Pub Date : 2022-08-14DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2111304
M. Kirakosyan
ABSTRACT The article examines the democratizing effect of the international measures against the backdrop of the changes in the interpretation of Chapter 7 powers of the UN Charter. Particular attention is drawn to the sanctions regime, UN-authorized administrations for its member states and UN-led interim administrations which has recently undergone significant strategic and contextual changes. These changes are best manifested within the transition efforts of Iraq which experienced various forms of international involvement – from comprehensive sanction regime to light footprint approach. Regardless of this “rich experience,” the country is far from being called a democratic state with corruption, highly fragmented society and informal institutions in place. The article argues that the obsession with the political process has caused a deficit in the attention paid to genuine problems at the core of the authoritarian rule, highlighting the importance of civilizational factor in the process of democratization.
{"title":"Democratization in the Light of the Evolution of Chapter 7 Powers of the UN Charter: The Case of Iraq","authors":"M. Kirakosyan","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2111304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2111304","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the democratizing effect of the international measures against the backdrop of the changes in the interpretation of Chapter 7 powers of the UN Charter. Particular attention is drawn to the sanctions regime, UN-authorized administrations for its member states and UN-led interim administrations which has recently undergone significant strategic and contextual changes. These changes are best manifested within the transition efforts of Iraq which experienced various forms of international involvement – from comprehensive sanction regime to light footprint approach. Regardless of this “rich experience,” the country is far from being called a democratic state with corruption, highly fragmented society and informal institutions in place. The article argues that the obsession with the political process has caused a deficit in the attention paid to genuine problems at the core of the authoritarian rule, highlighting the importance of civilizational factor in the process of democratization.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127272216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-11DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2111305
S. Moskalenko, B. Burton, J. Fernández-Garayzábal González, M. M. Bloom
ABSTRACT QAnon is a set of conspiracy theories that originated online in 2017 and achieved a sizable following in the U.S. and around the world. QAnon’s viral disinformation contributed to violent crimes committed by QAnon followers based on their conspiratorial beliefs, as well as to participation of some QAnon followers in the January 6th attack on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, and to widespread COVID vaccine hesitancy and rejection among believers. This paper presents a to-date unexplored additional cost of conspiracy beliefs: the emotional, social and political toll a relationship with QAnon followers can have on their loved ones. In an Internet survey of 288 U.S.-based participants, a majority (80%) reported having a QAnon-following family member or friend. These relationships have suffered as a result of the loved one’s conspiratorial beliefs, leading to self-reported emotional distress and reevaluation of participants’ views of the government and society. Participants with a QAnon loved one reported higher anxiety and PTSD than those without such connection. On average, participants viewed QAnon as significantly more radical (willing to engage in illegal or violent acts) than themselves. Perceived QAnon radicalization was predicted by own anxiety and by relationship deterioration with QAnon loved one. The discussion focuses on the importance of tracking these secondhand effects of conspiracy theories as drivers of political polarization.
{"title":"Secondhand Conspiracy Theories: The Social, Emotional and Political Tolls on Loved Ones of QAnon Followers","authors":"S. Moskalenko, B. Burton, J. Fernández-Garayzábal González, M. M. Bloom","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2111305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2111305","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT QAnon is a set of conspiracy theories that originated online in 2017 and achieved a sizable following in the U.S. and around the world. QAnon’s viral disinformation contributed to violent crimes committed by QAnon followers based on their conspiratorial beliefs, as well as to participation of some QAnon followers in the January 6th attack on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, and to widespread COVID vaccine hesitancy and rejection among believers. This paper presents a to-date unexplored additional cost of conspiracy beliefs: the emotional, social and political toll a relationship with QAnon followers can have on their loved ones. In an Internet survey of 288 U.S.-based participants, a majority (80%) reported having a QAnon-following family member or friend. These relationships have suffered as a result of the loved one’s conspiratorial beliefs, leading to self-reported emotional distress and reevaluation of participants’ views of the government and society. Participants with a QAnon loved one reported higher anxiety and PTSD than those without such connection. On average, participants viewed QAnon as significantly more radical (willing to engage in illegal or violent acts) than themselves. Perceived QAnon radicalization was predicted by own anxiety and by relationship deterioration with QAnon loved one. The discussion focuses on the importance of tracking these secondhand effects of conspiracy theories as drivers of political polarization.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122765763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2097076
Andrew Ivey
ABSTRACT Sixteen years into the war on drugs, it is clear that Mexico’s armed forces are unable to solve their nation’s security crisis alone. There is need for an alternative security force capable of supplementing the military and facilitating its return to the barracks. Despite several attempts to create such forces, the military’s presence remains expansive. To understand why, I employ a multiagent model to analyze the relationships between the military, alternative security forces, and presidential administrations. I find the military benefited from cabinet-level representation, which gave its leaders unfiltered access to the president.
{"title":"Of Soldiers and Their Rivals: A Comparative Analysis of Alternative Security Forces in Mexico","authors":"Andrew Ivey","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2097076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2097076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Sixteen years into the war on drugs, it is clear that Mexico’s armed forces are unable to solve their nation’s security crisis alone. There is need for an alternative security force capable of supplementing the military and facilitating its return to the barracks. Despite several attempts to create such forces, the military’s presence remains expansive. To understand why, I employ a multiagent model to analyze the relationships between the military, alternative security forces, and presidential administrations. I find the military benefited from cabinet-level representation, which gave its leaders unfiltered access to the president.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126773898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2097073
Isa M. Ardo, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, A. A. Amuchie, C. Ezeibe, Celestine Udeogu, Okafor Nneka
ABSTRACT COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the functionality of formal and informal economies globally, with developing countries suffering the social, political and economic effects of the pandemic. Economic downturns in the global south, including Nigeria, have given rise to declining state control in the face of human insecurity. This study, hinging on the neoliberal political economy thesis, examines the economic crisis and declining state control the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered in managing the security situation in Nigeria. The study, utilizing the dominant qualitative methods, comprising interviews, focus group discussions, and documented evidence, highlighted that the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown disproportionately affected the people, mainly poor people, households and communities in different parts of the country. The failure of the government to engage in an effective social protection policy generated discontent and led to criminal activities undermining security in Nigeria. The study concludes that the insecurity and economic crisis the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered have weakened the state’s authority in Nigeria. The study suggests that engaging effective social protection policy presents an opportunity for mitigating security challenges to bring about socioeconomic stability in Nigeria.
{"title":"COVID-19 Pandemic, policy-intensified Economic Crisis and Declining State Control in Nigeria","authors":"Isa M. Ardo, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, A. A. Amuchie, C. Ezeibe, Celestine Udeogu, Okafor Nneka","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2097073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2097073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the functionality of formal and informal economies globally, with developing countries suffering the social, political and economic effects of the pandemic. Economic downturns in the global south, including Nigeria, have given rise to declining state control in the face of human insecurity. This study, hinging on the neoliberal political economy thesis, examines the economic crisis and declining state control the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered in managing the security situation in Nigeria. The study, utilizing the dominant qualitative methods, comprising interviews, focus group discussions, and documented evidence, highlighted that the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown disproportionately affected the people, mainly poor people, households and communities in different parts of the country. The failure of the government to engage in an effective social protection policy generated discontent and led to criminal activities undermining security in Nigeria. The study concludes that the insecurity and economic crisis the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered have weakened the state’s authority in Nigeria. The study suggests that engaging effective social protection policy presents an opportunity for mitigating security challenges to bring about socioeconomic stability in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124121631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-11DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2097074
S. Harnisch, Kerstin Zettl-Schabath
ABSTRACT When and how does state interaction in cyber-space result in norm development? In this article, we contend that governments take on roles vis-á-vis both domestic and foreign audiences, often resulting in conflicts between crosscutting internal and external role expectations. To alleviate these role conflicts, governments use various secret instruments of statecraft that, in turn, shape international norm development. We theorize the nexus between domestic and foreign role play and secrecy, thereby extending the understanding of role taking in international relations to the cyber-space. We argue that whereas the role conceptions of autocratic powers China and Russia have been geared toward cyber-sovereignty of the regime vis-à-vis internal and external others, the United States, as a democratic power, has sought cyber-security for both state and non-state actors in the international realm. Trying to hide some of their cyber-operations, the interaction between China, Russia and the US has resulted in a distinct pattern of cyber-proxy use and state-based surveillance interaction that has facilitated the stabilization of illiberal cyber-espionage norms and the spread of diverging notions of information sovereignty.
{"title":"Secrecy and Norm Emergence in Cyber-Space. The US, China and Russia Interaction and the Governance of Cyber-Espionage","authors":"S. Harnisch, Kerstin Zettl-Schabath","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2097074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2097074","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When and how does state interaction in cyber-space result in norm development? In this article, we contend that governments take on roles vis-á-vis both domestic and foreign audiences, often resulting in conflicts between crosscutting internal and external role expectations. To alleviate these role conflicts, governments use various secret instruments of statecraft that, in turn, shape international norm development. We theorize the nexus between domestic and foreign role play and secrecy, thereby extending the understanding of role taking in international relations to the cyber-space. We argue that whereas the role conceptions of autocratic powers China and Russia have been geared toward cyber-sovereignty of the regime vis-à-vis internal and external others, the United States, as a democratic power, has sought cyber-security for both state and non-state actors in the international realm. Trying to hide some of their cyber-operations, the interaction between China, Russia and the US has resulted in a distinct pattern of cyber-proxy use and state-based surveillance interaction that has facilitated the stabilization of illiberal cyber-espionage norms and the spread of diverging notions of information sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128126941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-07DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2097075
Martin Tejkal, J. Odehnal, J. Michálek
ABSTRACT The paper is focused on studying the relationship between the risk of terrorism and economic and political development of 13 European countries, quantified using a set of socio-economic and political indicator variables. Numbers of terrorist attacks are used as a terrorist activity indicator. A method of categorization of the numbers of terrorist attacks into a level of risk of terrorism index is presented. Proportional odds multinomial logit generalized linear model is used to describe the connection between the level of risk and the socio-economic and political indicator variables. The presented findings imply that the connection is significant for 9 out of the 13 studied countries. Furthermore, a possible application of the model for obtaining short time predictions of the probability of the levels of risk is presented using a real data set.
{"title":"The Connection between the Risk of Terrorism and Its Economic and Political Determinants, Analysis, and Application for Forecasting","authors":"Martin Tejkal, J. Odehnal, J. Michálek","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2097075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2097075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper is focused on studying the relationship between the risk of terrorism and economic and political development of 13 European countries, quantified using a set of socio-economic and political indicator variables. Numbers of terrorist attacks are used as a terrorist activity indicator. A method of categorization of the numbers of terrorist attacks into a level of risk of terrorism index is presented. Proportional odds multinomial logit generalized linear model is used to describe the connection between the level of risk and the socio-economic and political indicator variables. The presented findings imply that the connection is significant for 9 out of the 13 studied countries. Furthermore, a possible application of the model for obtaining short time predictions of the probability of the levels of risk is presented using a real data set.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123914715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2101261
Beyza Çubukcu
{"title":"Turkey: The Pendulum between Military Rule and Civilian Authoritarianism","authors":"Beyza Çubukcu","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2101261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2101261","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114655734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.2010552
Hazem Alamssry
ABSTRACT This paper seeks to demonstrate the concept of digital democracy and its ability to form attitudes and trends in public opinion and it also deals with the opportunities available for digital democracy to activate participatory democracy in the Palestinian territories and it also sheds light on the reality and challenges of digital democracy there. The study uses both the analytical descriptive and the historical approaches. The study concludes that Palestinian citizens lost their confidence in their appointed representatives due to the lack of practical mechanisms that stimulate the processes of participation. Because of that, the media and communication technology tools in Palestine have transformed among the citizens into a space for the exchange of ideas and information, as well as a space for dialogue and debate, and for raising issues of wide popular interest, far from the formal and traditional frameworks.
{"title":"Digital Democracy as a Mechanism for Achieving Participatory Democracy -The Case of the Palestinian Territories-","authors":"Hazem Alamssry","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.2010552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.2010552","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper seeks to demonstrate the concept of digital democracy and its ability to form attitudes and trends in public opinion and it also deals with the opportunities available for digital democracy to activate participatory democracy in the Palestinian territories and it also sheds light on the reality and challenges of digital democracy there. The study uses both the analytical descriptive and the historical approaches. The study concludes that Palestinian citizens lost their confidence in their appointed representatives due to the lack of practical mechanisms that stimulate the processes of participation. Because of that, the media and communication technology tools in Palestine have transformed among the citizens into a space for the exchange of ideas and information, as well as a space for dialogue and debate, and for raising issues of wide popular interest, far from the formal and traditional frameworks.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127919883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-12DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2085093
Jason Cooley
{"title":"Why Did the American Transfer during the Korean War Succeed?","authors":"Jason Cooley","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2085093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2085093","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126432791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2022.2074002
H. Kassab
ABSTRACT This article analyzes the impact of the changing international order on the subjugation of state citizens. The increased need for security brought on by great power competition has led states to become more authoritarian. Citizen freedom may decrease as states seek security. With the advancement of facial recognition software, data collection and censorship, the state is encroaching on the rights and freedoms of citizens right to privacy. Authoritarianism is a significant part of a state’s motivation to remain independent and secure as the international order changes from American unipolarity to a multipolar one given the rise of China and the resurgence of Russia. The three traits described, absolutism, organicism, and irrationalism, point to rising authoritarianism providing useful analysis to understand the zero-sum relationship between liberty and security.
{"title":"Internal Security: The Encroachment of State Security on Global Liberty in a Multipolar World","authors":"H. Kassab","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2022.2074002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2022.2074002","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyzes the impact of the changing international order on the subjugation of state citizens. The increased need for security brought on by great power competition has led states to become more authoritarian. Citizen freedom may decrease as states seek security. With the advancement of facial recognition software, data collection and censorship, the state is encroaching on the rights and freedoms of citizens right to privacy. Authoritarianism is a significant part of a state’s motivation to remain independent and secure as the international order changes from American unipolarity to a multipolar one given the rise of China and the resurgence of Russia. The three traits described, absolutism, organicism, and irrationalism, point to rising authoritarianism providing useful analysis to understand the zero-sum relationship between liberty and security.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128429301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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