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Populist attitudes in Croatia: first analysis with notes on conceptualisation and measurement 克罗地亚的民粹主义态度:关于概念化和衡量的第一次分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0007
Vuksan-Ćusa Bartul
Abstract This paper analyses individual-level populism in Croatia. Starting from the ideational definition of populism, the study tests to what extent the economic grievances, sociocultural and ideational explanations, respectively, reflect the average populism subscriber in Croatia. The analysis was made using hierarchical linear regression based on field survey data from 2020 (n=979). Results show how populism is mostly associated with authoritarianism, conspiratorial thinking and institutional (dis)trust. The economic grievances explanation has only marginal relevance, revealing that sociotropic perception is more important than the socioeconomic position of the individual. Furthermore, the study emphasises the importance of operationalising populism in accordance with the assumed structure of the concept. In the same vein, it is noted that populism on an attitudinal level should be separated from the concepts of thick ideologies. If this is not done with caution, the conclusions drawn are questionable, and the analytical contribution of populism is imprecisely determined.
摘要本文分析了克罗地亚个人层面的民粹主义。从民粹主义的概念定义开始,本研究测试了经济不满、社会文化和概念解释在多大程度上分别反映了克罗地亚民粹主义的平均订户。该分析基于2020年的实地调查数据(n=979),采用分层线性回归进行。研究结果表明,民粹主义主要与威权主义、阴谋思维和制度信任有关。经济不满的解释只有边际相关性,表明反社会认知比个人的社会经济地位更重要。此外,该研究强调了根据民粹主义概念的假定结构来操作民粹主义的重要性。同样,人们注意到,在态度层面上的民粹主义应该与厚意识形态的概念分开。如果不谨慎行事,得出的结论是值得怀疑的,民粹主义的分析贡献也不准确。
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引用次数: 0
Ostalgy in Flux? Transformations of the concept reflected in the case of (East) Germany 变化中的记忆?概念的转变反映在(东)德国的例子中
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0003
Petr Körfer
Abstract The contribution focuses on the origin, genesis and transformation of (n)ostalgy in the new German Bundesländer. It focuses on the political-ideological, life biography, societal and economic frame of ostalgy and presents this phaenomenon as a general East-Central European feature. Later, it specifically analyses the East German case presenting and analysing the uniqueness of this case. The intra-German discourse is used as the main shape for such analysis, and the bipolarisation of the discourse and the stereotypes used. In the last analytical part we present the transmission of ostalgic supporters of the successor Party of Democratic Socialism towards the new radical party Alternative for Germany, showing the overlap of ostalgy as the socio-economic and ideo-political background with the new forms of anti-liberal and nativist stances.
摘要:本文主要研究新德语Bundesländer中(n)ostalgy的起源、形成和转变。它侧重于政治-意识形态,生活史,社会和经济框架的怀旧,并提出这一现象作为一个普遍的东中欧特征。随后,具体分析了东德案例,提出并分析了该案例的独特性。德国内部话语被用作这种分析的主要形式,话语的两极化和刻板印象被使用。在最后的分析部分,我们展示了继承民主社会主义党的怀旧主义支持者向新的激进政党德国新选择党的传递,显示了作为社会经济和意识形态政治背景的怀旧主义与反自由主义和本土主义立场的新形式的重叠。
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引用次数: 0
‘Sympathy for the Devil?’ McDonald’s between imperialism and the building of post-Yugoslav Serbian identity “同情魔鬼?”帝国主义和后南斯拉夫塞尔维亚身份的建立之间的麦当劳
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0005
Laurent Tournois
Abstract Since the opening of its first restaurant in a communist country, which was Yugoslavia, not only is the huge success of the U.S. franchise something that was merely not supposed to happen, but ‘consuming McDonald’s’ has left its mark on the post ‑Yugoslav identity building process. Our central argument is that the singularity of the ‘McDonaldization of Serbia’ encompasses the interactions between expansion/ localness, dominance/adaptation and those who take part in this historical process which spans more than three decades, their responses that apprise, shape and constrain their everyday life conditions. This paper starts from the observation that most of the existing scholarly literature on identity building addresses the end of the Yugoslav experience whether through state narratives or identities introverted. We chose a different and understudied angle, which is a people ‑centred perspective. Accordingly, this paper uses different research methods under the umbrella of a biographical perspective from 1988 to 2021. Ethnographic fieldwork, comprising 45 semi ‑structured interviews with Belgradians, aims to expand scholarly knowledge on consumption and identity building in post ‑Yugoslav Serbia. In addition, conversations with influential individuals contributed to identify periods in the intermingled life of McDonald’s and people in contemporary Serbia. In the early 1990s, the McDonaldisation to some extent escalated cultural disputes between the republics against a backdrop of identity tensions. During the period spanning from the late years of Milosevic’s rule to the advent of Alexandar Vučić in 2012, political conflicts over sovereignty sparked ambiguous civic responses. Finally, McDonald’s has brought Serbs into the Western sphere which is probably best encapsulated in a local popular saying ‘McDonald’s is McDonald’s’ (‘Mek je Mek’), despite being considered ‘tasty’/unhealthy, expensive/rewarding or socially stimulating.
摘要自第一家餐厅在共产主义国家南斯拉夫开业以来,美国特许经营的巨大成功不仅是不应该发生的,而且“消费麦当劳”也在后南斯拉夫的身份建设过程中留下了印记。我们的核心论点是,“塞尔维亚麦当劳化”的独特性包括扩张/地方性、主导地位/适应与那些参与这一跨越三十多年的历史进程的人之间的互动,他们的反应影响、塑造和限制了他们的日常生活条件。本文首先观察到,大多数现有的关于身份建构的学术文献都通过国家叙事或身份内向来解决南斯拉夫经历的终结。我们选择了一个不同的、研究不足的角度,那就是以人为本的视角。因此,从1988年到2021年,本文在传记视角的保护伞下使用了不同的研究方法。民族志实地调查包括对贝尔格莱德人的45次半结构化采访,旨在扩大对后南斯拉夫塞尔维亚消费和身份认同建设的学术知识。此外,与有影响力的个人的对话有助于确定麦当劳和当代塞尔维亚人混合生活的时期。20世纪90年代初,在身份紧张的背景下,麦当劳化在一定程度上加剧了共和国之间的文化争端。从米洛舍维奇统治的最后几年到2012年亚历山大·武契奇的出现,围绕主权的政治冲突引发了模棱两可的公民反应。最后,麦当劳将塞尔维亚人带入了西方世界,这可能最好地体现在当地流行的一句话“麦当劳就是麦当劳”(“Mek je Mek”)中,尽管它被认为是“美味的”/不健康的、昂贵的/有回报的或有社会刺激性的。
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引用次数: 0
Cui prodest? Why local governance came to a deadlock in Hungary 崔刺激吗?匈牙利的地方治理为何陷入僵局
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0002
László Kákai, I. Kovács
Abstract More than thirty years after Hungary’s transition to democracy and the change of territorial governance model, the time is now right to assess the outcome. This paper is primarily an assessment, concluding that the deadlock of the Hungarian local government system can be explained not only by the centralisation efforts of the governing and opposition political elites or the continuous decline of the budgetary position, but also by the indifference of local society. The fact is that the Hungarian local governments were not protected from being squeezed out of a significant part of public services, from a narrowing of their room to manoeuvre and from their authority position being weakened, by the general constitutional provisions introduced in 1990. An important proposition of this paper is that (local) society, although still more trusting of local governments than the central government according to various surveys, has not been able to become an ‘ally’ of local governments. The question rightly posed in the title of the paper is, whose interest is the local government system, who finds the values of self ‑governance important? The paper seeks (based mainly on academic literature and on its own and secondary analyses) the reasons/changes that have led to the stalemate of Hungarian local governments despite their initially strong mandate.
摘要匈牙利向民主过渡和领土治理模式改变三十多年后,现在是评估结果的时候了。本文主要是一项评估,得出的结论是,匈牙利地方政府系统的僵局不仅可以解释为执政和反对党政治精英的集中努力或预算状况的持续下降,还可以解释为地方社会的冷漠。事实是,匈牙利地方政府没有受到1990年出台的一般宪法条款的保护,不会被挤出公共服务的重要部分,不会被缩小其回旋余地,也不会被削弱其权威地位。本文的一个重要命题是,尽管根据各种调查,(地方)社会仍然比中央政府更信任地方政府,但还未能成为地方政府的“盟友”。论文标题中正确提出的问题是,谁的利益是地方政府系统,谁认为自治的价值观很重要?本文寻求(主要基于学术文献以及其自身和次要分析)导致匈牙利地方政府陷入僵局的原因/变化,尽管它们最初拥有强大的授权。
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引用次数: 0
The Populist Discourse of the Hungarian Prime Minister: The Case Study of Gyöngyöspata and Migration Crisis 匈牙利总理的民粹主义话语——以Gyöngyöspata与移民危机为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0001
Tofig Ismayilzada
Abstract The study aims to analyse if the Hungarian prime minister attempted to portray an ‘other’ image of the Roma ethnic minority group during the segregated primary school conflict in Gyöngyöspata. Moreover, the study will explore the Hungarian prime minister’s discourse on the migration crisis to understand if Viktor Orbán adopted the same communication strategy as in the Gyöngyöspata conflict. Comparing the two cases will allow us to identify the key similarities and differences in the discourse adopted by the Hungarian prime minister in different events. This research uses the qualitative content analysis methodology to examine the collected data. Besides this, the study concludes that Viktor Orbán attempted to portray an ‘other’ image of the Roma ethnic minority group during the Gyöngyöspata conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by analysing the Hungarian prime minister’s discourse on the Gyöngyöspata conflict and comparing his discourse on both cases.
摘要本研究旨在分析匈牙利总理在Gyöngyöspata小学种族隔离冲突期间是否试图描绘罗姆少数民族的“另一个”形象。此外,这项研究将探讨匈牙利总理关于移民危机的言论,以了解维克托·奥尔班是否采取了与Gyöngyöspata冲突中相同的沟通策略。比较这两个案例将使我们能够确定匈牙利总理在不同事件中所采用的话语中的关键相似之处和差异之处。本研究采用定性内容分析方法对收集到的数据进行检验。除此之外,该研究得出结论,维克托·奥尔班试图在Gyöngyöspata冲突期间描绘罗姆少数民族的“另一种”形象。本研究旨在通过分析匈牙利总理对Gyöngyöspata冲突的论述,并比较他对这两种情况的论述,填补文献中的空白。
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引用次数: 0
Poor communication and weak coordination: Why is the development cooperation fragmented and international commitments to make it more efficient not working? 沟通不畅、协调不力:为什么发展合作是碎片化的,为什么提高发展合作效率的国际承诺没有发挥作用?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0008
Šárka Waisová
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引用次数: 0
What Explains Party Membership in Post-Yugoslav Countries: Socialism, Nationalism, Clientelism or False Reporting? 如何解释后南斯拉夫国家的党性:社会主义、民族主义、裙带主义还是虚假报道?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2023-0004
Dario Nikić Čakar, Goran Čular
Abstract Earlier studies on party membership in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) led to the conclusion that political parties in new democracies are not inclined to build strong party organisations or invest in recruiting members. However, several recent individual country studies point to the opposite conclusions, indicating that there are significant cross ‑country variations in party membership figures across the post ‑communist region. By using a unique dataset on party membership in post ‑communist Europe, in this article we argue that the average membership level in CEE seems to be higher than in Western Europe. This holds true even when party membership figures for CEE countries are ‘corrected’ after conducting validity and reliability tests. Furthermore, we also find that party membership figures across CEE countries vary to a much higher degree than in established Western democracies. Our analysis shows that former Yugoslav countries are clustered at the top and other CEE countries at the bottom, leading to the conclusion that selection bias has been present in many studies on party membership that only included a limited number of post ‑communist countries. In order to explain higher levels of party membership in post ‑Yugoslav countries, we test three sets of explanatory variables, namely socialism, nationalism and clientelism. This exploratory study suggests that nationalist movements from the early period of transition, coupled with clientelistic politics, could serve as the most convincing explanation of high membership density in former Yugoslav countries.
摘要早期对中欧和东欧党员的研究得出的结论是,新民主国家的政党不倾向于建立强大的政党组织或投资招募党员。然而,最近的几项个别国家研究得出了相反的结论,表明整个后共产主义地区的党员人数存在显著的跨国差异。在本文中,通过使用一个关于后共产主义欧洲党员的独特数据集,我们认为中东欧的平均党员水平似乎高于西欧。即使在进行有效性和可靠性测试后对中东欧国家的党员人数进行了“校正”,这一点也成立。此外,我们还发现,中东欧国家的党员人数差异远高于西方老牌民主国家。我们的分析表明,前南斯拉夫国家排名靠前,其他中东欧国家排名靠后,这导致了一个结论,即在许多关于党员的研究中都存在选择偏见,这些研究只包括少数后共产主义国家。为了解释后南斯拉夫国家党员水平较高的原因,我们测试了三组解释变量,即社会主义、民族主义和庇护主义。这项探索性研究表明,过渡初期的民族主义运动,加上裙带关系的政治,可能是前南斯拉夫国家成员密度高的最令人信服的解释。
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引用次数: 0
A correlation of the measurement techniques and their outputs in the study of the subnational level of politics 国家以下层级政治研究中测量技术及其产出的相关性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2022-0023
V. Hnatiuk, Svitlana Bula
Abstract At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the role and value of subnational research in comparative political science are further strengthened, given that the political life of society is moving in two interdependent directions: localisation and internationalisation. Instead, the specifics of the subnational topic contribute to changes and innovations in the implementation of various methodological techniques in the study of subnational units and their structural elements. However, the question of correlating outputs of techniques – objective and subjective – still remains unresolved, and therefore actualises the following formulation: how they appear equivalent in the practical plane, as their theoretical context is illustrated balanced within equivalence in spatial research politics on a subnational scale. In other words, whether the results of each technique are approximate or distinctive from each other from the point of view of the final situation. In the article, a variable degree of correlation has been demonstrated between both techniques and also a hypothesis has been presented about the nature and type of such interactions on the example of three cases (Transcarpathian, Lviv and Chernivtsi regions) in Ukraine in the period 2010–2015.
摘要在21世纪第三个十年初,鉴于社会的政治生活正朝着两个相互依存的方向发展:本地化和国际化,国家以下研究在比较政治学中的作用和价值得到了进一步加强。相反,国家以下各级专题的具体情况有助于在研究国家以下各级单位及其结构要素时,在实施各种方法技术方面进行变革和创新。然而,将技术的输出(客观和主观)关联起来的问题仍然没有解决,因此实现了以下公式:它们在实践层面上如何表现出等效性,因为它们的理论背景在国家以下尺度的空间研究政治中被证明是平衡的。换句话说,从最终情况的角度来看,每种技术的结果是近似的还是不同的。在这篇文章中,已经证明了这两种技术之间的不同程度的相关性,并以2010-2015年期间乌克兰的三个案例(外喀尔巴阡山、利沃夫和切尔尼夫齐地区)为例,提出了关于这种相互作用的性质和类型的假设。
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引用次数: 0
Does hatred rule political communication on social media? How do politicians talk about the EU on Facebook, and how do their followers react? 仇恨统治着社交媒体上的政治交流吗?政客们如何在脸书上谈论欧盟,他们的追随者如何反应?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2022-0021
K. Böhmer
Abstract This paper focuses on the communication of four Slovak political leaders about the European Union’s agenda on Facebook and their followers’ interactions. As cognitive authorities of their followers, politicians directly impact public perception of current news by providing their own opinions and views. The paper studies the politicians’ followers’ engagement through manual qualitative sentiment analysis. The results suggest that while moderate Facebook users who support the EU are not active and do not show their support openly, users who condemn the EU express their negative sentiments regardless of the politician’s sentiment in the post. If a politician praises the EU, the followers criticise it. If a politician criticises the EU, followers agree with them. That leads us to the conclusion that social media dynamised the concept of cognitive authority.
摘要本文主要研究了四位斯洛伐克政治领导人在Facebook上就欧盟议程及其追随者的互动进行的沟通。政治家作为其追随者的认知权威,通过提供自己的观点和观点,直接影响公众对当前新闻的认知。本文采用人工定性情感分析的方法研究了政治家追随者的参与。结果表明,虽然支持欧盟的温和Facebook用户并不活跃,也不会公开表达他们的支持,但谴责欧盟的用户表达了他们的负面情绪,而不管政治家在帖子中的情绪。如果一位政治家赞扬欧盟,他的追随者就会批评欧盟。如果一位政治家批评欧盟,他的追随者会表示赞同。这让我们得出这样的结论:社交媒体推动了认知权威的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Power and powerlessness of the civil society in Hungarian illiberal democracy between 2010–2022 2010-2022年匈牙利非自由民主国家公民社会的权力与无能为力
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2022-0022
V. Havasi
Abstract In the study we examine the pulling, pushing and pulling back factors and events that influenced civil activism in Hungary between 2010–2022, which was the period of the birth of illiberal democracy in the country. We describe – relying on newspaper reports – the most important events and campaigns in the given period and their effectiveness. In Hungary citizenship activity is at a low level, even within Central-Europe. The viability of civil society is decreasing, especially in terms of financing opportunities, legal environment, image of civil sphere and ability to interest representation. We found that between 2010–2022 the presence of grievances as triggers was constant in the country, while the opportunity structures for action narrowed somewhat, but the illiberal Hungarian system is restrictive and not oppressive. There is a way to protest, to act in a different way, and actions do take place, but it is rarely possible to influence decision-makers - mostly in simple matters that affect everyone. However, social movements do not only fight for instrumental goals, but they also mobilise people, build organisations, contribute to self-development, form collective identity and (re)socialise the participants. These are important consequences even if the instrumental goals are not achieved.
摘要在这项研究中,我们考察了2010-2022年间影响匈牙利公民激进主义的拉、推和拉因素和事件,这是该国非自由民主的诞生时期。我们根据报纸报道描述了特定时期内最重要的事件和活动及其有效性。匈牙利的公民活动水平很低,甚至在中欧也是如此。民间社会的生存能力正在下降,特别是在融资机会、法律环境、民间形象和利益代表能力方面。我们发现,在2010年至2022年期间,作为导火索的不满情绪在该国持续存在,而采取行动的机会结构有所缩小,但不自由的匈牙利制度是限制性的,而不是压迫性的。有一种抗议的方式,以不同的方式行事,行动确实发生了,但很少有可能影响决策者——主要是在影响每个人的简单事情上。然而,社会运动不仅为工具性目标而战,而且还动员人们,建立组织,为自我发展做出贡献,形成集体身份,并(重新)使参与者社交。即使工具性目标没有实现,这些都是重要的后果。
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引用次数: 0
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Politics in Central Europe
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