Crawford adopts a cartographical approach, cutting through the mystique of AI by mapping out what AI is, what it is not, and how it has come to wield an air of unknowable abstraction. Through their respective methods, both books seek to (re)-ground media, intelligence, and discourse and begin anew.
{"title":"Finding one’s way in media and AI: metallurgy and mapping","authors":"Héctor Ricardo Hernández Galeano","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2021.1992959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2021.1992959","url":null,"abstract":"That which is most palpable of media devices – a uniform tactile screen or the sleek casing of a smartphone – often renders less visible the complex materiality of that technology. Similarly, when speaking about artificial intelligence (AI) and its apparent ability to learn, buzzwords and phrases gloss over a careful understanding of how AI works and how it arose. Jussi Parikka and Kate Crawford concern themselves with ostensibly distinct matters: the former explores what it means to think of media geologically in A Geology of Media, while the latter investigates the history and discourse surrounding AI in Atlas of AI. Nonetheless, Parikka and Crawford coincide in the thrust of their projects: there is a particular theoretical potential in media devices and artificial intelligence that is not obvious in their final, packaged form. Parikka proposes a “metallurgical way of conducting theoretical work” that foregrounds nonhuman, geologic agency in the production of modern media technology. He calls attention to the geologic materiality of media through literature, art and theory: transdisciplinarity is central to the metallurgic method. Crawford adopts a cartographical approach, cutting through the mystique of AI by mapping out what AI is, what it is not, and how it has come to wield an air of unknowable abstraction. Through their respective methods, both books seek to (re)-ground media, intelligence, and discourse and begin anew.","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87014368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2144004
María Eugenia Ulfe, Roxana Vergara
ABSTRACT The increasing number of claims filed by Indigenous peoples against pollution caused by extractive industries makes the challenge of factualizing and measuring the damage caused in their territories necessary. In Peru, the Kukama Kukamiria people are among the most affected by the various spills from the North Peruvian Pipeline since its construction, one of the most well-known occurred in the lower Marañón River in 2014. This paper is about the efforts and limitations involved in aligning the Kukama Kukamiria’s experiences with the criteria and frameworks for measuring damage and compensation amid the toxic environment and the complicated time and space of late capitalism. Based on ethnographic research and considering the judicial processes, the analysis found that compensation became a tool of dispute in which incommensurable Indigenous worlds emerged to claim for their incommensurability to exist. But in the Peruvian neoliberal and extractive context, compensation also became a technique for governing Indigenous lives and natures in a way that excludes those worlds.
{"title":"Measuring incommensurability: compensations in judicial processes of oil spills in Northern Peruvian Amazon","authors":"María Eugenia Ulfe, Roxana Vergara","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2144004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2144004","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The increasing number of claims filed by Indigenous peoples against pollution caused by extractive industries makes the challenge of factualizing and measuring the damage caused in their territories necessary. In Peru, the Kukama Kukamiria people are among the most affected by the various spills from the North Peruvian Pipeline since its construction, one of the most well-known occurred in the lower Marañón River in 2014. This paper is about the efforts and limitations involved in aligning the Kukama Kukamiria’s experiences with the criteria and frameworks for measuring damage and compensation amid the toxic environment and the complicated time and space of late capitalism. Based on ethnographic research and considering the judicial processes, the analysis found that compensation became a tool of dispute in which incommensurable Indigenous worlds emerged to claim for their incommensurability to exist. But in the Peruvian neoliberal and extractive context, compensation also became a technique for governing Indigenous lives and natures in a way that excludes those worlds.","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87895830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-21DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2110356
María Elissa Torres Carrasco
ABSTRACT This article analyses the controversy between neoconservatives and prochoice groups in their political use of abortion data in Ecuador. Despite the fact that there is a huge underreporting of abortion in the country – since it is an illegal process, with two exceptions – I keep track of how the narratives on this issue have changed from a moral and religious tone to a datified discourse focused on “science” and human rights where both neoconservative and prochoice groups are forced to produce their own studies, data, and conclusions with the little information available. Combining statistics together with a discourse analysis of the debates on the decriminalization of abortion for rape in 2019 in the National Assembly and the debate on the Constitutional Court in 2021, I observe the controversy that develops in the use of data. In conversation with literature on social studies of science, technology, and techno politics, I seek to contribute to the debate on the production and political use of data directly related to human rights, with an emphasis on women's rights in Latin America.
{"title":"Neoconservative camouflage: the datafication of abortion debates in Ecuador","authors":"María Elissa Torres Carrasco","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2110356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2110356","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the controversy between neoconservatives and prochoice groups in their political use of abortion data in Ecuador. Despite the fact that there is a huge underreporting of abortion in the country – since it is an illegal process, with two exceptions – I keep track of how the narratives on this issue have changed from a moral and religious tone to a datified discourse focused on “science” and human rights where both neoconservative and prochoice groups are forced to produce their own studies, data, and conclusions with the little information available. Combining statistics together with a discourse analysis of the debates on the decriminalization of abortion for rape in 2019 in the National Assembly and the debate on the Constitutional Court in 2021, I observe the controversy that develops in the use of data. In conversation with literature on social studies of science, technology, and techno politics, I seek to contribute to the debate on the production and political use of data directly related to human rights, with an emphasis on women's rights in Latin America.","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78416736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-21DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2145040
Julieta Piña-Romero, Luis Reyes-Galindo, L. Novoa
“Citizen science” has become, in recent years, an increasingly visible placeholder for various forms of public participation in science – even while the dominant definition of citizen science by scientists themselves is, still, the outsourcing of “genuine” scientific work to non-scientists (Fraisl et al. 2022; Rosas et al. 2022). Indeed, even metastudies reflecting upon the diversity of citizen science initiatives, when led by traditional scientific viewpoints, focus strongly on the “added value” that citizen involvement brings to “science” and reduced definitions of society (Vohland et al. 2021). In contrast, social studies of citizen science have placed significant emphasis on the work of non-scientists working outside – or even against – the interests of institutional science. Such a perspective, in which benefits to science may or may not be the end purpose of citizen science, comprises an array of more politically heterogenous activities, which are “more or less spontaneous, organized and structured, whereby nonexperts become involved, and provide their own input to agenda setting, decision-making, policy forming, and knowledge production processes regarding science” (Bucchi and Neresini 2008, 449). If citizen science is intended to broaden engagement in both the dominant science, but potentially also in counter-narrative and dissenting actions (Moore and Strasser 2022), it faces an ongoing process of redefining or even disassembling the boundaries between what is science and what is not, and between those who are legitimized to do science and those who are not (Eitzel et al. 2017). This is particularly important given how critical analysts of citizen science have pointed out that, while scientist-led citizen science can indeed be a successful form of “distributed cognition” within which non-scientists can still display bounded friction (Kasperowski and Hillman 2018), at another extreme, the term can and has been appropriated to carry out “citizen washing” of industrial propaganda and lobbying (Blacker, Kimura, and Kinchy 2021). Despite the generality of the term, there is nonetheless common ground across all citizen science from an analyst’s perspective. Citizen science, after all, always takes place in specific geopolitical, technical, and epistemic contexts that deeply shape and turn it. It also involves, at least in every paradigmatic case, one of two types of activities: those associated with the collection, classification, and/or analysis of data; or those
近年来，“公民科学”已经成为各种形式的公众参与科学的一个日益明显的占位符——尽管科学家自己对公民科学的主要定义仍然是将“真正的”科学工作外包给非科学家(frisel et al. 2022;Rosas et al. 2022)。事实上，即使是反映公民科学倡议多样性的研究，在传统科学观点的指导下，也强烈关注公民参与给“科学”带来的“附加价值”，并减少了对社会的定义(Vohland et al. 2021)。相比之下，公民科学的社会研究非常强调非科学家在机构科学利益之外的工作，甚至反对机构科学的利益。在这种观点中，科学的利益可能是也可能不是公民科学的最终目的，它包括一系列更具政治异质性的活动，这些活动“或多或少是自发的、有组织的和结构化的，非专家参与其中，并为议程设置、决策、政策形成和科学知识生产过程提供自己的投入”(Bucchi和Neresini 2008, 449)。如果公民科学的目的是扩大对主流科学的参与，但也可能扩大对反叙事和反对行动的参与(Moore and Strasser 2022)，那么它面临着一个持续的过程，即重新定义甚至拆除什么是科学与什么不是科学之间的界限，以及那些合法从事科学研究的人和那些不合法从事科学研究的人之间的界限(Eitzel et al. 2017)。这一点尤其重要，因为公民科学的批判性分析人士指出，虽然科学家领导的公民科学确实可以成为一种成功的“分布式认知”形式，其中非科学家仍然可以表现出有限的摩擦(Kasperowski和Hillman, 2018)，但在另一个极端，这个术语可以而且已经被用来对工业宣传和游说进行“公民清洗”(Blacker, Kimura, and Kinchy, 2021)。尽管这个术语具有普遍性，但从分析者的角度来看，所有公民科学都有共同点。毕竟，公民科学总是发生在特定的地缘政治、技术和认知背景下，这些背景深刻地塑造和改变了它。至少在每个典型案例中，它还涉及两种类型的活动之一:与数据的收集、分类和/或分析相关的活动;或者那些
{"title":"Citizen science in Latin America and the Global South, Part 1","authors":"Julieta Piña-Romero, Luis Reyes-Galindo, L. Novoa","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2145040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2145040","url":null,"abstract":"“Citizen science” has become, in recent years, an increasingly visible placeholder for various forms of public participation in science – even while the dominant definition of citizen science by scientists themselves is, still, the outsourcing of “genuine” scientific work to non-scientists (Fraisl et al. 2022; Rosas et al. 2022). Indeed, even metastudies reflecting upon the diversity of citizen science initiatives, when led by traditional scientific viewpoints, focus strongly on the “added value” that citizen involvement brings to “science” and reduced definitions of society (Vohland et al. 2021). In contrast, social studies of citizen science have placed significant emphasis on the work of non-scientists working outside – or even against – the interests of institutional science. Such a perspective, in which benefits to science may or may not be the end purpose of citizen science, comprises an array of more politically heterogenous activities, which are “more or less spontaneous, organized and structured, whereby nonexperts become involved, and provide their own input to agenda setting, decision-making, policy forming, and knowledge production processes regarding science” (Bucchi and Neresini 2008, 449). If citizen science is intended to broaden engagement in both the dominant science, but potentially also in counter-narrative and dissenting actions (Moore and Strasser 2022), it faces an ongoing process of redefining or even disassembling the boundaries between what is science and what is not, and between those who are legitimized to do science and those who are not (Eitzel et al. 2017). This is particularly important given how critical analysts of citizen science have pointed out that, while scientist-led citizen science can indeed be a successful form of “distributed cognition” within which non-scientists can still display bounded friction (Kasperowski and Hillman 2018), at another extreme, the term can and has been appropriated to carry out “citizen washing” of industrial propaganda and lobbying (Blacker, Kimura, and Kinchy 2021). Despite the generality of the term, there is nonetheless common ground across all citizen science from an analyst’s perspective. Citizen science, after all, always takes place in specific geopolitical, technical, and epistemic contexts that deeply shape and turn it. It also involves, at least in every paradigmatic case, one of two types of activities: those associated with the collection, classification, and/or analysis of data; or those","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83101980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-21DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2143669
Cristina Espinosa, G. Rangel
ABSTRACT The UN 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) constitute an international roadmap to end poverty, revert environmental degradation, and fight socio-economic inequalities. Monitoring and reviewing (M&R) processes can expose countries’ success or failure in achieving the SDGs. However, SDG M&R is a daunting task. Current mechanisms mainly rely on national statistics that lack the necessary spatial and temporal granularity. Building on policy and academic discussions about the potential of citizen science data to fill data gaps in compilations for the SDG framework, we study projects implemented by civil society organizations (CSOs) in Ecuador, Colombia, and Argentina. Through a theory-sensitive empirical analysis, we systematize five main roles through which CSOs engage in SDG M&R. These roles are (1) participation promoter, (2) information provider, (3) data innovator, (4) watchdog, and (5) advocacy. These roles encompass key activities such as making SDG-relevant data available to citizens, enhancing data literacy, promoting open data from governmental institutions to enhance transparency and accountability, producing counter-narratives, and encouraging collaboration for data collection. Despite differences in their political qualities and politicizing effects, all five roles contribute to the enabling environment for collective action that is needed in governance for the SDGs.
{"title":"What roles do civil society organizations play in monitoring and reviewing the Sustainable Development Goals? An exploration of cases from Ecuador, Colombia, and Argentina","authors":"Cristina Espinosa, G. Rangel","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2143669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2143669","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The UN 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) constitute an international roadmap to end poverty, revert environmental degradation, and fight socio-economic inequalities. Monitoring and reviewing (M&R) processes can expose countries’ success or failure in achieving the SDGs. However, SDG M&R is a daunting task. Current mechanisms mainly rely on national statistics that lack the necessary spatial and temporal granularity. Building on policy and academic discussions about the potential of citizen science data to fill data gaps in compilations for the SDG framework, we study projects implemented by civil society organizations (CSOs) in Ecuador, Colombia, and Argentina. Through a theory-sensitive empirical analysis, we systematize five main roles through which CSOs engage in SDG M&R. These roles are (1) participation promoter, (2) information provider, (3) data innovator, (4) watchdog, and (5) advocacy. These roles encompass key activities such as making SDG-relevant data available to citizens, enhancing data literacy, promoting open data from governmental institutions to enhance transparency and accountability, producing counter-narratives, and encouraging collaboration for data collection. Despite differences in their political qualities and politicizing effects, all five roles contribute to the enabling environment for collective action that is needed in governance for the SDGs.","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"86 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91152766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2128595
O. Bernasconi, P. Díaz
ing behind the numbers the complexity of these perpetrations. 2. Truth accounts: truth commission and transitional justice processes Within the field of human rights studies, as transitions from authoritarian, totalitarian, and/or racist regimes (in the case of South Africa) to – at least procedurally – democratic regimes took place in Latin America and Eastern Europe, expert practices and theories on what has been called transitional justice were developed. While these studies did not make explicit use of heuristic tools from the STS field or its antecedents, as we shall see below, some critical research has devoted analysis to the procedures by which truth commissions have established their truth accounts. In this sense, these analyses contribute to a fruitful dialogue between human rights perspectives and STS studies, accounting for the social processes through which truth accounts about past crimes are constituted, and showing the mechanisms through which the objectivity of violence is constructed, without simply considering it self-evident or defining it normatively, according to moral and/or legal principles. The practices and theories of transitional justice consist of producing a truth account of political crimes, outside the judicial arena, as a political response to what is called the “right to truth” of the victims (Mendez 2006). Transitional justice refers to a conception of justice based primarily on the reparation of victims and not criminalizing those responsible for human rights violations, other than in exceptional cases. In this way, transitional justice aims to reconcile the interests of former officials of authoritarian/totalitarian/racists regimes with the demands for justice of the victims, their families, and human rights organizations in order to rebuild the nation-state and legitimize institutions. Truth and reconciliation commissions are themost popular device of this type of restorative justice (Lefranc 2002). During the last decades, a plethora of studies on truth commissions has been published. Schematically, we can identify two bodies of research. First, those that describe the public work of commissions and their concordance, or not, with the self-declared missions of these devices, without delving into the performative practices that these infrastructural devices perform (Hayner 1994, 2001; Teitel 2000, 2003). Most of these studies endorse the therapeutic objective that the political discourse of the democratizing elites ascribes to these commissions and their reports, namely, to heal the nation and thus achieve reconciliation. The second group of studies, mostly based on the analysis of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Buur 2001; Wilson 2001) examined the political effects 4 O. BERNASCONI AND P. DÍAZ
这些数字背后隐藏着这些犯罪的复杂性。2. 在人权研究领域，随着从专制、极权和/或种族主义政权(在南非的情况下)到-至少在程序上-民主政权的过渡发生在拉丁美洲和东欧，关于所谓的过渡司法的专家实践和理论得到了发展。虽然这些研究没有明确使用STS领域或其前身的启发式工具，但正如我们将在下面看到的那样，一些批判性研究专门分析了真相委员会建立真相账户的程序。从这个意义上说，这些分析有助于人权观点和STS研究之间富有成效的对话，说明了关于过去罪行的真相的社会过程，并显示了构建暴力客观性的机制，而不是简单地认为它是不言而喻的，或根据道德和/或法律原则规范地定义它。过渡时期司法的实践和理论包括在司法领域之外对政治犯罪进行真相描述，作为对受害者所谓的“真相权”的政治回应(Mendez 2006)。过渡时期司法指的是一种司法概念，其基础主要是赔偿受害者，而不是将侵犯人权的责任人定为刑事犯罪，例外情况除外。通过这种方式，过渡司法旨在调和专制/极权/种族主义政权前官员的利益与受害者及其家属和人权组织的正义要求，以重建民族国家并使制度合法化。真相与和解委员会是这种类型的恢复性司法中最流行的手段(Lefranc 2002)。在过去的几十年里，发表了大量关于真相委员会的研究。从示意图上看，我们可以确定两个研究机构。首先，那些描述委员会的公共工作及其与这些设备自我宣布的任务的一致性或不一致性，而没有深入研究这些基础设施设备执行的表演实践(Hayner 1994,2001;Teitel 2000, 2003)。这些研究大多认同民主化精英们的政治话语赋予这些委员会及其报告的治疗目标，即治愈国家，从而实现和解。第二组研究，主要基于南非真相与和解委员会(Buur 2001;Wilson 2001)研究了政治影响4 O. BERNASCONI AND P. DÍAZ
{"title":"Factualize and commensurate human rights violations and organized violence","authors":"O. Bernasconi, P. Díaz","doi":"10.1080/25729861.2022.2128595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25729861.2022.2128595","url":null,"abstract":"ing behind the numbers the complexity of these perpetrations. 2. Truth accounts: truth commission and transitional justice processes Within the field of human rights studies, as transitions from authoritarian, totalitarian, and/or racist regimes (in the case of South Africa) to – at least procedurally – democratic regimes took place in Latin America and Eastern Europe, expert practices and theories on what has been called transitional justice were developed. While these studies did not make explicit use of heuristic tools from the STS field or its antecedents, as we shall see below, some critical research has devoted analysis to the procedures by which truth commissions have established their truth accounts. In this sense, these analyses contribute to a fruitful dialogue between human rights perspectives and STS studies, accounting for the social processes through which truth accounts about past crimes are constituted, and showing the mechanisms through which the objectivity of violence is constructed, without simply considering it self-evident or defining it normatively, according to moral and/or legal principles. The practices and theories of transitional justice consist of producing a truth account of political crimes, outside the judicial arena, as a political response to what is called the “right to truth” of the victims (Mendez 2006). Transitional justice refers to a conception of justice based primarily on the reparation of victims and not criminalizing those responsible for human rights violations, other than in exceptional cases. In this way, transitional justice aims to reconcile the interests of former officials of authoritarian/totalitarian/racists regimes with the demands for justice of the victims, their families, and human rights organizations in order to rebuild the nation-state and legitimize institutions. Truth and reconciliation commissions are themost popular device of this type of restorative justice (Lefranc 2002). During the last decades, a plethora of studies on truth commissions has been published. Schematically, we can identify two bodies of research. First, those that describe the public work of commissions and their concordance, or not, with the self-declared missions of these devices, without delving into the performative practices that these infrastructural devices perform (Hayner 1994, 2001; Teitel 2000, 2003). Most of these studies endorse the therapeutic objective that the political discourse of the democratizing elites ascribes to these commissions and their reports, namely, to heal the nation and thus achieve reconciliation. The second group of studies, mostly based on the analysis of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Buur 2001; Wilson 2001) examined the political effects 4 O. BERNASCONI AND P. DÍAZ","PeriodicalId":36898,"journal":{"name":"Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology and Society","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86308279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2115829
Juan Manuel Vargas-Canales, J. J. Brambila-Paz, Verónica Pérez-Cerecedo, M. M. Rojas-Rojas, María del Carmen López-Reyna, José Miguel Omaña-Silvestre
ABSTRACT The aim of this research was to map the state of the art on studies of new technologies in the agri-food sector through a systematic literature review in order to explore world trends. The systematic review method consisted of obtaining information from the Scopus database, with the search strategy limited by subject. Thiry-four keywords related to the topic were used and the search was limited only to title of scientific articles. For the coding and extraction of data and results, the VOSviewer software was used to generate, group and visualize networks and identify scientific fields and trends. In recent years there has been significant growth in the development of new technologies in the agri-food sector, concentrated in a few countries, institutions and disciplines. The results allow to identify changes in scientific paradigms and consolidate different scientific fields. It is possible to perceive that the fields of robotics, automation, artificial intelligence, among others, are gaining interest, and that genomics, biotechnology, and genetic improvement are losing dynamism. In addition, there is little research related to economic and social analysis and their relationship to the environment.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-16DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2071097
Paloma Sánchez, M. E. Sánchez
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to analyze the colonial viewpoint that underlies Design, Social Design and their methodology, Design Thinking. We study this theoretical scaffolding and its application in eight projects carried out by designers in the city of Puebla, Mexico, with Indigenous Peoples from different communities in the country. We explore the approach to Social Design and Design Thinking from their historical configuration in articulation with empirical information obtained through interviews with professors of Social Design, the designers of the 8 projects, and with a design studio. Design has been conceived as a neutral discipline although it presents its social dimension as the answer to various problems facing society. This article argues that design has a modern-colonial core that permeates its sub-disciplines, orienting them towards the cultural whitening of populations. The findings show that when implemented, Social Design becomes a practice of cordial racism and a form of epistemicide that give continuity to the attempts to make invisible, eradicate or appropriate the knowledge of Indigenous Peoples. The findings also show that the methodology used by Social Design, Design Thinking, has a fundamental role in contributing and possibly masking this epistemicide.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-14DOI: 10.1080/25729861.2022.2141013
R. Anderson
In his 1917 lecture on Science as a Vocation at the University of Munich, sociologist Max Weber observed that “the fate of our age” is that “the ultimate, most sublime values have withdrawn from public life.” And why is that the particular fate of our age, asked Weber, just before the end of the mass killing of WWOne? His answer was that it is due to his/our age’s “characteristic rationalization and intellectualization,” and “above all [to the] disenchantment of the world.” Since its publication in 1918, Weber’s interpretation has been applied strongly to explain the presumed detachment of scientific communities and individual scientists from spiritual and/or religious life, if not hostility to religion. Even occasional anti-theist movements among scientists have been explained by using Weber’s reasoning. In my case, as a young sociologist and anthropologist among scientists in the 1960s, I inhaled the Weberian premise, expecting to see few signs of the “spirited” or “enchanted” world among people in the labs which I was going to study in Chicago and India. By my mid-20s, I was accustomed to expect a disenchanted world. In 2011–2012, Renny Thomas walked into a nuclear spectroscopy lab in Bangalore (now Bengaluru) in order to see whether he would be accepted sufficiently to observe the life of the lab and gradually engage the scientists in focused interviews. His timing was perfect. Bangalore was reaching its zenith for a world-wide reputation in high-tech research and development, and with its sublime climate and cosmopolitan culture, it was the place that scientists wanted to live in. He did his fieldwork inside a prestigious 110-year-old research-oriented Institute there. At that time, comparable cities in Latin America would have been Bariloche, Guadalajara, Sao Paulo, not to deny the status of megacities like Mexico City and Buenos Aires. But Bangalore was not (by Indian standards) a megacity. The ultimate leader of this lab had a nickname before Thomas arrived, and he was known in the Group as “Boss.” Fortunately, Boss was intrigued by Thomas’s focus on the religiosity of the scientists in his group and enabled him to become incorporated as a member. Thomas became “a lab member” and thus participated in the required Saturday morning group meetings which were about both ideas and plans for further work. He was allowed to reside and eat in an adjacent hostel for doctoral students. This group, doing work in Ultrafast Raman Loss Spectroscopy, was one of the largest in the Institute. Suspicious of Thomas at first, most of the 35 members of this group (post-docs, doctoral students, technicians, etc.) eventually accepted him and, as in all successful cases of ethnography, treated him as part of the furniture, part of the background. They even welcomed his return in 2016 for some follow-up interviews. Thomas found a high percentage of South Indian Brahmins and South Indian Christians in this well-known lab. There is/was high representation of both o
社会学家马克斯·韦伯(Max Weber) 1917年在慕尼黑大学(University of Munich)发表的题为《科学是一种职业》(Science as a Vocation)的演讲中指出，“我们这个时代的命运”是“终极的、最崇高的价值观已经退出了公共生活”。韦伯在第一次世界大战的大屠杀结束前问道，为什么这就是我们这个时代的特殊命运?他的回答是，这是由于他/我们这个时代的“典型的合理化和理智化”，以及“最重要的是世界的觉醒”。自1918年出版以来，韦伯的解释被强烈地应用于解释科学界和个体科学家与精神和/或宗教生活的假定分离，如果不是对宗教的敌意的话。甚至科学家中偶尔出现的反有神论运动也可以用韦伯的推理来解释。就我而言，作为20世纪60年代科学家中的一名年轻的社会学家和人类学家，我吸收了韦伯的前提，期望在我要去芝加哥和印度研究的实验室里的人们身上看到很少“精神的”或“着迷的”世界的迹象。到了25岁左右，我已经习惯了期待一个不抱幻想的世界。2011-2012年，Renny Thomas走进了班加罗尔(现班加罗尔)的一个核光谱学实验室，想看看他是否能被充分接受，观察实验室的生活，并逐渐让科学家们参与重点访谈。他的时机恰到好处。班加罗尔在高科技研究和开发方面达到了世界声誉的顶峰，其宜人的气候和国际化的文化是科学家们想要居住的地方。他在当地一所拥有110年历史的著名研究型研究所进行了实地调查。当时，拉丁美洲可与之媲美的城市是巴里洛切、瓜达拉哈拉、圣保罗，不要否认墨西哥城和布宜诺斯艾利斯等大城市的地位。但班加罗尔(按照印度的标准)并不是一个特大城市。在托马斯到来之前，这个实验室的终极领袖有一个绰号，他在团队中被称为“老板”。幸运的是，老板被托马斯对他的团队中科学家的宗教信仰的关注所吸引，并使他成为其中的一员。托马斯成为了“实验室成员”，因此参加了周六上午的小组会议，讨论进一步工作的想法和计划。他被允许在附近的博士生宿舍居住和吃饭。这个研究超快拉曼损失光谱的小组是研究所最大的小组之一。起初，这个小组的35名成员(博士后、博士生、技术人员等)中的大多数人都对托马斯持怀疑态度，最终接受了他，并像所有成功的人种学案例一样，将他视为家具的一部分，背景的一部分。他们甚至欢迎他在2016年回归，接受一些后续采访。托马斯在这个著名的实验室里发现了很高比例的南印度婆罗门和南印度基督徒。在班加罗尔和整个印度的专业科学界(医生、律师、大学教授等)中，这两个群体都有很高的代表性。实验室里也有其他人不是来自这两个群体(例如穆斯林)。但他的主要关注群体是研究团体的成员
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