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Equality implies proportionality: Assessing the (dis)proportionality of constituencies created for the 2022 Slovak regional elections 平等意味着比例相称:评估为 2022 年斯洛伐克地区选举设立的选区(不)相称性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0030
Jakub Bardovič, And Jaroslav Mihálik
Abstract In a democratic environment, political equality implies proportionality. Achieving this in an electoral setting can be complicated and unrealistic. The aim of this article is to investigate the logic, approach and method of creating constituencies in the elections for Slovak self-governing regions in 2022. We track the key attributes related to proportionality: the legislation, the actual creation of constituencies, the mechanisms used for the redistribution of mandates and the achievement of proportionality in individual constituencies within particular regions. Our results indicate considerable disproportionality within the constituencies of particular self-governing regions, which is mainly caused by the lack of effective legislation, the different approaches of authorities in creating constituencies and the absence of limits to the violation of electoral and thus political equality.
摘要 在民主环境中,政治平等意味着比例相称。在选举环境中实现这一点可能很复杂,也不现实。本文旨在研究 2022 年斯洛伐克自治州选举中设立选区的逻辑、方式和方法。我们追踪了与比例相称性相关的关键属性:立法、选区的实际设立、用于重新分配授权的机制以及特定大区内各选区比例相称性的实现情况。我们的研究结果表明,特定自治区域内各选区的比例严重失衡,这主要是由于缺乏有效的立法、当局在设立选区时采用不同的方法以及缺乏对违反选举平等和政治平等的限制。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Electoral Gender Quotas on Women’s Political Participation in Bosnia and Herzegovina 选举中的性别配额对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那妇女参政的影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0034
A. Merdanović, Selma Delalić
Abstract Although representing half of the world population, women remain largely excluded from political power and government structures. Various strategies have been introduced to increase women’s political representation, including electoral gender quotas. This paper explores the impact of electoral gender quotas on women’s quantitative participation in politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, analysing quota impact in combination with other related factors, such as the quota design, implementation and broader political context. A diversity of techniques has been used to collect a combination of quantitative and qualitative data, including academic resources collection and analysis, desk research, statistical data analysis and online questionnaire. The paper argues that electoral gender quotas have generally had a positive impact on getting women elected in BiH, though their efficacy depends on their formulation and other aspects of electoral law. Still, quantitative representation of women is not sufficient to facilitate their agency in politics. Social attitudes also continue to affect the electoral success of women once they secure a spot on the candidate list. Therefore, quotas must be implemented within a broader democratic, accountable and gender-sensitive political context to deliver qualitative representation of women in politics. Finally, the paper offers concrete recommendations to promote women’s political participation in BiH.
摘要 妇女虽然占世界人口的一半,但在很大程度上仍被排除在政治权力和政府结构之外。为了提高妇女的政治代表性,已经引入了各种战略,包括选举性别配额。本文探讨了选举性别配额对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那妇女参政数量的影响,结合其他相关因素,如配额设计、实施和更广泛的政治背景,分析了配额的影响。收集定量和定性数据时使用了多种技术,包括学术资源收集和分析、案头研究、统计数据分析和在线问卷调查。本文认为,选举性别配额总体上对波黑妇女当选产生了积极影响,但其效力取决于配额的制定和选举法的其他方面。不过,妇女在数量上的代表性并不足以促进她们在政治中的作用。一旦妇女在候选人名单中占有一席之地,社会态度也会继续影响她们的选举成功。因此,必须在更广泛的民主、问责和性别敏感的政治背景下实施配额制,以实现妇女在政治中的质的代表。最后,本文提出了促进波黑妇女参政的具体建议。
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引用次数: 0
IlliberalNeo-Intergovernmentalism: Poland’s Conservative Idea for the European Union? 新自由主义与新政府间主义:波兰对欧盟的保守主张?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0035
Piotr Tosiek
Abstract The aim of this article is to propose the term ‘illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism’ (IN) to describe and explain Poland’s EU concept promoted by the government and some scholars after 2015. The methodology, based on decision, factor and comparative analyses, is of qualitative nature. The main idea is the assumption that Polish vision can be treated as a concept contributing to theory building. The research question relates to the positioning of the Polish concept against the background of other approaches: due to its significant distance from the functionalist trend, a connection with the intergovernmentalist theories is assumed. Two hypotheses are presented, and their verification shows that the main weakness of the Polish concept is the lack of paradigmatic rooting. The ‘Eurorealist’ illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism has not been created as a result of the evolutionary development of well-founded views typical of the intergovernmental trend and seems to disregard all previous theoretical achievements. Referring to realism alone, without defining the continuity of thought, is not enough to recognise the concept as a realist one. Therefore, this vision does not have explanatory values, while its normative character is the result of the adoption of Eurosceptic and ultraconservative ideology.
摘要 本文旨在提出 "非自由主义新政府间主义"(IN)一词,以描述和解释波兰政府和一些学者在 2015 年后倡导的欧盟概念。研究方法基于决策分析、因素分析和比较分析,属于定性分析。其主要思想是假设波兰的愿景可被视为有助于理论建设的概念。研究问题涉及波兰概念在其他方法背景下的定位:由于它与功能主义趋势有很大距离,因此假定它与政府间主义理论有联系。我们提出了两个假设,并对其进行了验证,结果表明波兰概念的主要弱点是缺乏范式根基。欧洲现实主义 "非自由主义的新政府间主义并不是政府间主义趋势中典型的有理有据的观点演变发展的结果,它似乎无视之前所有的理论成果。仅提及现实主义,而不界定思想的连续性,不足以将其视为现实主义概念。因此,这种观点不具有解释价值,而其规范性则是采用欧洲怀疑论和极端保守主义意识形态的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Cabinet formation under semi-presidentialism: European countries in comparison 半总统制下的内阁组建:欧洲国家比较
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0033
V. Lytvyn, A. S. Romanyuk
Abstract The article demonstrates that the rules and practices of cabinet formation and investitures should be taken into account to better grasp the variety of semi-presidentialism in Europe. This is extremely important, since semi-presidentialism as a constitutional system of government (primarily according to a minimalist approach to the definition) is the most common form of inter-institutional and political relations in European countries. The former is most often understood as a constitutional design of inter-institutional relations with a president popularly elected for a fixed term, as well as with a cabinet headed by a prime minister who are collectively responsible to parliament. Thus, not only presidents and parliaments, but cabinets too play a crucial role in the constitutional and political practice of semi-presidentialism, since the latter are collectively responsible to parliaments (or simultaneously to presidents), but are characterised by distinctive parameters of formation. The assumption and hypothesis are that options of cabinet formation and inter-institutional relations in this regard can structure European semi-presidentialism, even without affecting the definition of this constitutional design, but probably depending on the roles and powers of presidents and parliaments in cabinet formation, as well as types of semi-presidentialism regarding the consideration of who can dismiss the cabinet. Based on comparison and systematisation of the cases of European semi-presidentialism, it is justified that cabinet formation (including within various types and consequences of parliamentary votes of investiture in cabinets, as well as their absence) is typically focused on a junction of relations between presidents and parliaments, and are likely to serve as a classification indicator of semi-presidentialism. This is important for constitutional engineering, since detailing the optionality of semi-presidentialism as a constitutional design and system of government, particularly regarding cabinet formation, should extend the horizons, as well as systematise the idea of the options and effects of various institutional designs (in addition to presidentialism and parliamentarism) and political regimes (including democratic, autocratic and hybrid).
摘要 文章表明,要更好地把握欧洲半总统制的多样性,就应考虑到组阁和投资的规则和做法。这一点极为重要,因为半总统制作为一种宪政体制(主要根据最低限度的定义方法)是欧洲国家最常见的机构间关系和政治关系形式。前者通常被理解为一种宪法设计的机构间关系,总统由民选产生,任期固定,内阁由总理领导,共同对议会负责。因此,在半总统制的宪法和政治实践中,不仅总统和议会,内阁也起着至关重要的作用,因为内阁集体对议会负责(或同时对总统负责),但具有独特的组建参数。我们的假设和假定是,组阁方案和这方面的机构间关系可以构建欧洲半总统制,即使不影响这一宪法设计的定义,但可能取决于总统和议会在组阁中的作用和权力,以及半总统制在考虑谁可以解散内阁方面的类型。基于对欧洲半总统制案例的比较和系统化,有理由认为,内阁组建(包括内阁中各种类型和后果的议会入阁表决,以及不入阁表决)通常集中于总统和议会之间关系的交界处,并有可能成为半总统制的分类指标。这对宪法工程学非常重要,因为详细说明半总统制作为一种宪法设计和政府制度的可选择性,特别是在组阁方面的可选择性,应能扩大视野,并使各种制度设计(除总统制和议会制外)和政治体制(包括民主、专制和混合)的可选择性及其影响的理念系统化。
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引用次数: 0
The Russo-European Gas Trade and the Position of Southeast Europe between the Great Actors: Neo-imperialism, Conflict–Cooperation Perpetuum, and Soft Balancing 俄欧天然气贸易与东南欧在大国之间的地位:新帝国主义、冲突-合作永恒性与软平衡
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0031
D. Boban
Abstract The article analyses the Russian neo-imperialist strategy in the gas trade in Southeast Europe (SEE) and the reactions of the EU and the region’s countries to this. The first argument in the article is that the existence of favourable political, social and economic preconditions is necessary for the application of a neo-imperialist strategy. The second argument is that an individual country’s geographical position determines Russian interest in building transit pipelines on its territory. Because the gas trade exists in the framework of the conflict-cooperation perpetuum between the interested parties, the third argument is that this provokes a reaction from the EU and the affected countries in the form of soft balancing. This approach is intended to curb Russia’s power, but not to completely break a gas trade with this country. As the EU has been making efforts to counteract Russian geo-economic power by promoting diversification of the gas supply and funding new gas infrastructure projects, Russian influence in the region has been decreasing in recent years.
摘要 文章分析了俄罗斯在东南欧天然气贸易中的新帝国主义战略以及欧盟和该地区国家对此的反应。文章的第一个论点是,有利的政治、社会和经济先决条件是实施新帝国主义战略的必要条件。第二个论点是,单个国家的地理位置决定了俄罗斯对在其领土上建设过境管道的兴趣。由于天然气贸易存在于利益相关方之间的冲突-合作永恒框架中,因此第三种论点认为,这会激起欧盟和受影响国家以软平衡的形式做出反应。这种做法的目的是遏制俄罗斯的力量,而不是完全中断与该国的天然气贸易。由于欧盟一直在努力通过促进天然气供应多样化和资助新的天然气基础设施项目来抗衡俄罗斯的地缘经济力量,因此近年来俄罗斯在该地区的影响力不断下降。
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引用次数: 0
International energy trade: The EU’s position and energy security 国际能源贸易:欧盟的立场与能源安全
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0036
Milan Vošta
Abstract Increasing energy consumption and ensuring the supply of energy resources in sufficient quantities and changes in the energy mix of individual countries and regions are a pressing issue today. Besides their economic dimension, energy and energy policy also carry geopolitical and security importance. The ecological and social aspect is increasingly important; issues related to the availability of resources, stability of supply, efficiency and fuel prices are becoming more common and pressing. This study has expanded on the subject of energy dependence to include the concept of interdependence. It has also delved into international trade, incorporating this plane to provide a broad international dimension and emphasise the need to strengthen the energy security of individual states. The aim of this article is to show the gravity of the EU’s unilateral Russian-dominated import focus and the possibility of reshaping the pattern of energy imports into the EU. The analysis of energy trade has drawn on an interpretation of the outputs of available data, with the caveat that the war in Ukraine has limited momentum in this area. The results of the subject explored here are presented in the form of a discourse on opportunities to redirect trade and strengthen the EU’s energy security. The European Union, as a primary-energy import region, must revisit the territorial structure of its primary-energy imports, diversify its suppliers, change the energy mix and interconnect energy infrastructure by deploying new technologies.
摘要 能源消耗的不断增长、确保能源资源的充足供应以及各个国家和地区能源结构的变化是当今的一个紧迫问题。除了经济层面,能源和能源政策还具有地缘政治和安全方面的重要性。生态和社会方面也越来越重要;与资源可用性、供应稳定性、效率和燃料价格有关的问题也越来越普遍和紧迫。本研究在能源依赖性的基础上扩展了相互依存的概念。它还深入探讨了国际贸易问题,将这一层面纳入其中,以提供一个广泛的国际维度,并强调加强单个国家能源安全的必要性。本文旨在说明欧盟单方面以俄罗斯为主导的进口重点的严重性,以及重塑欧盟能源进口模式的可能性。对能源贸易的分析借鉴了对现有数据产出的解读,但需要注意的是,乌克兰战争限制了这一领域的发展势头。本文探讨的主题结果以论述调整贸易方向和加强欧盟能源安全的机会的形式呈现。欧盟作为主要能源进口地区,必须重新审视其主要能源进口的地域结构,使其供应商多样化,改变能源结构,并通过部署新技术实现能源基础设施的互联互通。
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引用次数: 0
Expert Knowledge on Environmental Peacebuilding: the social context of its diffusion in international politics and what it says about it 关于环境和平建设的专家知识:其在国际政治中传播的社会背景及其启示
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0037
Šárka Waisová
Abstract In the last two decades, environmental peacebuilding (EPBL) has become a rapidly growing field of research and practice and today, EPBL is embedded in academia, policy making, and education, as well as in practice. The goal here is to learn more about the social complexity and context of the production of expert knowledge on environmental peacebuilding (EPBL) and its diffusion in international politics in the period from 1990s to 2008. It was also discussed what the analysis of social context says about EPBL, and its diffusion. We conclude that as expert knowledge, EPBL emerged in practice, not in academia, and developed within narrow relations in a very small group of conservationists, scholars, and practitioners. Since the end of the 1990s, EPBL has spread globally, being distributed because it has been collectively enacted through relations and mediated by the intersubjective meanings and artefacts such as guidelines, projects, policies, conferences, reports, and books.
摘要 在过去的二十年里,环境和平建设(EPBL)已成为一个迅速发展的研究和实践领域,如今,环境和平建设已融入学术界、政策制定、教育和实践中。本文旨在进一步了解 20 世纪 90 年代至 2008 年期间环境和平建设(EPBL)专家知识产生的社会复杂性和背景及其在国际政治中的传播。我们还讨论了社会背景分析对环境和平建设及其传播的启示。我们得出的结论是,作为专家知识,EPBL 出现在实践中,而不是学术界,并且是在保护主义者、学者和实践者等极少数人的狭隘关系中发展起来的。自 20 世纪 90 年代末以来,EPBL 在全球范围内得到传播,因为它是通过各种关系集体形成的,并以主体间意义和人工制品(如指南、项目、政策、会议、报告和书籍)为媒介。
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引用次数: 0
Opportunities and Limits of Presidential Activism: Czech presidents compared 总统行动主义的机遇与局限:捷克总统比较
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0032
Lubomír Kopeček
Abstract This article analyses the use of powers by Czech presidents Václav Havel (1993–2003), Václav Klaus (2003–2013) and Miloš Zeman (2013–2023). The text is based on the concept of presidential activism, empirically examining mainly their interactions with governments and legislative vetoes. The results show that important incentives for presidential activism are non-cohesive coalition governments, minority governments, slim government majorities in parliament, the collapse of governments and a chaotic parliament. On the other hand, the internal cohesion of a government acts as a constraint on presidential activism. Popularly elected Zeman interpreted his powers much more widely in appointing and removing governments and ministers than Havel or Klaus, who were elected by parliament. By contrast, Zeman used his legislative powers less than his two predecessors, which was apparently influenced by their low success (with some exceptions) in this area. The president’s political proximity to the government was found to only sometimes limit his agility. Czech presidents have rarely been passive. A specific factor that affected activism, albeit only to a limited extent, was the poor health of Havel and Zeman at certain moments. To reduce systemic risks in the future, it would be useful to define more precisely the rules for appointing and dismissing a government and individual ministers.
摘要 本文分析了捷克总统瓦茨拉夫-哈维尔(1993-2003 年)、瓦茨拉夫-克劳斯(2003-2013 年)和米洛什-泽曼(2013-2023 年)的权力使用情况。文章以总统行动主义的概念为基础,主要对总统与政府的互动以及立法否决权进行了实证研究。研究结果表明,总统行动主义的重要诱因是非凝聚性联合政府、少数派政府、政府在议会中的微弱多数、政府垮台和混乱的议会。另一方面,政府的内部凝聚力也对总统的能动性起到制约作用。与议会选举产生的哈维尔和克劳斯相比,民选总统泽曼在任命和罢免政府和部长时对权力的解释要广泛得多。相比之下,泽曼对立法权的使用少于他的两位前任,这显然是受到了他们在立法方面的低成功率(除个别情况外)的影响。人们发现,总统在政治上与政府的亲疏关系有时会限制其灵活性。捷克总统很少消极怠工。哈维尔和泽曼在某些时候健康状况不佳是影响积极性的一个具体因素,尽管程度有限。为降低未来的系统性风险,应更准确地界定任免政府和个别部长的规则。
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引用次数: 0
Media Literacy, active citizenship and sustainable democracy: a case study of Slovenia 媒体素养、积极公民和可持续民主:斯洛文尼亚个案研究
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0018
Erika Džajić Uršič, Alenka Pandiloska Jurak
Abstract This article shares research findings to support the case for media literacy education to facilitate robust media engagement by Slovenian citizens. It shares the outcomes of a project MELIA Observatory funded by the Interreg Danube, which brought together researchers, practitioners, professionals, civil society, and key stakeholders, including journalists, teachers, students, librarians and information professionals. The article aims to evaluate state-of-the-art of media literacy and engaged social responsibility within sustainable democracy in Slovenia. We first present public institutions involved in Slovenian where we include media regulation with a focus on media literacy and its implications for active citizenship and sustainable democracy. Secondly, laws governing all aspects of media are presented, again emphasizing the connection between media literacy and active citizenship which is most evident here. From the findings, media education requires a “reboot” to promote critical resilience through a sophisticated academic deconstructionism of media mixed with theorised production of the same media before it can be successful. Slovenia as a representative partner of the MELIA Observatory is a new democracy, and its democratic consolidation processes have been problematic, as seen by issues of political aspects, hate speech, discrimination, misinformation, and weak media freedom regimes.
本文分享了研究结果,以支持媒体素养教育的案例,以促进斯洛文尼亚公民的媒体参与。它分享了由多瑙河Interreg资助的MELIA天文台项目的成果,该项目汇集了研究人员、从业人员、专业人员、民间社会和主要利益攸关方,包括记者、教师、学生、图书馆员和信息专业人员。本文旨在评估斯洛文尼亚可持续民主中媒体素养和参与社会责任的最新水平。我们首先介绍了涉及斯洛文尼亚语的公共机构,其中包括媒体监管,重点是媒体素养及其对积极公民和可持续民主的影响。其次,提出了管理媒体各个方面的法律,再次强调媒体素养与积极公民之间的联系,这在这里是最明显的。从研究结果来看,媒体教育需要“重启”,通过对媒体进行复杂的学术解构,结合对同一媒体的理论化生产,促进批判性的恢复力,然后才能取得成功。斯洛文尼亚作为MELIA观察站的代表伙伴,是一个新兴的民主国家,其民主巩固过程一直存在问题,如政治方面的问题、仇恨言论、歧视、错误信息和薄弱的媒体自由制度。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Parameters vs Voting Behaviour in the Polish Presidential Election in 2020: Poviat level analysis 2020年波兰总统选举中的经济参数与投票行为:波维亚层面分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0027
Małgorzata Madej
Abstract Voting behaviour is affected by various factors and the effect varies in individual countries. Economic and geographic factors are among the major criteria taken into account in electorate segmentation. The present study analyses them in the case of the Polish presidential election in 2020, held under the circumstances of strong polarisation within the society and controversies surrounding the rule-of-law and democratic standards. The present study analyses voter turnout and results of the second round of the election, focusing on the subregional level of poviats (counties). The analysis considers macroeconomic factors (such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, average remuneration), financial condition of the local government (measured by budgetary revenues) and urbanisation (comparing the biggest cities to other counties). The findings confirm correlation between the macroeconomic parameters of the subregion and voter turnout. In the case of voting results, the hypotheses concerning macroeconomic parameters and the status of the biggest cities are confirmed, but there’s no evidence of correlation of the average remuneration on the poviat level and support for the centre-liberal candidate.
投票行为受多种因素的影响,其影响在不同国家有所不同。经济和地理因素是考虑选民划分的主要标准。本研究以2020年波兰总统选举为例进行分析,该选举是在社会内部强烈两极分化以及围绕法治和民主标准存在争议的情况下举行的。本研究分析了选民投票率和第二轮选举的结果,重点是分区域一级的县(县)。该分析考虑了宏观经济因素(如人均GDP、失业率、平均薪酬)、地方政府的财政状况(以预算收入衡量)和城市化(将大城市与其他县进行比较)。调查结果证实了该分区域的宏观经济参数与选民投票率之间的相关性。就投票结果而言,宏观经济参数和大城市地位的假设得到了证实,但没有证据表明基层平均薪酬与中自由派候选人的支持率之间存在相关性。
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引用次数: 0
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Politics in Central Europe
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