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The Framing of the “Desolate” in Czech Nationwide Media 捷克国家媒体对“荒凉”的建构
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0019
Michaela Fikejzová, Martin Charvát
Abstract The aim of the present study is to analyze the framing of the group of citizens referred to as “desolates” in the Czech nationwide media. Using the method of discourse analysis on a sample of media texts from the period October 2022 – March 2023, we identified two types of framing present in media discourse: (i) frame of desolates as disobedient citizens, (ii) frame of desolates as concerned citizens. Meanwhile, the basic nodal point of this discourse is the enforcement of the social norm of the “correct” and “suitable” citizen, on which both identified frames are based. The two frames interact simultaneously with each other – the former functions to define “desolates” as a socially and politically undesirable phenomenon, while the latter reactively defends “desolates” as “concerned ordinary citizens”.
摘要本研究的目的是分析捷克全国性媒体中被称为“荒凉者”的公民群体的框架。利用对2022年10月至2023年3月期间的媒体文本样本的话语分析方法,我们确定了媒体话语中存在的两种框架:(i)作为不服从公民的荒凉框架,(ii)作为关心公民的荒凉框架。与此同时,这一话语的基本节点是“正确”和“合适”公民的社会规范的执行,这两个识别框架都基于此。这两个框架同时相互作用——前者将“荒凉”定义为一种社会和政治上不受欢迎的现象,而后者则积极地将“荒凉”辩护为“有关的普通公民”。
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引用次数: 0
From Respect to Nazi Allusions: The Changing Emotional Climates of Fidesz Towards Germany after 1990 从对纳粹典故的尊重:1990年后青民盟对德国情绪的变化
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0024
András Hettyey
Abstract This paper aims to enhance our understanding of the foreign policy of Hungary by looking at the emotional underpinnings of the relationship between Fidesz and Germany. Inspired by the ‘emotional turn’ in social sciences in general, and IR in particular, this paper charts the changing ways in which Fidesz politicians (both in government and opposition) have perceived Germany and German politics on an emotional level since 1990. We show how a mostly positive emotional climate before 2010 slowly turned into anger, culminating in repeated allusions to Germany’s Nazi past. The main question is: how can we account for the fluctuations in the way Fidesz politicians have perceived Germany over the past three decades? While ‘rational’ policy disagreements have certainly played a part (i.e. on migration), they cannot explain on their own the ever intensifying anger on the part of Fidesz decision-makers, especially as the two countries are still close political and economic partners and share a wide range of common interests. Complementing rational approaches, we propose that ‘collective narcissism’ informs the general emotional disposition of key Fidesz figures since 2014, leading to a continuing estrangement between the successive Orbán governments and its German partners.
本文旨在通过观察青民盟与德国关系的情感基础,加深我们对匈牙利外交政策的理解。受社会科学的“情感转向”的启发,特别是国际关系,本文描绘了自1990年以来青民盟政治家(包括政府和反对派)在情感层面上看待德国和德国政治的变化方式。我们展示了在2010年之前,一种大多是积极的情绪氛围是如何慢慢变成愤怒的,最终以反复提及德国纳粹的历史而告终。主要问题是:我们如何解释过去三十年来青民盟政治家对德国看法的波动?虽然“理性的”政策分歧肯定起到了一定的作用(例如,在移民问题上),但它们本身无法解释青民盟决策者日益加剧的愤怒,尤其是考虑到两国仍然是密切的政治和经济伙伴,并拥有广泛的共同利益。作为理性方法的补充,我们提出,自2014年以来,“集体自恋”影响了青民盟关键人物的总体情绪倾向,导致历届Orbán政府与其德国合作伙伴之间的持续隔阂。
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引用次数: 0
Frames and sentiments of the Twitter communication by German Chancellor Scholz during the Russian invasion of Ukraine 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰期间,德国总理肖尔茨在推特上交流的框架和情绪
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0028
Stefan Nisch
Abstract In a complex information environment, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine presents a major challenge to the communication of political leaders throughout the world. The objective of this article is to analyse the frames and sentiments used by German chancellor Olaf Scholz, employing a novel data set of his Twitter communication (N = 612) during the Russian invasion of Ukraine between 24 February 2022 and 24 February 2023. A combination of computational text analysis approaches with natural language processing (NLP) techniques was used, including the Valence Aware Dictionary and the sentiment Reasoner (VADER) model for sentiment analysis and Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) for topic modelling. This research investigates the prevalent frames and emotions in the chancellor’s communication, providing valuable insights into the German government’s stance and strategic communication during this critical geopolitical event. The results of the study revealed that the chancellor used the frames ‘effects of the Ukraine invasion’, ‘climate & environment’, ‘solidarity’ and ‘Russian aggression’ and communicated with positive sentiments. By examining the chancellor’s Twitter communication, this study contributes to the understanding of political communication in the digital era, particularly in the context of international crises, and offers implications for policymakers, scholars and the broader public.
摘要在复杂的信息环境下,俄罗斯入侵乌克兰给全球政治领导人的沟通带来了重大挑战。本文的目的是分析德国总理奥拉夫·肖尔茨(Olaf Scholz)在2022年2月24日至2023年2月24日俄罗斯入侵乌克兰期间使用的框架和情绪,采用他的Twitter通信(N = 612)的新数据集。将计算文本分析方法与自然语言处理(NLP)技术相结合,包括用于情感分析的情价感知词典和情感推理(VADER)模型,以及用于主题建模的潜在狄利let分配(LDA)模型。本研究调查了总理沟通中的普遍框架和情绪,为了解德国政府在这一关键地缘政治事件中的立场和战略沟通提供了有价值的见解。研究结果显示,默克尔使用了“乌克兰入侵的影响”、“气候”等框架。“环境”、“团结”和“俄罗斯侵略”,并以积极的情绪进行交流。通过研究默克尔的推特沟通,本研究有助于理解数字时代的政治沟通,特别是在国际危机的背景下,并为政策制定者、学者和更广泛的公众提供启示。
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引用次数: 0
The Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry in the Austrian National Council – Influence and Impact from the Perspective of the Austrian National Council Members 奥地利国家委员会的议会调查委员会——从奥地利国家委员会成员的角度看其影响和影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0026
Matthias Keppel
Abstract Committees of inquiry in the Austrian National Council gained a significant upgrade through a reform in 2015: for the first time, a parliamentary minority can now demand the establishment of a committee of inquiry. This reform meant not only a strengthening of control rights, but also an increase in parliamentary investigations in Austria. The aim of this article is to shed light on the parliamentary perspective and to deepen the understanding of investigative committees. In this way, it is to be shown which potentials, but also weaknesses, can be found in the investigative instrument from the MPs’ point of view. A first-time survey of members of committees of inquiry showed that the perceptions of the reform and the democratic benefits differed greatly between the governing party ÖVP and the opposition party SPÖ. The increasing polarisation of the political debate also led to a further divergence in the approval or rejection of the investigative instrument. These developments may not only result in a weakening of the investigative instrument, but also directly challenge parliamentary democracy.
奥地利国民议会的调查委员会通过2015年的改革获得了重大升级:议会少数党现在第一次可以要求建立一个调查委员会。这项改革不仅意味着加强控制权,而且意味着增加奥地利的议会调查。本文的目的是阐明议会的观点,加深对调查委员会的理解。通过这种方式,可以看出从国会议员的角度来看,调查工具可以找到哪些潜力,以及弱点。对调查委员会成员进行的首次调查显示,执政党ÖVP和在野党SPÖ对改革和民主利益的看法存在很大差异。政治辩论的日益两极化也导致在批准或拒绝调查工具方面的进一步分歧。这些事态发展不仅可能削弱调查工具,而且还可能直接挑战议会民主。
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引用次数: 0
Parent empowerment can change media education 家长授权可以改变媒体教育
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0021
Mateja Rek
Abstract A crucial role in the primary socialisation is played by parents who are upbringing and educating children about various aspects of life. They also significantly influence child’s knowledge and experience of the digital media through examples, conversations and experiences. However, the process of media education has become a challenging task for parents to achieve. As current fastpaced processes of digitization are constantly changing, adults themselves are often faced with figuring out and adopting new ways of digital media related behaviours and attitudes. In past decade expert recommendations and guidelines on screen exposure and media education of children have been widely disseminated aiming to support parents in their choices in conducting media education of their children. In this article we confirm that parent’s familiarity with the expert recommendations regarding the use of media for children results in a significantly lower screen exposure of their preschool children and in higher frequency of implementing beneficial media education practices.
父母在初级社会化中起着至关重要的作用,他们养育和教育孩子生活的各个方面。它们还通过例子、对话和经验显著影响儿童对数字媒体的认识和体验。然而,媒体教育的过程对家长来说已经成为一项具有挑战性的任务。随着当今快节奏的数字化进程不断变化,成年人自己也经常面临着寻找和采用与数字媒体相关的新行为和态度的问题。在过去十年中,广泛传播了关于儿童接触屏幕和媒介教育的专家建议和准则,目的是支持父母选择对其子女进行媒介教育。在这篇文章中,我们证实,父母熟悉有关儿童使用媒体的专家建议,会显著降低学龄前儿童的屏幕曝光率,并提高实施有益媒体教育实践的频率。
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引用次数: 0
Struggle against Disinformation in the Czech Republic: Treading the Water 捷克共和国反对虚假信息的斗争:踩水
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0017
Ladislav Cabada
Abstract In the last decade, the Czech Republic’s foreign and security policy were destabilised with the activities of external actors, with Russia in the leading role, and also internal actors who followed the Russian and pro-Kremlin propaganda and disinformation campaigns and/or actively participated in such subversive activities. After 2015, within the set of crises and their securitisation, the disinformation network in Czechia was developed using the social media and the so-called alternative online media for the dissemination of disinformation, misinformation, fake news and chain mails including and disseminating these campaigns. As far as the leading persons in the executive belonged to the disinformers, the government did not develop working strategies against the disinformation campaigns as the new hybrid threat until 2021. At the end of 2021, the new government of Prime Minister Petr Fiala commenced in the Czech Republic with a new strategy regarding the hybrid threats, including disinformation. The one-year plan to establish the systemic platform for the struggle against such threats was challenged with the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The surprisingly strong response to disinformation campaigns after February 24, 2022, suggested a more systematic approach by the government against fake news and incitement to hatred. A year and a half on, however, we are seeing a stalling in place.
在过去十年中,捷克共和国的外交和安全政策因外部行为者的活动而不稳定,其中俄罗斯处于主导地位,也有内部行为者跟随俄罗斯和亲克里姆林宫的宣传和虚假宣传运动和/或积极参与此类颠覆活动。2015年之后,在一系列危机及其证券化中,捷克的虚假信息网络利用社交媒体和所谓的替代在线媒体发展起来,传播虚假信息、错误信息、假新闻和连锁邮件,包括并传播这些活动。就行政部门的领导人员属于造谣者而言,政府直到2021年才制定了针对作为新的混合威胁的造谣运动的工作战略。2021年底,捷克共和国总理彼得·菲亚拉(peter Fiala)领导的新政府启动了一项针对包括虚假信息在内的混合威胁的新战略。俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略挑战了为对抗这种威胁而建立系统性平台的一年计划。2022年2月24日之后,对虚假信息运动的强烈反应令人惊讶,这表明政府采取了更系统的方法来打击假新闻和煽动仇恨。然而,一年半过去了,我们看到的却是停滞不前。
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引用次数: 0
Does the state of emergency create an opportunity for democratic erosion? Lessons from post-communist Central and Southeast Europe 紧急状态是否为侵蚀民主创造了机会?后共产主义中欧和东南欧的教训
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0029
Dušan Pavlović
Abstract The paper’s key puzzle is the variation in lockdown-related democratic decline in the region of Central and Southeast Europe given the incumbents’ ideological and regime (dis)similarity. Why did similar regimes not respond to the pandemic in the same manner by using the opportunity to grab more executive power and diminish the authority of other institutions? While some argue that a state of emergency provides an ideal opportunity for democratic decline due to reduced costs, others believe that autocratic regimes with a ‘pre-existing condition for autocracy’ are more vulnerable. To contribute to this discussion, I examine three examples from post-communist Central and Southeast Europe (Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia) during the pandemic-related state of emergency and lockdowns of 2020 and 2021. I consider several relevant factors, the most important of which is the prospect of winning the next election. To erode democracy, autocratic incumbents must feel insecure about the outcome of the next election to use the opportunity created by the state of emergency. If they are uncertain of victory, they may prefer to expand their executive powers during the state of emergency, thus undermining democracy.
本文的主要困惑是,鉴于现任者的意识形态和政权(非)相似性,中欧和东南欧地区与封锁相关的民主衰退的差异。为什么类似的制度没有以同样的方式应对大流行病,利用这个机会夺取更多的行政权力,削弱其他机构的权威?一些人认为,由于成本降低,紧急状态为民主衰落提供了理想的机会,而另一些人则认为,具有“独裁的先决条件”的专制政权更容易受到伤害。为了促进这一讨论,我研究了后共产主义中欧和东南欧(斯洛文尼亚、克罗地亚和塞尔维亚)在2020年和2021年与大流行有关的紧急状态和封锁期间的三个例子。我考虑了几个相关因素,其中最重要的是赢得下次选举的前景。为了侵蚀民主,专制的在位者必须对下次选举的结果感到不安全,从而利用紧急状态带来的机会。如果他们对胜利没有把握,他们可能更愿意在紧急状态期间扩大行政权力,从而破坏民主。
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引用次数: 0
Populism, Media Messaging, and Media Literacy 民粹主义、媒体信息和媒体素养
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0022
Matevž Tomšič
Abstract The article deals with the rise of populism in connection with the functioning of the media and the role of media literacy in the receptivity of citizens to populist messages. The assumption is that the media play a dual role in this context: on the one hand, they make people susceptible to populist messages, and on the other hand, they can train them to become resistant to them. The quality of media communication affects the level of media literacy, i.e. the ability of people to understand and reflect on messages that are being disseminated by mass media, both traditional and online ones. The author claims that media literacy is the main protection against negative media phenomena such as disinformation and fake news. At the same time, it makes citizens resilient to those political messages that contain these elements on which populist politics is often based.
本文探讨了民粹主义的兴起与媒体的功能以及媒体素养在公民接受民粹主义信息中的作用。假设媒体在这种情况下扮演着双重角色:一方面,它们使人们容易受到民粹主义信息的影响,另一方面,它们可以训练人们对民粹主义信息产生抵抗力。媒介传播的质量影响到媒介素养的水平,即人们理解和反思大众媒介,包括传统媒介和网络媒介所传播的信息的能力。作者认为媒介素养是抵御虚假信息和假新闻等负面媒体现象的主要保障。与此同时,它使公民能够适应那些包含民粹主义政治经常基于的元素的政治信息。
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引用次数: 0
Challenges and Opportunities of Leading Different Generations – the Case of Slovenia 领导不同世代的挑战与机遇——以斯洛文尼亚为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0020
Marina Pajić Ivanović, Janez Kolar
Abstract Leadership, as the most important function of management, involves dealing with people and interpersonal aspects through motivating, achieving better productivity, people’s satisfaction, a favourable working climate and a balance of effectiveness and efficiency, with the aim of achieving the organization’s goals in a changing environment. Now that in modern management the focus is on soft variables and people, their needs and desires, the question arises what are the challenges and opportunities of leading different generations in a business environment that differ from each other in their values, attitudes and behaviours? The authors will analyse the above through three components of leadership, motivation, leadership styles and communication. There are currently four generations in the working population: Baby Boomers, Generation X, Generation Y and Generation Z. If the consideration is extended to top management at the national level and to political leadership, it is expected that the challenges and opportunities of leading different generations are even more complex, because the working population is joined by the Traditionalist generation, which is retired, but also by the Alpha generation, whose entry into the working population expected in a few years. Additionally, political leadership encompasses a nation’s entire populace as well as all of its social issues in an indirect manner. In addition to generational differences, leadership is also faced with the challenge of a changing environment, which is quite unstable nowadays and thus poses an even greater challenge to leadership.
领导,作为管理的最重要的功能,涉及处理人与人际关系方面,通过激励,实现更好的生产力,人们的满意度,良好的工作氛围和有效性和效率的平衡,以实现组织的目标在不断变化的环境。既然在现代管理中,重点是软变量和人,他们的需求和愿望,那么问题就出现了,在一个价值观、态度和行为各不相同的商业环境中,领导不同世代的挑战和机遇是什么?作者将通过领导力,动机,领导风格和沟通三个组成部分来分析上述问题。目前劳动人口有四代人:婴儿潮一代,X一代,Y一代和z一代。如果考虑到国家层面的高层管理人员和政治领导层,可以预期,领导不同世代的挑战和机遇更加复杂,因为加入工作人口的是退休的传统主义一代,但也有阿尔法一代,他们预计将在几年内进入工作人口。此外,政治领导以一种间接的方式涵盖了一个国家的全体民众以及所有的社会问题。除了代际差异之外,领导力还面临着环境变化的挑战,如今的环境非常不稳定,这对领导力提出了更大的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Spatial Distance and Representation in Closed PR List: Revisiting the U-Curve Argument 封闭PR表中的空间距离与表征:重新审视u曲线论证
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0023
Dejan Bursać, Dušan Radujko
Abstract The authors are testing the patterns of geographical representation in single nationwide district closed-list PR systems, in the framework of an earlier study made by Latner and McGann (2005), who suggested that MPs mostly reside in central metropolitan areas, as well as in distant regions, to the detriment of descriptive representation of areas adjacent to the capital. In this way, spatial distance serves as an incentive for parties to nominate lists comprised mostly of candidates from metropolitan urban centres who can easily reach the mid-distance municipalities for campaigning and constituency service, but also of those candidates residing in peripheral regions in which there is some sort of political or ethno-cultural saliency, prompting the voters to prefer their local candidates over capital city politicians. Authors are offering a novel approach of measuring and comparing spatial distance to the data on representation of local administrative units and regional subdivisions of four countries (Montenegro, Netherlands, Serbia and Slovakia). While the findings indeed indicate overrepresentation of capital cities and underrepresentation of neighbouring areas, the representation of peripheral areas is not significantly pronounced and seemingly depends more on a contextual case-to-case basis than on a general pattern related to spatial distance producing political or ethno-cultural saliency.
在Latner和McGann(2005)的早期研究框架内,作者正在测试全国单一地区封闭列表公关系统的地理代表性模式,他们认为国会议员大多居住在中心大都市地区,以及偏远地区,这不利于首都附近地区的描述性代表性。通过这种方式,空间距离促使各政党提名的候选人名单主要包括来自大城市中心的候选人,这些候选人可以很容易地到达中距离的城市进行竞选活动和选区服务,但也包括那些居住在具有某种政治或种族文化显著性的外围地区的候选人,促使选民更喜欢当地候选人,而不是首都政治家。作者提出了一种测量和比较空间距离与四个国家(黑山、荷兰、塞尔维亚和斯洛伐克)的地方行政单位和区域细分的代表性数据的新方法。虽然调查结果确实表明首都城市的代表性过高,而邻近地区的代表性不足,但外围地区的代表性并不明显,似乎更多地取决于具体情况,而不是与空间距离产生政治或民族文化显著性相关的一般模式。
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引用次数: 0
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Politics in Central Europe
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