Abstract:In its early years of independence, Malaysia faced a communist insurgency and was in a state of conflict with Indonesia, its larger neighbor, and for security purposes it sought close ties with the Commonwealth. It eventually repaired relations with Indonesia and joined the Non-Aligned Movement in 1970, the same year that its first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, became the first secretary-general of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Although Sunni Muslim Malays in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had looked toward the Ottoman Empire for support as Great Britain colonized the area, independent Malaysia's connections with the Middle East were initially through pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia and students studying religion at al-Azhar in Egypt. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed strengthened ties to the Middle East during the 1980s, becoming dependent on financial assistance from Saudi Arabia until Malaysia industrialized. Since then, Malaysians have invested in Middle Eastern countries. Domestically, Muslim Malays have dominated the politics of the country, and since the 1969 parliamentary elections authorities have placed greater emphasis on Islamic values while also keeping a close watch on Muslim citizens who have veered from the practice of "moderate Sunni orthodoxy." Through a balanced approach, Malaysia, a middle power, has been able to avoid getting involved in Middle Eastern disputes, while generally benefiting from economic investments from countries in that region. It has also been a strong supporter of the Palestinians' right of self-determination and has consistently refused to establish relations with Israel. Using government documents and newspaper articles, this article addresses that subject by examining Malaysia's interregional connections with middle powers in the Middle East, particularly Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia.
摘要:在独立初期，马来西亚面临共产主义叛乱，并与邻国印度尼西亚处于冲突状态，出于安全考虑，马来西亚寻求与英联邦建立密切关系。它最终修复了与印度尼西亚的关系，并于1970年加入了不结盟运动，同年，它的第一任总理Tunku Abdul Rahman成为伊斯兰会议组织的首任秘书长。虽然在19世纪和20世纪初，当英国殖民该地区时，逊尼派穆斯林马来人曾向奥斯曼帝国寻求支持，但独立后的马来西亚与中东的联系最初是通过前往沙特阿拉伯朝圣和在埃及爱资哈尔学习宗教的学生。总理马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德(Mahathir Mohamed)在20世纪80年代加强了与中东的关系，在马来西亚工业化之前，他一直依赖沙特阿拉伯的财政援助。从那时起，马来西亚人开始在中东国家投资。在国内，穆斯林马来人主导着该国的政治，自1969年议会选举以来，当局更加强调伊斯兰价值观，同时也密切关注那些偏离“温和的逊尼派正统”做法的穆斯林公民。通过一种平衡的方式，马来西亚这个中等大国得以避免卷入中东争端，同时总体上受益于该地区国家的经济投资。它也是巴勒斯坦人自决权利的坚定支持者，并一贯拒绝与以色列建立关系。本文利用政府文件和报纸文章，通过研究马来西亚与中东中等大国(特别是土耳其、伊朗和沙特阿拉伯)的区域间联系来解决这一问题。
{"title":"Malaysia and the Muslim Middle East: Political and Economic Connections","authors":"Michael B. Bishku","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In its early years of independence, Malaysia faced a communist insurgency and was in a state of conflict with Indonesia, its larger neighbor, and for security purposes it sought close ties with the Commonwealth. It eventually repaired relations with Indonesia and joined the Non-Aligned Movement in 1970, the same year that its first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, became the first secretary-general of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Although Sunni Muslim Malays in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had looked toward the Ottoman Empire for support as Great Britain colonized the area, independent Malaysia's connections with the Middle East were initially through pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia and students studying religion at al-Azhar in Egypt. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed strengthened ties to the Middle East during the 1980s, becoming dependent on financial assistance from Saudi Arabia until Malaysia industrialized. Since then, Malaysians have invested in Middle Eastern countries. Domestically, Muslim Malays have dominated the politics of the country, and since the 1969 parliamentary elections authorities have placed greater emphasis on Islamic values while also keeping a close watch on Muslim citizens who have veered from the practice of \"moderate Sunni orthodoxy.\" Through a balanced approach, Malaysia, a middle power, has been able to avoid getting involved in Middle Eastern disputes, while generally benefiting from economic investments from countries in that region. It has also been a strong supporter of the Palestinians' right of self-determination and has consistently refused to establish relations with Israel. Using government documents and newspaper articles, this article addresses that subject by examining Malaysia's interregional connections with middle powers in the Middle East, particularly Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"291 - 313"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43641999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The New Latin America by Fernando Calderón and Manuel Castells (review)","authors":"J. Rausch","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0039","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"411 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46772460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Out of the Shadow: Revisiting the Revolution from Post-Peace Guatemala ed. by Julie Gibbings and Heather Vrana (review)","authors":"Yoly Zentella","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0041","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"415 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47700258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Inside the Battle of Algiers: Memoir of a Woman Freedom Fighter by Zohra Drif (review)","authors":"P. Magnarella","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0047","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"428 - 431"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66417216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Agency, Gender, and Globalization","authors":"Cathy Skidmore-Hess","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0052","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"439 - 444"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43490450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Neva Again: Hip Hop Art, Activism, and Education in Post-Apartheid South Africa ed. by Adam Haupt et al. (review)","authors":"M. W. Muiu","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"408 - 411"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48788755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Historical Dictionary of Ecuador by George M. Lauderbaugh (review)","authors":"Evan C. Rothera","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0042","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"417 - 419"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41590402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article analyzes factors behind the rapid deterioration of India–Nepal relations since September 2015, when Nepal's Constituent Assembly adopted a new constitution. Nepal's Madhesis, roughly 30 percent of Nepal's population, concentrated in the southern plain region, rejected the constitution, as it did not address the grievances against which they had been protesting. The Madhesi demands were also supported by India. In fast-tracking the adoption of the constitution, Nepal's major party leaders had also shunned India's advice. India escalated by imposing an economic blockade on landlocked Nepal from the major transit points along the India-Nepal border; Nepal called it an unjustified "blockade." Kathmandu, in turn, moved closer to India's top rival, China, to thwart the Indian pressure. China's role has continued to rise after India opened the transit points in early 2016. Nepal's relations with India took a further plunge in 2020 as Nepal objected to the inclusion of some of Nepal's westernmost areas in India's revised map. Nepal's post-monarchy politics and China's leveraging of its economic and political strength to grow its influence in Nepal have raised new challenges to the hitherto dominant role that India has historically played. India's growing strategic closeness to the United States further complicates Nepal's relations with its influential neighbors. The historic tendency on the part of Nepal's political leaders to seek foreign support in their factional and interparty rivalries has further widened the scope for external meddling.
{"title":"India's Troubled Relations with Kathmandu: Nepal's Republican Turn and the China Factor","authors":"Pramod K. Kantha","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyzes factors behind the rapid deterioration of India–Nepal relations since September 2015, when Nepal's Constituent Assembly adopted a new constitution. Nepal's Madhesis, roughly 30 percent of Nepal's population, concentrated in the southern plain region, rejected the constitution, as it did not address the grievances against which they had been protesting. The Madhesi demands were also supported by India. In fast-tracking the adoption of the constitution, Nepal's major party leaders had also shunned India's advice. India escalated by imposing an economic blockade on landlocked Nepal from the major transit points along the India-Nepal border; Nepal called it an unjustified \"blockade.\" Kathmandu, in turn, moved closer to India's top rival, China, to thwart the Indian pressure. China's role has continued to rise after India opened the transit points in early 2016. Nepal's relations with India took a further plunge in 2020 as Nepal objected to the inclusion of some of Nepal's westernmost areas in India's revised map. Nepal's post-monarchy politics and China's leveraging of its economic and political strength to grow its influence in Nepal have raised new challenges to the hitherto dominant role that India has historically played. India's growing strategic closeness to the United States further complicates Nepal's relations with its influential neighbors. The historic tendency on the part of Nepal's political leaders to seek foreign support in their factional and interparty rivalries has further widened the scope for external meddling.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"314 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49378656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The study aims to investigate the local livelihood impacts of land conversion associated with oil palm plantations in Kapuas Hulu Regency. It asks, How does the expansion of oil palm plantations transform rural livelihood trajectories? To answer that question, sustainable livelihoods analysis (SLA) was used to measure livelihood impacts among different local community groups in three villages of Miau Merah, Janting, and Badau in Kapuas Hulu Regency. According to SLA theory, the more diversified household economic assets are, the more diversified income will be. Household assets include financial capital, natural capital, social capital, human capital, and physical capital. In the case of Kapuas Hulu, the results of this research suggest that household assets are unequally distributed among rich, middle, and poor rural households. These inequalities occurred for two reasons. First, agrarian transformation associated with oil palm brought about new environmental problems that put pressure on social bonds within rural households. Nevertheless, richer households were able to overcome these pressures by purchasing fertilizer and increasing landholdings, whereas the majority of poor households are susceptible to income loss due to limited access to land and fertilizer. The second reason relates to education. The majority of rich and middle-wealth households can access primary education and financial loans. With more livelihood assets, these households have a variety of income streams, including from skilled employment or local businesses. However, poor households, which have limited economic assets and low formal education, have limited income-earning opportunities and are usually dependent on low-skill labor on oil palm plantations.
摘要：本研究旨在调查Kapuas Hulu县与油棕种植园相关的土地转换对当地生计的影响。它问道：油棕榈种植园的扩张如何改变农村的生计轨迹？为了回答这个问题，使用可持续生计分析（SLA）来衡量Kapuas Hulu Regency Miau Merah、Janting和Badau三个村庄不同地方社区群体的生计影响。根据SLA理论，家庭经济资产越多样化，收入也就越多样化。家庭资产包括金融资本、自然资本、社会资本、人力资本和实物资本。以Kapuas Hulu为例，研究结果表明，家庭资产在农村富裕、中等和贫困家庭中的分配不均衡。出现这些不平等有两个原因。首先，与油棕相关的农业转型带来了新的环境问题，给农村家庭的社会纽带带来了压力。尽管如此，富裕家庭能够通过购买化肥和增加土地保有量来克服这些压力，而大多数贫困家庭由于获得土地和化肥的机会有限，容易遭受收入损失。第二个原因与教育有关。大多数富裕和中等财富家庭都可以获得小学教育和金融贷款。有了更多的生计资产，这些家庭有了各种收入来源，包括技术就业或当地企业。然而，经济资产有限、正规教育程度低的贫困家庭，收入机会有限，通常依赖油棕种植园的低技能劳动力。
{"title":"Oil Palm and Livelihood Disparities in Kapuas Hulu Regency, West Kalimantan Province, Indonesia","authors":"Albert Hasudungan","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The study aims to investigate the local livelihood impacts of land conversion associated with oil palm plantations in Kapuas Hulu Regency. It asks, How does the expansion of oil palm plantations transform rural livelihood trajectories? To answer that question, sustainable livelihoods analysis (SLA) was used to measure livelihood impacts among different local community groups in three villages of Miau Merah, Janting, and Badau in Kapuas Hulu Regency. According to SLA theory, the more diversified household economic assets are, the more diversified income will be. Household assets include financial capital, natural capital, social capital, human capital, and physical capital. In the case of Kapuas Hulu, the results of this research suggest that household assets are unequally distributed among rich, middle, and poor rural households. These inequalities occurred for two reasons. First, agrarian transformation associated with oil palm brought about new environmental problems that put pressure on social bonds within rural households. Nevertheless, richer households were able to overcome these pressures by purchasing fertilizer and increasing landholdings, whereas the majority of poor households are susceptible to income loss due to limited access to land and fertilizer. The second reason relates to education. The majority of rich and middle-wealth households can access primary education and financial loans. With more livelihood assets, these households have a variety of income streams, including from skilled employment or local businesses. However, poor households, which have limited economic assets and low formal education, have limited income-earning opportunities and are usually dependent on low-skill labor on oil palm plantations.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"261 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46119488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Trump and Iran: From Containment to Confrontation by Nader Entessar and Kaveh L. Afrasiabi (review)","authors":"Yeprem Mehranian","doi":"10.1353/gss.2021.0048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2021.0048","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"431 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43941781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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