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Reassessing the Second World War 重新评估第二次世界大战
Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2070956
Robert P. Hager
ABSTRACT World War II has been remembered in the United States as “the good war.” Scholarship on the war and its cause generally concentrates on the events of the 1930s with Adolf Hitler as the chief villain. The works reviewed here argue that this focus is too narrow. Understanding the war’s causes requires one to go back to the ideological struggles unleashed by the Russian Revolution in 1917. Additionally, Hitler was at most peripheral to the Second World War in Asia. Instead, it appears that a focus on the role of Josef Stalin is more appropriate in understanding the war. Additionally, the conflict’s human costs and the fact that it turned so much of humanity over to the dictatorship of Stalin leads to a reassessment of whether it really was the “good war.”
第二次世界大战在美国被称为“正义的战争”。关于二战及其起因的学术研究通常集中在20世纪30年代以阿道夫·希特勒(Adolf Hitler)为主要反派的事件上。这里回顾的作品认为,这种关注过于狭隘。要理解这场战争的起因,我们需要回到1917年俄国革命引发的意识形态斗争。此外,希特勒在亚洲的第二次世界大战中最多是次要的。相反,在理解这场战争时,把重点放在约瑟夫·斯大林的角色上似乎更为合适。此外,这场冲突造成的人员伤亡,以及它将如此多的人类移交给斯大林独裁统治的事实,导致人们重新评估它是否真的是一场“正义的战争”。
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引用次数: 0
Tower of Skulls: A History of the Asia-Pacific War July 1937-May 1942 骷髅塔:亚太战争史1937年7月至1942年5月
Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2070955
Robert P. Hager
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引用次数: 0
Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment: A Global and Historical Comparison 伊斯兰教、威权主义与欠发达:全球与历史比较
Pub Date : 2022-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2101262
D. D. Denton
Do not be fooled by the title of Ahmet Kuru’s book, which at first glance may seem to associate Islam with authoritarianism and underdevelopment. The painting on the cover gives the first taste of the work—the Renaissance artist Giorgione’s The Three Philosophers, depicting a Muslim philosopher in between the ancient and Renaissance philosophers. Readers can anticipate a respite from their fatigue over the long-held debate on Islam and democracy, for Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment is a refreshingly pleasant read and a far cry from the repetitive clichés of this controversy. Not only is it painstakingly well-researched, but it is also an engaging and engaged resource that outlines and challenges established theories—all while simultaneously advancing its own. Kuru has an ambitious and admirable aim. He begins with a simple yet bold question: “Why are Muslim-majority countries less peaceful, less democratic, less developed?” (1). Much ink has been spilled on the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and the debate seems to have only been reinvigorated by the failure of this century’s Arab uprisings, not to mention the tide of authoritarianism in their wake. The enormous volume of work in this field testifies to the intellectual relevance of the question. However, the increasing politicization and polarization around the topic have greatly diminished the possibility of a vibrant and factually grounded public debate, making it difficult for readers to navigate and often pushing them deeper into their ideological cocoons. Kuru’s timely book is unsettling across these divides, pushing readers to abandon convenient assumptions andmove beyond their political, ideological, and methodological comfort zones as he stirs the hornet’s nest and picks a daring fight against essentialist Orientalists and Islamists both, and against postcolonial scholars, probably leaving few content. However, Kuru’s valiant intellectual exercise is rich and nuanced, using a historical perspective to analyze contemporary violence, authoritarianism, and socioeconomic underdevelopment. In a non-Marxist sense, Kuru’s research offers a historical class analysis of the political and economic underdevelopment in Muslim-majority countries. He traces the change in the intergroup developmental progress between religious, political, intellectual, and economic classes (3). At first glance, Kuru’s approach, with its longue durée examination of class relations, reminds the reader of Barrington Moore’s canonical comparative study
不要被Ahmet Kuru这本书的标题所迷惑,乍一看,它似乎将伊斯兰教与威权主义和不发达联系在一起。封面上的这幅画让我们第一次领略到这幅作品——文艺复兴时期艺术家乔尔乔内的《三位哲学家》,描绘了一位介于古代哲学家和文艺复兴时期哲学家之间的穆斯林哲学家。读者可以期待从长期以来对伊斯兰教和民主的争论中得到喘息,因为《伊斯兰教、威权主义和不发达》是一本令人耳目一新的愉快读物,与这场争论中重复的陈词滥调相去甚远。它不仅是精心研究的,而且是一个引人入胜的资源,它概述和挑战了既定的理论,同时也推进了自己的理论。库鲁有一个雄心勃勃、令人钦佩的目标。他以一个简单而大胆的问题开始:“为什么穆斯林占多数的国家不那么和平、不那么民主、不那么发达?”关于伊斯兰教和民主的兼容性已经有很多论述,而这场辩论似乎只是因为本世纪阿拉伯起义的失败才重新活跃起来,更不用说随之而来的威权主义浪潮了。这个领域的大量工作证明了这个问题在智力上的相关性。然而,围绕这个话题的日益政治化和两极分化,极大地削弱了充满活力和基于事实的公共辩论的可能性,使读者难以驾驭,往往将他们更深地推入自己的意识形态茧中。库鲁的这本及时的书跨越了这些分歧,令人不安,促使读者放弃方便的假设,超越他们的政治、意识形态和方法论的舒适区,因为他挑起了马蜂窝,并与本质主义的东方主义者和伊斯兰主义者以及后殖民学者进行了大胆的斗争,可能没有留下什么内容。然而,库鲁勇敢的智慧实践丰富而细致,用历史的视角分析当代暴力、威权主义和社会经济的不发达。在非马克思主义的意义上,库鲁的研究提供了对穆斯林占多数的国家政治和经济不发达的历史阶级分析。他追溯了宗教、政治、知识和经济阶层之间群体间发展进程的变化(3)。乍一看,库鲁的方法,以及它对阶级关系的长期研究,让读者想起了巴林顿·摩尔(Barrington Moore)的经典比较研究
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引用次数: 0
Hate Crimes Nourish Domestic Terror in the United States and Europe 仇恨犯罪滋养了美国和欧洲的国内恐怖主义
Pub Date : 2022-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2039126
P. Jackson
ABSTRACT This paper provides cross-cultural application of the iceberg model of political extremism 1 conceptualizing hate crimes as reflecting the dangerous base that gives rise to mass casualty right-wing extremist attacks. Evidence is reviewed demonstrating that both offenses are motivated by the same prejudices and that right-wing violent extremists are more likely than other extremists to have engaged in pre-radicalization crime. 2 This discussion goes beyond previous considerations of the iceberg model by applying it across societies and showing its relationship to democratic backsliding. Comparison of the United States with countries in western and east-central Europe is centered on hate crime and far-right anti-government white supremacist extremism. The importance of recognizing hate crimes as a national security issue 3 overlapping domestic violent extremism is demonstrated as are the consequences of current limitations on the availability of data on both problems. 4
本文提供了政治极端主义冰山模型的跨文化应用,将仇恨犯罪概念化为反映导致大规模伤亡的右翼极端主义袭击的危险基础。经过审查的证据表明,这两种犯罪行为的动机都是相同的偏见,右翼暴力极端分子比其他极端分子更有可能在激进化之前从事犯罪活动。通过将冰山模型应用于各个社会,并展示其与民主倒退的关系,本讨论超越了之前对冰山模型的考虑。美国与西欧和中东欧国家的比较集中在仇恨犯罪和极右翼反政府白人至上主义极端主义上。认识到仇恨犯罪与国内暴力极端主义重叠是一个国家安全问题的重要性,以及目前关于这两个问题的数据可用性受到限制的后果。4
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引用次数: 0
Deploying Democracy: Security Forces’ Involvement in Elections 部署民主:安全部队参与选举
Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.2010550
Holly Ann Garnett, Jean-Nicolas Bordeleau
ABSTRACT The role of security forces, be they domestic or international, military or police, remains understudied in the research on electoral integrity and electoral violence. Nonetheless, we expect that they should be a crucial component of keeping all electoral actors and materials secure. This article introduces a new dataset on the presence of security forces in elections worldwide between 2012–2018 using data from election observation reports. It considers the questions: Where and when are security forces deployed during electoral events? Are they domestic or international? What sorts of roles did they fulfill? And in what stages of the electoral cycle were they active? The responses to these questions provide a broad overview of how security forces interact with the electoral process around the globe.
安全部队的作用,无论是国内还是国际,军队还是警察,在选举诚信和选举暴力的研究中仍然没有得到充分的研究。尽管如此,我们期望它们应该是确保所有选举行为者和材料安全的关键组成部分。本文使用选举观察报告中的数据,介绍了2012-2018年全球选举中安全部队存在的新数据集。它审议了下列问题:在选举活动期间,安全部队在何时何地部署?是国内的还是国际的?他们扮演了什么样的角色?他们在选举周期的哪个阶段活跃?对这些问题的回答提供了一个关于安全部队如何与全球选举进程相互作用的概览。
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引用次数: 1
Proxy Wars: Suppressing Violence through Local Agents 代理人战争:通过地方代理人镇压暴力
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2029002
Robert P. Hager
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引用次数: 0
Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Others Fall Apart 国家建设:为什么有些国家走到了一起,而有些国家却分崩离析
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2029003
Brandon D. Stewart
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引用次数: 0
Logos and Pathos in International Relations 国际关系中的理性与悲情
Pub Date : 2021-12-31 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.2023357
Katarzyna Gruszko, T. Gajewski
ABSTRACT Social, cultural, ideological and political background of different states define their behavior and international relations. According to logos, these actions should be rational and pragmatic. However, emotions – metaphorically symbolized by pathos – contribute to states’ international activities. Authors attempt to analyze emotional driving forces in international relations and estimate their impact. Second purpose of the paper is to explore the instances of the use of emotions in offensive actions in international relations with the crisis-torn European Union as a case study. English School theory and elements of constructivism will provide a theoretical and methodological lens for the study.
不同国家的社会、文化、思想和政治背景决定了它们的行为和国际关系。根据logos,这些行动应该是理性和务实的。然而,以悲情为象征的情感有助于国家的国际活动。作者试图分析国际关系中的情感驱动力,并估计其影响。本文的第二个目的是以危机重重的欧盟为例,探讨在国际关系中使用情绪进行攻击性行为的实例。英国学派的理论和建构主义的要素将为研究提供理论和方法的视角。
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引用次数: 0
Policing Polling Places in the United States: The Negative Effect of Police Presence on African American Turnout in an Alabama Election 美国的治安投票站:警察存在对阿拉巴马州选举中非裔美国人投票率的负面影响
Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.2010551
D. Niven
ABSTRACT Can the presence of police outside a polling place deter African American voting in the United States? To address this question, this study compares voter turnout at polling places in a 2017 U.S. Senate special election in Alabama based on whether police were present. In short, the presence of police is associated with a 32% reduction in African American participation. That is, if the African American population is 10% of a precinct’s registered voter base, the presence of police is estimated to reduce the African American share of the participating electorate to 7%. The results are the first to quantify the effect of police presence on voting in the United States and indicate that election participation and election outcomes can be affected by the presence of police. These results stand in stark contrast to assertions advanced by both scholars and the courts that the presence of police and other poll watchers in and around polling places has no meaningful consequence for participation.
在美国,投票站外的警察会阻止非裔美国人投票吗?为了解决这个问题,这项研究根据警察是否在场,比较了2017年阿拉巴马州美国参议院特别选举中投票站的选民投票率。简而言之,警察的存在与非洲裔美国人的参与减少了32%有关。也就是说,如果非裔美国人占一个选区登记选民的10%,警察的存在估计会使非裔美国人在参与选民中的比例减少到7%。研究结果首次量化了警察在场对美国投票的影响,并表明警察在场会影响选举参与和选举结果。这些结果与学者和法院提出的观点形成鲜明对比,他们认为,警察和其他投票观察员在投票站内外的存在对投票率没有意义。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Protection of Atmospheric Air as a Priority in Environmental Activities of States 法律保护大气空气作为各国环境活动的优先事项
Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.2016404
Z. Umbetbayeva, S. Z. Suleimenova, Zh. Amanzholov, G. Kuanaliyeva, D. Ospanova
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to study the environmental protection activities of states in atmospheric air protection. An emphasis is placed on the fact that this vital component of the human environment is still insufficiently protected from the negative influences on methodological and legal level. An important conclusion was also made that the quality of atmospheric air directly affects the state of transboundary pollution over long distances, climate change, and the ozone layer of the Earth. The authors focus on the need for proper and well-thought-out organization of legal protection of the atmospheric air by states.
摘要:本文的目的是研究各国在大气大气保护方面的环境保护活动。强调的是,人类环境的这一重要组成部分仍然没有得到充分保护,不受方法和法律层面的消极影响。还得出了一个重要的结论,即大气质量直接影响到远距离跨界污染、气候变化和地球臭氧层的状况。作者着重指出各国需要适当和深思熟虑地组织对大气空气的法律保护。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Democracy and Security
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