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The EU’s neighbourhood policy towards the South Caucasus: expanding the European security community 欧盟对南高加索地区的周边政策:扩大欧洲安全共同体
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1724389
Laure Delcour
focuses on the old propaganda slogan, the “Friendship of Nations” – now cynically devoid of any meaning. The chapter revives it by infusing it with real-life experiences, memories and understandings of Soviet migrants and Soviet citizens. Wistfulness does not give way to a blind nostalgia, as Sahadeo’s interviewees keep the narrative in place by astute comments comparing the friendship to that “of Robinson [Crusoe] and Friday” (p. 59). Chapter 3 focuses on place making practices, ambivalent welcome, and settling in. It tells the story of new beginnings, gender relations, cultural adaptions in spaces that officially lacked any form of social or ethnic segregation, but deep down were perfectly segregated (p. 91). Chapter 4 reveals how a Western concept of “race” will not do to explain the intersectionality of subordination experienced by “southern” migrants, and how ethnicity, nationality, social class, gender and social position help to revaluate and open up the discourse of Russian “racism”. Chapter 5 demonstrates the different forms, modalities and experiences of belonging in Soviet Moscow and St Petersburg and becoming svoi via personal networks or work collectives. Chapter 6 reviews the organizing analytical themes of the book – the journey, early adaptation, social mobility, links with home – through the lens of personal stories of four different traders, while Chapter 7 gives a migrant perspective to the turbulent years of perestroika, rising ethnic and linguistic tensions fuelled by extremist politics, volatile economics and bewildering legislation, as the Soviet period drew to a close. In sum, Sahadeo’s excellent book writes the much-needed pre-history, indeed prequel, to contemporary labour migration into Russia’s European cities, and firmly situates late Soviet migration as an intrinsic element of global change and development.
把注意力集中在旧的宣传口号上,“各国的友谊”——现在愤世嫉俗地没有任何意义。这一章通过注入对苏联移民和苏联公民的真实经历、记忆和理解,使它重新焕发活力。伤感并没有让位于盲目的怀旧,因为Sahadeo的受访者通过将友谊与“鲁滨逊[克鲁索]和星期五”(第59页)进行比较,巧妙地将叙述保持在适当的位置。第三章重点讨论了场所制作实践、矛盾欢迎和安顿。它讲述了一个新的开始,性别关系,文化适应的故事,在没有任何形式的社会或种族隔离的空间,但在内心深处是完全隔离的(第91页)。第四章揭示了西方的“种族”概念如何无法解释“南方”移民所经历的从属关系,以及种族、国籍、社会阶级、性别和社会地位如何有助于重新评估和打开俄罗斯的“种族主义”话语。第五章展示了归属于苏联莫斯科和圣彼得堡的不同形式、模式和经验,并通过个人网络或工作集体成为svoi。第六章通过四个不同商人的个人故事,回顾了本书的组织分析主题——旅程、早期适应、社会流动、与家乡的联系。第七章从移民的角度审视了动荡的改革年代,极端主义政治加剧了种族和语言的紧张关系,动荡的经济和令人困惑的立法,苏联时期即将结束。总而言之,Sahadeo这本优秀的书为当代俄罗斯欧洲城市的劳动力迁移提供了急需的史前史,实际上是前传,并坚定地将苏联晚期的移民视为全球变化和发展的内在因素。
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引用次数: 6
Legal norms or ad hoc fixes? International legal aspects of Russian military involvement in conflict settlements in the Caucasus 法律规范还是临时修复?俄罗斯军事参与高加索冲突解决的国际法律问题
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1759893
A. Nikitin
ABSTRACT This article provides a comparative analysis of the legal grounds for the deployment of the Russian Armed Forces in a series of conflicts in the Caucasus, namely in the disengagement between North Ossetia and Ingushetia (1992–1994), South Ossetia/Georgia (1992–2008), Abkhazia/Georgia (1994–2008), and in the Russian–Georgian War of 2008. The difficulties in codifying certain actions from the point of view of international law are detailed. The article discusses whether the political and military actions of Moscow in various Caucasian conflicts were driven and interconnected by one and the same logic, or were purely ad hoc fixes. Cases where Russia’s actions have been legitimized by securing mandate from a regional intergovernmental organization are differentiated from cases where it has acted on the basis of intergovernmental agreements, as well as from the application in certain cases of Article 51 (“the right of individual or collective self-defence”) of the UN Charter. The legitimacy or illegitimacy of the deployment of the Russian Armed Forces abroad is considered in the context of, and in comparison with, a series of cases where force has been used in conflicts by coalitions under a UN mandate, as well as by NATO and some Western powers.
摘要本文比较分析了俄罗斯武装部队在高加索地区一系列冲突中部署的法律依据,即北奥塞梯和印古什之间的脱离接触(1992-1994)、南奥塞梯/格鲁吉亚(1992-2008)、阿布哈兹/格鲁吉亚(1994-2008)以及2008年俄罗斯-格鲁吉亚战争。详细说明了从国际法角度编纂某些行动的困难。这篇文章讨论了莫斯科在各种高加索冲突中的政治和军事行动是由同一逻辑驱动和相互关联的,还是纯粹是临时解决的。俄罗斯的行动通过获得区域政府间组织的授权而合法化的情况与它根据政府间协议采取行动的情况以及在某些情况下适用《联合国宪章》第五十一条(“个人或集体自卫权”)的情况不同。俄罗斯武装部队在国外部署的合法性或非法性是在一系列联合国授权下的联盟以及北约和一些西方大国在冲突中使用武力的情况下考虑的,并与之进行比较。
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引用次数: 2
Ethnicity as a tool and nationalities policy as practice: the case of Stavropol krai 民族性是一种工具,民族政策是一种实践:以斯塔夫罗波尔·克拉伊为例
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1776957
N. Silaev
ABSTRACT The article examines contemporary nationalities policy in Russia, based on a case study of Stavropol krai in the northern Caucasus. In order to reveal the informal mechanisms of nationalities policy this research analyses the practices of the ethnic group-making used by the regional bureaucracy. The key argument is that the ethnic divisions, rather than being embedded within the society as everyday social categorizations, are imposed by the bureaucracy in order to make social space more transparent and manageable. The resulting use of ethnicity as a political tool has much in common with the Soviet approach in this field. However, unlike the Soviet nationalities policy, in today’s Russia ethnicity is not pervasive, and the nationalities policy as described is directed only at a small share of the population.
摘要本文以北高加索斯塔夫罗波尔边疆区为例,考察了俄罗斯当代民族政策。为了揭示民族政策的非正式机制,本研究分析了地方官僚机构利用民族政策的实践。关键的论点是,种族划分不是作为日常社会分类嵌入社会,而是由官僚机构强加的,目的是使社会空间更加透明和可管理。由此产生的将种族作为政治工具的做法与苏联在这一领域的做法有很多共同之处。然而,与苏联的民族政策不同,在今天的俄罗斯,种族并不普遍,所描述的民族政策只针对一小部分人口。
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引用次数: 2
The Caucasus in Russian foreign policy strategy 俄罗斯外交战略中的高加索
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1759888
A. Sushentsov, N. Neklyudov
ABSTRACT The Caucasus has always been a formative region for Russian foreign policy-making. While the North Caucasus has retained its position as Russia’s most fragile and politically instable region, the South Caucasus provided the most pressing security challenges shaping Russian foreign policy since the early nineteenth century. In this article, we argue that the Caucasus comprises a distinct environment that exposes the underlying features of the Russian grand strategy, namely its propensity to hard power and balancing, and yet, at the same time, the fragility of Russia’s position within such a turbulent region. The historical strategic equation with Turkey and Iran has in recent decades been supplemented with a competitive Russia-NATO security dynamic in the Black sea. The threat of possible NATO enlargement in the South Caucasus forces Moscow to draw particular attention to the southern direction of its defences. The situation has become even more complicated with the onset of the Ukraine crisis and Russian engagement in Syria. Historical experience teaches Russia to cease any other foreign policy endeavours until the Caucasus is at peace or at least does not threaten a spill-over of instability. For now, this is a very distant prospect.
摘要高加索地区一直是俄罗斯外交政策的形成地区。虽然北高加索地区仍然是俄罗斯最脆弱、政治最不稳定的地区,但南高加索地区是自19世纪初以来影响俄罗斯外交政策的最紧迫的安全挑战。在这篇文章中,我们认为,高加索地区有一个独特的环境,暴露了俄罗斯大战略的根本特征,即其硬实力和平衡的倾向,但与此同时,俄罗斯在这样一个动荡地区的地位也很脆弱。近几十年来,俄罗斯与北约在黑海的竞争性安全动态补充了与土耳其和伊朗的历史战略平衡。北约可能在南高加索地区扩大的威胁迫使莫斯科特别注意其防御的南部方向。随着乌克兰危机的爆发和俄罗斯对叙利亚的介入,局势变得更加复杂。历史经验告诉俄罗斯停止任何其他外交政策努力,直到高加索地区实现和平,或者至少不会威胁到不稳定的蔓延。就目前而言,这是一个非常遥远的前景。
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引用次数: 5
Leadership and nationalism in Azerbaijan: Ali Mardan Bey Topchibashov, founder and creator 阿塞拜疆的领导力和民族主义:创始人和创造者Ali Mardan Bey Topchibashov
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1754737
Harun Yılmaz
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引用次数: 1
Armenia and Azerbaijan: Anatomy of a Rivalry 亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆:竞争剖析
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1755215
C. Zürcher
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引用次数: 19
Russia’s policy in the “frozen conflicts” of the post-Soviet space: from ethno-politics to geopolitics 俄罗斯在后苏联空间“冰冻冲突”中的政策:从民族政治到地缘政治
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1728499
A. Kazantsev, P. Rutland, S. Medvedeva, I. Safranchuk
ABSTRACT The article analyzes the evolution of Russia’s policy in secessionist conflicts in the post-Soviet space in 1991–2018. The authors differentiate the patterns of Russian policy between the “first” and “second” generation of frozen conflicts. The “first generation” includes four conflicts of an ethno-linguistic nature that arose out of the collapse of the USSR in the early 1990s (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Pridnestrov’e and Karabakh). Most commentators interpret Russia’s actions in the “second generation” conflicts as centralized, directly controlled by the president of Russia, and driven by Russia’s opposition to NATO expansion, and some extend this logic back to the conflicts of the 1990s. However, this article argues that this was not true of Russian policy for the “first generation” conflicts in the early 1990s. In that period the policies of the Yeltsin administration were a product of struggle of different forces both in Moscow and outside of it. The “first generation” conflicts all primarily originated as a result of local grievances. Gradually, shifts in the broader geopolitical landscape in Eurasia, especially the growing confrontation between Russia and the West, led to a reconfiguration of the logic of these conflicts, turning them into the elements of Russian-Western geopolitical opposition.
摘要本文分析了1991-2018年俄罗斯在后苏联空间分离主义冲突中的政策演变。作者将俄罗斯的政策模式区分为“第一代”和“第二代”冻结冲突。“第一代”包括20世纪90年代初苏联解体后产生的四场民族语言性质的冲突(阿布哈兹、南奥塞梯、普里德尼斯特罗夫和卡拉巴赫)。大多数评论家将俄罗斯在“第二代”冲突中的行动解释为中央集权,由俄罗斯总统直接控制,并由俄罗斯反对北约扩张所驱动,一些人将这种逻辑追溯到20世纪90年代的冲突。然而,这篇文章认为,俄罗斯在20世纪90年代初针对“第一代”冲突的政策并非如此。在那个时期,叶利钦政府的政策是莫斯科内外不同势力斗争的产物。“第一代”冲突都主要源于当地的不满。渐渐地,欧亚大陆更广泛的地缘政治格局发生了变化,特别是俄罗斯与西方之间日益加剧的对抗,导致了这些冲突的逻辑重组,使其成为俄罗斯与西方地缘政治对立的要素。
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引用次数: 9
Women’s everyday lives in war and peace in the South Caucasus 南高加索妇女在战争与和平中的日常生活
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-03-03 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-25517-6
Laura Luciani
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引用次数: 3
Russia and the United States in the Caucasus: cooperation and competition 高加索地区的俄罗斯和美国:合作与竞争
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-02-27 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1732101
S. Markedonov, M. Suchkov
ABSTRACT Today, the Caucasus region receives much less attention among scholars and decision-makers than a few years ago. Eurasian security studies are currently dominated by the coverage of the armed conflict in east Ukraine and the turbulence in the Middle East. The South Caucasus, however, remains rather unstable due to its geopolitical fragility. As Russia and the United States (US) find themselves in the midst of the most severe crisis in their relations since the end of the Cold War, their relationship in this sensitive part of Eurasia deserves every attention. While looking in this paper at the bilateral relations between Moscow and Washington in the Caucasus region, the authors seek to avoid framing the present state of the relationship as a second edition of the Cold War. Instead, the basic reasons for disagreements between Russia and the US in the Caucasus since the dissolution of the USSR are critically examined. The authors also aim to explain specific reasons driving Russia's and the US' respective engagements in regional security issues. They also focus on similarities and specifics of the US and Russian policies vis-à-vis regional ethno-political conflict resolution processes in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh.
摘要如今,与几年前相比,高加索地区在学者和决策者中受到的关注要少得多。欧亚安全研究目前主要集中在对乌克兰东部武装冲突和中东动荡的报道上。然而,由于地缘政治的脆弱性,南高加索仍然相当不稳定。随着俄罗斯和美国发现自己正处于冷战结束以来最严重的关系危机之中,他们在欧亚大陆这一敏感地区的关系值得关注。在本文中,作者在审视莫斯科和华盛顿在高加索地区的双边关系时,试图避免将这种关系的现状视为冷战的第二版。相反,自苏联解体以来,俄罗斯和美国在高加索地区产生分歧的基本原因被严格审查。作者还旨在解释推动俄罗斯和美国各自参与地区安全问题的具体原因。他们还关注了美国和俄罗斯在阿布哈兹、南奥塞梯和纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫的地区种族政治冲突解决过程中政策的相似性和细节。
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引用次数: 12
Voices from the Soviet edge: southern migrants in Leningrad and Moscow 来自苏联边缘的声音:列宁格勒和莫斯科的南方移民
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1725735
Agnieszka Kubal
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Caucasus Survey
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