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Gender responsive budgeting and the COVID-19 pandemic response: a feminist standpoint 促进性别平等的预算编制和COVID-19大流行应对:女权主义立场
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-16 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1814080
S. Viswanath, L. Mullins
Abstract Acknowledging the need for more gender work in Public Administration, this paper engages feminist standpoint theory to analytically frame the outcomes of the COVID-19 pandemic from a feminist perspective. By assessing the differential impact of the pandemic on women and men in the United States across several sectors of the political economy and society, it is apparent women face immense obstacles in the labor market, as well as in access to health, food and housing. This analytical approach is in line with the United Nation’s fifth Sustainable Development Goal, gender equity. The imperative to include women’s perspectives in pandemic response and planning is juxtaposed against the current pandemic response that primarily leaves women out of the decision-making process. The policy tool of gender responsive budgeting, successfully implemented in various countries, is proposed to offset the gender inequities triggered by the pandemic in the U.S.
鉴于公共管理需要更多的性别工作,本文运用女性主义立场理论,从女性主义视角分析新冠肺炎大流行的结果。通过评估这一流行病对美国政治、经济和社会若干部门中男女的不同影响,可以看出,妇女在劳动力市场以及获得保健、粮食和住房方面显然面临巨大障碍。这种分析方法符合联合国第五个可持续发展目标——性别平等。必须在大流行病应对和规划中纳入妇女的观点,而目前的大流行病应对主要将妇女排除在决策过程之外。提出了在各国成功实施的促进性别平等预算的政策工具,以抵消美国大流行引发的性别不平等
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引用次数: 13
Symbolic politics and government response to a national emergency: Narrating the COVID-19 crisis 国家紧急状态下的象征政治与政府应对:叙述COVID-19危机
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1816787
Albena Dzhurova
Abstract The U.S. government’s response to the unfolding COVID-19 pandemic has raised questions of whether its role is in fact limited to symbolic politics courtesy of its highly fragmented authority. This paper deconstructs the most prominent federal government outreach to the American people at the outset of the COVID-19 crisis—the White House Coronavirus Task Force briefings, to show how government actions have been communicated to the public. Within the Kübler-Ross’ five-stage theory of grief, several narratives are surveyed as they are being circulated, tested and/or abandoned. It is argued that engaging in the enactment of narratives is one logical avenue for a crisis mitigation reimagined in postmodern terms. This serves as yet another reminder of how policy deliberation could be replaced with symbolic acts via discursive manipulation to the detriment of democratic public administration.
美国政府对新冠肺炎疫情的应对引发了人们的质疑,即由于其高度分散的权力,其作用是否实际上仅限于象征性政治。本文解构了联邦政府在COVID-19危机开始时对美国人民最重要的宣传——白宫冠状病毒工作组简报会,以展示政府的行动是如何传达给公众的。在k伯勒-罗斯的悲伤五阶段理论中,有几种叙述在流传、测试和/或被抛弃时被调查。有人认为,参与叙事的制定是在后现代术语中重新想象的危机缓解的一个合乎逻辑的途径。这再次提醒我们,政策审议如何通过话语操纵被象征性行为所取代,从而损害民主公共行政。
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引用次数: 8
Collective action during the Covid-19 pandemic: The case of Germany’s fragmented authority 新冠肺炎大流行期间的集体行动:德国权力分散的案例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1805273
Fabian Hattke, Helge Martin
Abstract Countering the calls for more centralized public decision-making and unified command-and-control administration, we show how fragmented authority can foster collective action to mount an effective response to the COVID-19 pandemic. To this aim, we use a conceptual framework that integrates emergency management and political economic theory and provide several examples to illustrate how public and private actors in Germany met the challenges of the pandemic with coordinated, cooperative, and collaborative action. The motivational, strategic, and structural solutions we identify in this research offer to scholars and practitioners insight into the design of resilient public health systems.
摘要针对更集中的公共决策和统一的指挥和控制管理的呼吁,我们展示了分散的权力如何促进集体行动,以有效应对新冠肺炎大流行。为此,我们使用了一个综合应急管理和政治经济理论的概念框架,并提供了几个例子来说明德国的公共和私人行为者如何通过协调、合作和协作的行动应对疫情的挑战。我们在这项研究中确定的动机、战略和结构解决方案为学者和从业者提供了对弹性公共卫生系统设计的见解。
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引用次数: 35
Care in crisis: COVID-19 as a catalyst for universal child care in the United States 危机中的护理:新冠肺炎成为美国普及儿童护理的催化剂
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1813456
Nicole M. Elias, M. D’Agostino
Abstract School closings during COVID-19 exposed an under-addressed gender equity issue in the United States: child care in crisis. To better understand the child care crisis in the current U.S. context, we detail how New York City is addressing child care during COVID-19. We then connect the current approaches to the Lanham Act that was instituted during WWII as a historical parallel. Ultimately, we argue for the adoption of a universal system that is affordable, high-quality, federally-funded with local involvement and discretion, and flexible for primary caregivers seeking care support. This potential system builds on current congressional proposals and should take into account the challenges primary caregivers face in order to disrupt gender imbalances in care, and in turn, produce greater gender equity. COVID-19 is an opportunity to instill lasting change by improving the current U.S. child care model.
摘要新冠肺炎期间学校停课暴露了美国一个未得到充分重视的性别平等问题:危机中的儿童保育。为了更好地理解当前美国背景下的儿童保育危机,我们详细介绍了新冠肺炎期间纽约市如何应对儿童保育问题。然后,我们将当前的方法与二战期间制定的《兰汉姆法案》联系起来,作为历史的类比。最终,我们主张采用一种负担得起、高质量、由联邦政府资助、地方参与和自由裁量权的普遍制度,并为寻求护理支持的主要照顾者提供灵活性。这一潜在的系统建立在当前国会提案的基础上,应该考虑到主要照顾者面临的挑战,以打破照顾中的性别失衡,进而产生更大的性别公平。新冠肺炎是一个通过改善当前美国儿童保育模式来灌输持久变革的机会。
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引用次数: 10
Dataveillant Collectivism and the Coronavirus in Korea: Values, Biases, and Socio-Cultural Foundations of Containment Efforts Dataveillant集体主义与韩国的冠状病毒:遏制努力的价值观、偏见和社会文化基础
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1805272
D. Kasdan, Jesse W. Campbell
Abstract COVID-19 is as much a social as a biological problem and securing mass compliance with public health directives is a necessary condition of suppressing the pandemic. South Korea’s containment has been characterized by high levels of such compliance We contend that Korea's neo-Confucian traditions, ongoing exposure to diverse existential threats, and technology-driven development inform a set of biases and social practices that facilitate positive containment outcomes. Utilizing an advanced dataveillance infrastructure, Korea has benefited from the extant biases of conformity, convenience, and risk aversion in its containment effort, as many of the prescriptions for containment are consistent with the cultural norms of collectivism. We suggest that an understanding of the idiosyncratic and historically grounded factors of Korea's coronavirus response can contribute to a realistic evaluation of its applicability for other contexts.
摘要新冠肺炎既是一个生物学问题,也是一个社会问题,确保公众遵守公共卫生指令是遏制疫情的必要条件。韩国的遏制以高度遵守为特征。我们认为,韩国的新儒家传统、持续面临的各种生存威胁以及技术驱动的发展,为一系列有利于积极遏制结果的偏见和社会实践提供了信息。利用先进的数据监控基础设施,韩国在遏制努力中受益于现有的一致性、便利性和风险规避偏见,因为许多遏制处方都符合集体主义的文化规范。我们建议,了解韩国应对冠状病毒的特殊和历史因素,有助于对其在其他情况下的适用性进行现实评估。
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引用次数: 20
From the leader’s lips, to the public’s ears: The state of exception, administrative evil, and the enemy in President Trump’s rhetoric during COVID-19 从领导人的嘴唇到公众的耳朵:新冠肺炎期间特朗普总统言论中的例外状态、行政邪恶和敌人
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1798693
E. Santis
Abstract In the throes of COVID-19, heads of state like President Donald J. Trump have the power to declare a state of exception and use their moment in the limelight to help the public make sense of the pandemic. Unfortunately, sometimes leaders use the state of exception as a vehicle for acts of administrative evil against would-be enemies. Therefore, it is essential to interrogate whether heads of state like President Trump are using the limelight to harm others. As I show through a qualitative content analysis of 87 communication events, instead of unifying and reassuring the public with cogent solutions, President Trump has leveraged the spotlight to name enemies: China, COVID-19, and the press. Consequently, the President may soon sanction or intensify acts of administrative evil in the United States.
在COVID-19的阵痛中,像唐纳德·j·特朗普总统这样的国家元首有权宣布例外状态,并利用他们在聚光灯下的时刻帮助公众了解这场大流行。不幸的是,有时领导人利用例外状态作为对潜在敌人实施行政邪恶行为的工具。因此,有必要质问像特朗普总统这样的国家元首是否在利用聚光灯伤害他人。正如我通过对87项交流活动的定性内容分析所显示的那样,特朗普总统没有用令人信服的解决方案团结和安抚公众,而是利用聚光灯来命名敌人:中国、新冠病毒和媒体。因此,总统可能很快就会制裁或加强美国的行政邪恶行为。
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引用次数: 11
Special issue on contemporary public administration from a Habermas perspective 哈贝马斯视角下的当代公共行政专刊
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1798692
C. Knox
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引用次数: 1
The value of alumni networks in responding to the public administration theory and practice: Evidence from the COVID-19 pandemic in China 校友网络在回应公共管理理论和实践中的价值——来自中国新冠肺炎疫情的证据
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1798694
Fang Ding, Norma M. Riccucci
Abstract There has been a good deal of research on the role of nongovernmental organizations in addressing public concerns and issues. However, alumni networks, mainly regarded as a platform for in-group benefits between alumni and their alma maters, have attracted little attention in terms of their potential utility to the broader public. But the unexpected vital role of alumni networks in addressing the recent novel coronavirus (COVID-19) in China provides some insights into the value of alumni networks in both the practice and theory of public administration. Along with the successful practice in China, this essay attempts to understand how alumni networks can be used to assist in shared struggles in general, helping to solve major public challenges in practice in contexts beyond China, and to extend the understanding of alumni networks as potential areas of study through existing theoretical frameworks in public administration (e.g., collaborative governance and nonprofit organizations). The essay also provides directions for a future research agenda on the value of alumni networks for public administration.
关于非政府组织在解决公众关注和问题中的作用,已有大量的研究。然而,校友网络主要被视为校友与母校之间的群体利益平台,在其对更广泛公众的潜在效用方面却很少受到关注。但是,校友网络在应对中国最近的新型冠状病毒(COVID-19)疫情中发挥的意想不到的重要作用,为校友网络在公共行政实践和理论方面的价值提供了一些见解。随着中国的成功实践,本文试图理解校友网络如何被用来协助共同的斗争,帮助解决中国以外背景下的主要公共挑战,并通过现有的公共管理理论框架(例如,协作治理和非营利组织)扩展校友网络作为潜在研究领域的理解。本文还为未来关于校友网络对公共行政的价值的研究议程提供了方向。
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引用次数: 4
Freedom of speech versus racial justice: Homeplace theory, antiparallelism, and becoming-minor 言论自由与种族正义:家乡理论、反平行主义和成为未成年人
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1782127
Nuri Heckler, Ryan Rouse
Abstract This article examines the reasons that Whiteness and social justice have adopted conceptions of democracy and freedom that seem to conflict and yet do not directly conflict. The argument starts by framing a problem of democracy and freedom as property issued to White people within a dominant majoritarian semiotic system. By using critical race theory and linguistic philosophy, we describe how conflict suppression maintains a homeplace, a social justice semiotic subsystem that suppresses conflict with Whiteness, thereby protecting both the homeplace and Whiteness simultaneously. We argue that public administration theory offers unique opportunities to promote and enrich these sites of resistance to reterritorialize democracy and freedom in new and inclusive ways.
本文探讨了白人和社会正义采用民主和自由概念的原因,这些概念似乎相互冲突,但并不直接冲突。该论点首先将民主和自由的问题框定为白人在占主导地位的多数主义符号体系中获得的财产。通过运用批判种族理论和语言哲学,我们描述了冲突抑制如何维持一个家园,一个社会正义符号子系统,它抑制了与白人的冲突,从而同时保护了家园和白人。我们认为,公共行政理论提供了独特的机会,以促进和丰富这些抵抗场所,以新的和包容的方式将民主和自由重新领土化。
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引用次数: 2
Editors’ introduction: Since last We spoke… 编者简介:自从上次我们谈话以来……
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1799665
S. McCandless, Staci M. Zavattaro
Abstract As Administrative Theory & Praxis's Dialogues series on COVID-19 continues, we reflect on where we have come and where we are going while previewing new pieces in the series.
随着《行政理论与实践》关于COVID-19的对话系列的继续,我们在预览该系列新作品的同时,反思我们来了哪里,我们要去哪里。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Administrative Theory and Praxis
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